Mail Ballot Rejection, Signature Checks and Curing, 2012–2026
About one returned mail ballot in a hundred is rejected in a general election, with signature problems now the largest listed reason, and rates differ widely by state, county and voter group. [1][2][4][19][21]
Share of returned mail ballots rejected
The share of returned mail (before 2016, absentee) ballots that states rejected in each November general election, and the share of those rejections given each of the three most common listed reasons, as reported to the federal Election Administration and Voting Survey.
Rejected, % of returned mail ballots, by November general election
The share of returned mail (before 2016, absentee) ballots that states rejected in each November general election, and the share of those rejections given each of the three most common listed reasons, as reported to the federal Election Administration and Voting Survey. Read as share of returned mail ballots rejected: Rejected, % of returned mail ballots. Dashed segments cross 2 definitional breaks in the source, explained in Method Changes below this graph. 3 dated events are numbered on a strip under the graph and listed below it. Use the Table switch to see every value.
- United States
Events marked above
New Hampshire: rejection without notice ruled unconstitutional
A federal court held that rejecting mail ballots for a signature mismatch without notice or a chance to respond violated due process.
Source: U.S. District Court for the District of New Hampshire [32]
Fifth Circuit lets Texas reject without notice-and-cure
The appeals court stayed an order requiring Texas to notify voters of a mismatch before rejecting their ballot.
Pennsylvania: no rejection on signature comparison
The state supreme court held that the Election Code does not let county boards reject mail ballots on a signature comparison.
Vertical dashed lines mark measurement changes. See method changes.
Source: U.S. Election Assistance Commission [38]
Observations 2
About one returned mail ballot in a hundred is rejected
Subtleties
In-person votes have no matching rejection rate
A ballot cast at a polling place is checked before the voter votes, not afterwards, so the survey has no in-person rate to set beside these. Its nearest counterpart, provisional ballots, is cast only when a voter's registration or eligibility is already in doubt, so it is a different group. 1
Method Changes
2016: Absentee ballots as each state defined them, then mail ballots
The 2012 and 2014 reports count "absentee" ballots, and the 2014 report notes that "States vary in whether they consider vote-by-mail ballots to be absentee ballots". Some states counted in-person early votes as absentee: the 2012 report gives Georgia an absentee voting rate of 48.8%. From 2016 the survey separates by-mail from in-person early voting. The 2012 and 2014 "Lack of valid signature" category is shown on the missing-signature line. [38]
2022: Signature reason widened to "non-matching or incomplete"
From 2022 the survey's signature reason reads "non-matching or incomplete signature", and the questionnaire items were renumbered (C4 to C9). [38]
Share of rejections, by listed reason
% of rejected mail ballots, by November general election
The share of returned mail (before 2016, absentee) ballots that states rejected in each November general election, and the share of those rejections given each of the three most common listed reasons, as reported to the federal Election Administration and Voting Survey. Read as share of rejections, by listed reason: % of rejected mail ballots. Dashed segments cross 2 definitional breaks in the source, explained in Method Changes below this graph. 3 dated events are numbered on a strip under the graph and listed below it. Use the Table switch to see every value.
- Non-matching signature
- Missing voter signature
- Arrived after the deadline
Events marked above
New Hampshire: rejection without notice ruled unconstitutional
A federal court held that rejecting mail ballots for a signature mismatch without notice or a chance to respond violated due process.
Source: U.S. District Court for the District of New Hampshire [32]
Fifth Circuit lets Texas reject without notice-and-cure
The appeals court stayed an order requiring Texas to notify voters of a mismatch before rejecting their ballot.
Pennsylvania: no rejection on signature comparison
The state supreme court held that the Election Code does not let county boards reject mail ballots on a signature comparison.
Vertical dashed lines mark measurement changes. See method changes.
Source: U.S. Election Assistance Commission [38]
Observations 3
Mismatched signatures are now the most common listed reason
Ballots arriving after the deadline remain a leading reason
Late arrival was the third-largest reason in 2024, behind signatures and "other". 2 How many late ballots states count depends on their receipt deadlines, which a separate report covers.
Subtleties
Method Changes
2016: Absentee ballots as each state defined them, then mail ballots
The 2012 and 2014 reports count "absentee" ballots, and the 2014 report notes that "States vary in whether they consider vote-by-mail ballots to be absentee ballots". Some states counted in-person early votes as absentee: the 2012 report gives Georgia an absentee voting rate of 48.8%. From 2016 the survey separates by-mail from in-person early voting. The 2012 and 2014 "Lack of valid signature" category is shown on the missing-signature line. [38]
2022: Signature reason widened to "non-matching or incomplete"
From 2022 the survey's signature reason reads "non-matching or incomplete signature", and the questionnaire items were renumbered (C4 to C9). [38]
About this data
Full published range: 2012–2024. Every plotted line runs the whole of it – The survey began in 2004. The 2012 and 2014 reports are the earliest retrieved: older reports are no longer linked from the EAC's site and their previous addresses return errors, so 2004–2010 are listed under data still needed. 2024 is the latest release; 2026 data are due in 2027.
Share of returned mail ballots rejected
Each point is the national rejection rate printed in that cycle's report: 2012 and 2014 as a share of absentee ballots submitted for counting [10, 9]; 2016 from Table 1 [8]; 2018 [7]; 2020 [6]; 2022 [5]; 2024 [1]. National rates use only states that reported both rejected and returned ballots (casewise deletion). A second denominator, all votes cast, gives a much smaller share: MIT's Elections Performance Index puts rejected mail ballots at 0.34% of all votes in both 2020 and 2024 [11].
Share of rejections, by listed reason
Values are each report's own table of rejection reasons: 2012 "Top Reasons for Rejecting Absentee Ballots" [10]; 2014 Exhibit 5 [9]; 2016 Table 1 [8]; 2018 Table 1 [7]; 2020 Table 2 [6]; 2022 Table 1 [5]; 2024 Table 1 [2]. Each reason's share is calculated only over states that reported that reason, so shares do not add to 100% and are not shares of one fixed total. The large "other" category (14.8% to 34.9% where reported; not listed in 2012 or 2014) is not drawn; the 2022 report says about a quarter of its "other" rejections were "All Signature Issues".
Share of returned mail ballots rejected
Share of returned mail ballots that were rejected (2024: not counted) in Texas, which added an ID-number check in 2021, and Georgia, which replaced signature matching with an ID number in 2021, beside the national rate.
Rejected, % of returned mail ballots, by November general election
Share of returned mail ballots that were rejected (2024: not counted) in Texas, which added an ID-number check in 2021, and Georgia, which replaced signature matching with an ID number in 2021, beside the national rate. Read as share of returned mail ballots rejected: Rejected, % of returned mail ballots. Dashed segments cross 2 definitional breaks in the source, explained in Method Changes below this graph. 3 dated events are numbered on a strip under the graph and listed below it. Use the Table switch to see every value.
- Texas
- Georgia
- United States
Events marked above
Texas SB 1: ID number required on mail ballots
The ID or Social Security number on the envelope must match the voter's records.
Georgia SB 202: ID number replaces signature matching
Absentee applications and ballots are checked against a licence or state ID number instead of a signature.
Source: MIT Election Data and Science Lab (report by M.V. Hood III and Seth C. McKee) [17]
Texas primary under SB 1: 12.38% rejected
The first election under the new rule; 24,636 mail ballots were rejected. Primaries are not part of this series.
Vertical dashed lines mark measurement changes. See method changes.
Source: U.S. Election Assistance Commission [39]
Observations 3
Texas's rejections rose under its ID-number check and stayed above the national rate
Georgia's rate fell after it replaced signature matching with an ID number
Subtleties
Texas's 2020 rate was its low point
Method Changes
2020: Georgia's 2020 rejections incomplete
The EAC notes that Georgia's 2020 rejection count includes only ballots counties had entered into the state registration system by February 2021, "which does not necessarily include all ballots rejected by counties", so Georgia's 2020 rate is a floor. [39]
2024: Counted share only
The 2024 state data briefs publish the share of returned mail ballots counted but not the share rejected, so the Texas and Georgia 2024 points are 100 minus the counted share; they match the report's own "not counted" column for both states (3.5% and 1.7%). [39]
About this data
Full published range: 2016–2024. Every plotted line runs the whole of it – Before 2016 the survey's Georgia figures count in-person early votes as absentee ballots (see the break on the national chart), so earlier state points are not comparable. Primaries are not covered by the survey; Texas's March 2022 primary is marked as an event.
Share of returned mail ballots rejected
Texas and Georgia 2016: rejected divided by returned, calculated from the counts in the 2016 Overview Table 2 [39] (its own percentage column divides by ballots sent out): Texas 8,177 / 468,150 = 1.75%, Georgia 13,677 / 213,033 = 6.42%. 2018 [7] and 2020 [6]: each report's rejected share of returned ballots. 2022: the state data briefs [13, 15]. 2024: 100 minus the briefs' counted share [14, 16]. The US line is the national chart's line for the same years.
Why returned mail ballots were rejected, 2024 general election
Share of rejected mail ballots given each reason, in states that reported that reason. Shares are calculated separately for each reason and do not add to 100%.
% of rejected mail ballots
- Non-matching or incomplete signature40.7%
- Other reason not listed18.1%
- Arrived after the deadline17.8%
- Voter already cast another ballot that was accepted11.1%
- No voter signature10%
- No witness signature5.6%
- Required ID or other document missing or incomplete4.4%
- Not in required secrecy envelope3.7%
- Voter not eligible in the jurisdiction3.4%
- Envelope not sealed2%
- Voter deceased1.5%
- Ballot missing from envelope1.1%
- No required postmark0.9%
- Unofficial envelope0.4%
- No resident address on envelope0.2%
- Several ballots in one envelope0.2%
- No ballot application on record0%
Source: U.S. Election Assistance Commission [2]
Observations 2
One rejected ballot in nine came from a voter who had already voted
In 2024, 11.1% of rejected mail ballots were from voters who had already cast another ballot that was accepted. 2 The check stops a second ballot being counted; the survey does not say whether the second ballot was a mistake or an attempt to vote twice.
Other envelope requirements account for smaller shares
A missing witness signature was the next-largest specific reason, at 5.6%, and each remaining requirement accounted for less. 2 None of the survey's reasons is fraud: every category is a failed procedural check.
About this data
All 17 reasons in the EAVS 2024 report's Chapter 1 Table 1, in its order. "Other reason not listed" includes reasons states described themselves, among them "All signature issues"; Oregon reported 96.1% of its rejections as "other". The survey records procedural reasons only; none of its categories is fraud.
Returned mail ballots not counted, by state, 2024 general election
Share of returned mail ballots not counted in each state and DC, with the eight all-mail states and DC highlighted and the national rate for comparison.
Not counted, % of returned mail ballots
- Arkansas8.8%
- Delaware5.1%
- Oklahoma4.3%
- Texas3.5%
- Kentucky3.4%
- Michigan3.1%
- New York3%
- Missouri2.9%
- North Carolina2.9%
- South Carolina2.8%
- Louisiana2.4%
- Tennessee2.1%
- Minnesota2%
- Nevada (all-mail)2%
- Utah (all-mail)1.9%
- Alaska1.8%
- Georgia1.7%
- Oregon (all-mail)1.7%
- Illinois1.6%
- New Hampshire1.6%
- Idaho1.5%
- Colorado (all-mail)1.4%
- New Jersey1.3%
- United States1.2%
- Massachusetts1.1%
- West Virginia1.1%
- Pennsylvania1%
- Virginia1%
- Arizona0.9%
- California (all-mail)0.9%
- Hawaii (all-mail)0.9%
- New Mexico0.9%
- Washington (all-mail)0.9%
- Ohio0.8%
- District of Columbia (all-mail)0.7%
- Florida0.7%
- North Dakota0.6%
- Rhode Island0.6%
- Iowa0.5%
- Montana0.5%
- Nebraska0.5%
- South Dakota0.5%
- Wisconsin0.5%
- Wyoming0.5%
- Kansas0.4%
- Maryland0.4%
- Indiana0.2%
- Maine0.2%
- Vermont (all-mail)0.2%
Source: U.S. Election Assistance Commission [4]; National Conference of State Legislatures [31]
Observations 3
State rates ranged from 0.2% to 8.8%
Arkansas, Delaware and Oklahoma rejected the largest shares in 2024; Vermont, Maine and Indiana the smallest. 4 Where a voter lives makes a large difference to the chance their ballot is not counted.
All-mail states were not significantly different from the rest
The highest rates were not all in signature-matching states
About this data
EAVS 2024 Overview Table 1, column "Mail Ballots Not Counted, % of Returned" (rejected ballots divided by returned ballots). Every state with a published rate is shown; Alabama, Connecticut and Mississippi did not report the returned count, so the survey gives no rate for them. The territories are left out of the chart: Puerto Rico 1.7%, US Virgin Islands 1.0%, American Samoa 0.5% and Guam 16.7% (9 ballots); the Northern Mariana Islands has no rate. All-mail states are NCSL's list as of August 2026; Vermont's applies to general elections only.
Washington, 2020 general election: ballots rejected by race and ethnicity
Share of each group's ballots rejected for any reason except lateness, with race and ethnicity estimated from surname and address.
Rejected, % of ballots cast
- Black2.49%
- Native American1.59%
- Hispanic1.57%
- Asian/Pacific Islander1.24%
- White0.63%
Source: Office of the Washington State Auditor [19]
Observations 3
In Washington, Black voters' ballots were rejected at four times white voters' rate
Every group shown was rejected more often than white voters, and the gap was statistically significant for all but Native Americans. After controlling for other factors, the auditor estimated Black voters were twice as likely as white voters to have a ballot rejected. 19
The racial gaps include unsigned ballots, not just mismatches
Men and voters using non-English ballots were also rejected more
Men were 42 percent more likely than women to have a ballot rejected. In King County, voters casting non-English ballots were 47 percent more likely to be rejected than those casting English ones. 20
About this data
Washington State Auditor, Exhibit 6. Washington votes almost entirely by mail. Late ballots are excluded, so these rates are not comparable with EAVS rates, which include them. The auditor's model put only 30 voters in the multiracial group, none rejected; the Native American gap was not statistically significant because of small numbers.
Washington, 2020 general election: ballots rejected by age
Share of each age group's ballots rejected for any reason except lateness.
Rejected, % of ballots cast
- 18–212.68%
- 22–252.04%
- 26–291.56%
- 30–440.88%
- 45–640.38%
- 65 and over0.17%
Source: Office of the Washington State Auditor [19]
Observations 2
Young and first-time voters were rejected most
Florida studies found the same pattern
In Florida's 2018 election, younger voters and voters needing assistance were "disproportionately likely" to have mail ballots rejected, with "significant variation" across counties. 26 Inexperienced mail voters were about three times as likely to be rejected in 2016 and 2018. 27 Both come from the authors' summaries; the full papers were not read.
About this data
Washington State Auditor, Exhibit 5. Late ballots are excluded.
Washington, 2020 general election: ballots rejected by county
Share of ballots rejected in each of Washington's 39 counties, for any reason except lateness, before any adjustment for who votes there.
Rejected, % of ballots cast
- Franklin1.5%
- Okanogan1.28%
- Adams1.15%
- Kittitas1.14%
- Snohomish0.99%
- Wahkiakum0.98%
- King0.86%
- Kitsap0.85%
- Clark0.76%
- Asotin0.72%
- Benton0.72%
- Whitman0.7%
- Lincoln0.65%
- Clallam0.64%
- Skagit0.63%
- Pierce0.63%
- Pacific0.59%
- Lewis0.57%
- Island0.56%
- Thurston0.51%
- Grant0.5%
- Klickitat0.49%
- Cowlitz0.48%
- Whatcom0.47%
- Spokane0.46%
- Grays Harbor0.46%
- Mason0.44%
- Skamania0.38%
- Walla Walla0.36%
- Yakima0.29%
- Jefferson0.29%
- Chelan0.28%
- Garfield0.27%
- Stevens0.26%
- Ferry0.25%
- San Juan0.25%
- Douglas0.25%
- Pend Oreille0.2%
- Columbia0.04%
Source: Office of the Washington State Auditor [18]
Observations 3
The county a ballot was cast in mattered more than anything else
After controlling for age, race, education and income, ballots in some counties were four to seven times as likely as in others to be rejected for a mismatched or missing signature. For mismatches alone, two counties were 18 times as likely as another. 21
Low-rejection counties accepted less conclusive signatures
Counties with lower rejection rates were more likely to accept less conclusive signature matches, which could explain part of the difference. 22 Some of the gap is a choice about how much doubt to allow, not only error.
Low-rejection counties also cured more ballots
Among the ten audited counties, those with lower rejection rates got 65 percent of flagged ballots cured, against 50 percent in the others. 25
About this data
Washington State Auditor, Exhibit 3 (all 39 counties). Late ballots are excluded. Statewide rate: 0.72%. These are raw rates; the audit's county comparisons after controlling for age, race, education and income are in the observations below.
Mail ballots set aside for curing, and what happened to them, 2024
Ballots flagged for a fixable problem, such as a missing or mismatched signature, in states that reported curing data, and how many voters then fixed.
Mail ballots
- Set aside for curing585,457
- Cured by the voter and counted317,191
- Not cured and rejected270,753
Source: U.S. Election Assistance Commission [3]
Observations 3
More than half the ballots set aside for curing were cured
In states that reported curing, more than half the ballots flagged for a fixable problem were corrected by voters and counted. 3 Without curing, those ballots would have been rejected.
Not every state cures, or reports it
The EAC counted 43 states that let voters cure in 2024, but twelve of them could not report how many ballots entered curing, including Georgia, Oregon and Pennsylvania. 3 The national figures cover only the states that reported.
About this data
EAVS 2024 report, curing section. Twelve states, including Georgia, Oregon and Pennsylvania, could not report how many ballots entered curing, and New Jersey reported only cured ballots, so the cured and rejected counts do not add up to the number set aside. See About this data for the cure rate.
How states check and cure mail ballots, October 2026
The checks a returned ballot can face, and where each applies. Some states use more than one.
| Where it applies | |
|---|---|
| Signature compared with the one on file | 32 states and Puerto Rico [28] |
| Envelope must be signed, but the signature is not compared | Connecticut, Delaware, Georgia, Maryland, New Mexico, Pennsylvania, Vermont, Virginia, Wyoming, DC and the US Virgin Islands [28] |
| ID or Social Security number on the envelope | Georgia, Minnesota, New Mexico, Ohio, Texas, Virginia; Utah from 2029 [28] |
| Witness signature | Alabama, Alaska, Arkansas, Louisiana, Minnesota, North Carolina, South Carolina, Wisconsin [28] |
| Notarised envelope | Mississippi, Missouri, Oklahoma [28] |
| Statewide duty to tell voters of a missing or mismatched signature and let them fix it | 35 states and DC [30] |
Sources: National Conference of State Legislatures [28]; National Conference of State Legislatures [30]
Observations 3
States check mail ballots in very different ways
Some states require training and bipartisan review
Most states must let voters fix signature problems
Thirty-five states and DC require officials to tell voters of a missing signature or a discrepancy and give them a chance to correct it. 30 The count includes states that do not compare signatures, which can only be curing missing ones.
Washington's re-check of its counties' signature decisions, 2020
What the state auditor's review found when it repeated the counties' work.
| Finding | |
|---|---|
| How the audit describes matching | "inherently subjective"; "even experienced reviewers can come to different conclusions" [23] |
| Ballots re-checked | A random sample of more than 7,200 [22] |
| Method | Software screening, then auditors trained by the State Patrol, then two state reviewers [22] |
| Agreement with counties | More than 98 percent of signatures reviewed [22] |
| Decisions estimated to be appropriate | 98.7 percent, projected to all ballots [22] |
| Evidence of bias in decisions | None found [24] |
Sources: Office of the Washington State Auditor [22]; Office of the Washington State Auditor [23]; Office of the Washington State Auditor [24]
Observations 3
The auditor agreed with almost all county decisions
Re-checking a random sample, the auditor agreed with counties on more than 98 percent of signatures. 22 Most errors that remain are matters of degree: lower-rejection counties accepted less conclusive signatures.
The audit found no evidence of bias in individual decisions
In the auditor's words: "We found no evidence of bias in those decisions. While that is good news, it also means we are not able to explain what causes rejection rates to vary for these groups of voters." 24
Trained reviewers, the auditors included, disagreed about matches
The audit calls matching "inherently subjective". It found that "even experienced reviewers can come to different conclusions", that its own team disagreed on many signatures, and that counties read the state's criteria differently. 23
Court rulings on rejecting ballots for a signature mismatch
What courts have held about signature rejections, notice and the chance to fix a ballot.
| Case | What the court held or said | |
|---|---|---|
| US District Court, New Hampshire, 14 Aug 2018 | Saucedo v. Gardner | The process was "fundamentally flawed": no notice, no handwriting training, no standards, no appeal. Rejecting without notice violated due process. [32] |
| Fifth Circuit, 19 Oct 2020 | Richardson v. Texas Secretary of State | Stayed an order requiring notice and a chance to cure, quoting "the potential and reality of fraud is much greater in the mail-in ballot context"; a stay ruling, not a final one. [33] |
| Fifth Circuit, same day (concurring) | Richardson, Higginbotham, J. | About 5,000 Texas ballots were rejected for "perceived signature mismatches" in 2016 and 2018. [34] |
| Pennsylvania Supreme Court, 23 Oct 2020 | In re November 3, 2020 General Election | The Election Code "does not authorize or require" county boards to reject ballots on a signature comparison. [35] |
| Arizona trial court, May 2023 | Lake v. Hobbs | The losing candidate for governor failed to prove that Maricopa County had not verified signatures. [36] |
Sources: U.S. District Court for the District of New Hampshire [32]; U.S. Court of Appeals for the Fifth Circuit [33]; U.S. Court of Appeals for the Fifth Circuit [34]; Supreme Court of Pennsylvania [35]; Associated Press (via KSAT) [36]
Observations 5
A federal court required notice before a mismatch rejection in New Hampshire
The Fifth Circuit let Texas keep rejecting without notice, citing fraud risk
The majority held Texas's interest in stopping fraud "far outweighs" the burden, and quoted an earlier ruling that fraud risk is "much greater in the mail-in ballot context than with in-person voting". 33 Its view that voting by mail carries no due-process interest was a prediction at the stay stage ("likely to show").
A concurring judge pointed to thousands of perceived mismatches
Judge Higginbotham, who concurred "only in the decision to stay", wrote that such "small" differences "have the potential to decide both local and national elections". 34 The 5,000 figure is in his separate opinion, not the majority's.
Pennsylvania's top court barred rejection on signature comparison
A losing candidate's claim about signature checks failed
Kari Lake, who lost Arizona's 2022 governor's race by about 17,000 votes, asked the courts to install her or order a new election, claiming signatures had not been checked as the law required. The trial court found she had not proved it. 36
Cobb County, Georgia: the state's 2020 signature audit
What state investigators found when they re-examined a sample of the county's accepted absentee envelopes.
| Finding | |
|---|---|
| Envelopes re-examined | 15,118, about a tenth of the county's absentee ballots |
| Which envelopes | Only ballots already accepted |
| Fraudulent ballots found | "no fraudulent absentee ballots" |
| Envelopes that should have been flagged | Two, one "mistakenly signed by the elector's spouse"; in both cases the voter had filled in the ballot |
Source: Georgia Secretary of State [37]
Observations 4
Cobb County's 2020 audit found no fraudulent absentee ballots
Georgia's Secretary of State and the state Bureau of Investigation re-examined 15,118 envelopes, about a tenth of the county's absentee ballots, and found "no fraudulent absentee ballots". 37 Georgia used signature matching in 2020; SB 202 replaced it the next year.
A ballot signed by the voter's spouse had passed the county's check
The audit found two envelopes that should have been flagged. One was "mistakenly signed by the elector's spouse"; in both cases the voter had filled in the ballot. 37 So a signature that was not the voter's got through, which shows a check can miss one.
The audit sampled only accepted ballots
The envelopes came from boxes of "accepted" ballots. 37 The audit could find wrongly accepted ballots, but not valid ballots wrongly rejected, and finding no fraud in a sample shows little about how many forged signatures checks miss.
No case was found of signature review being used to change a result
The sources gathered for this report contain no case of officials using signature review to change an election result. The one attempt found to overturn a result over signature checks, Arizona's 2022 governor's race, failed in court. 36 The search was not exhaustive; see Data still needed.
Figures are for November general elections, from the federal Election Administration and Voting Survey (EAVS) unless stated. A rejected ballot is a returned ballot that was not counted because it failed a check: it arrived late, was unsigned, its signature did not match, or similar.
Subtleties
A rejected ballot is not a fraudulent ballot, and a counted one is not proven genuine
Washington's rates are not comparable with the national ones
Washington's 0.72 percent excludes late ballots; the EAVS rates include them. 18 Washington is also one state in one year, the only state with a published audit of this kind found for this report.
About this data
National series. Each point is the rate the EAC printed in that cycle's report, as a share of ballots returned (for 2012 and 2014, "submitted for counting"). The EAC calculates national rates only over states that reported both numbers, so the rates are not simply the national totals divided.
Reasons. Each report's own reasons table is used. Categories changed: "Lack of valid signature" (2012, 2014) is drawn as a missing signature, and the signature reason became "non-matching or incomplete" in 2022. These are marked as method changes on the chart.
Texas and Georgia. 2016 rates are calculated from the counts in the 2016 overview table, because its percentage column divides by ballots sent out. The 2024 state points are 100 minus the counted share in the state data briefs, and match the report's own "not counted" column.
Cure rate. Dividing the published totals, 317,191 cured of 585,457 set aside, gives 54.2%. 3 The EAC prints 54.3%, because it divides state by state and leaves out states missing either number; New Jersey, for example, reported cured ballots only. The prose says "more than half", which both support.
Washington. The auditor estimated each voter's race from surname and address (a method called BISG), because Washington does not record race, and used a regression model to compare groups and counties with other factors held constant. Late ballots were excluded because county data on them were inconsistent.
Florida. Baringer, Herron and Smith's full paper could not be fetched (the journal blocks automated access and the draft link is dead), so only its abstract is used.
State rules. The verification and cure lists are NCSL's tables as updated on 26 October and 31 August 2026. They change often, and the 3 November 2026 election may be run under rules that differ in detail.
Related Data
Mail Voting in the US: Who Uses It and Its Effects, 2016–2026
Mail voting peaked in the 2020 pandemic election and has settled near three in ten voters, with older, Western and Democratic voters using it most; studies find small turnout gains and no party advantage. [1][13][15][16][23]
All voters, by method
Share of people who said they voted who voted in person on Election Day, in person before Election Day, or by mail, in each November election since 2018, with mail voting broken down by age group and by region. From the Census Bureau's Current Population Survey, a household survey; methods are as voters reported them.
% of people who voted, by November election
Share of people who said they voted who voted in person on Election Day, in person before Election Day, or by mail, in each November election since 2018, with mail voting broken down by age group and by region. From the Census Bureau's Current Population Survey, a household survey; methods are as voters reported them. Read as all voters, by method: % of people who voted. 1 dated event is numbered on a strip under the graph and listed below it. Use the Table switch to see every value.
- In person on Election Day
- In person before Election Day
- By mail
Events marked above
Pandemic changes to mail rules
In November 2020, 38 states and DC offered no-excuse or all-mail voting, and 10 more added a COVID-19 excuse for that election only.
Source: U.S. Census Bureau [23]
Observations 2
Mail voting is still above its level before the pandemic
In 2016 and 2018, mail ballots were "approximately one-quarter of voter turnout". In 2024 they were still "larger than the percentage of the electorate that voted by mail in pre-pandemic elections". 1
In 2024, early in-person voting reached its highest share in both the Census survey and the official counts. 1 23
Voted by mail, by age
% of voters in each age group who voted by mail, by November election
Share of people who said they voted who voted in person on Election Day, in person before Election Day, or by mail, in each November election since 2018, with mail voting broken down by age group and by region. From the Census Bureau's Current Population Survey, a household survey; methods are as voters reported them. Read as voted by mail, by age: % of voters in each age group who voted by mail. 1 dated event is numbered on a strip under the graph and listed below it. Use the Table switch to see every value.
- 18 to 24
- 25 to 44
- 45 to 64
- 65 and over
Events marked above
Pandemic changes to mail rules
In November 2020, 38 states and DC offered no-excuse or all-mail voting, and 10 more added a COVID-19 excuse for that election only.
Source: U.S. Census Bureau [23]
Voted by mail, by region
% of voters in each region who voted by mail, by November election
Share of people who said they voted who voted in person on Election Day, in person before Election Day, or by mail, in each November election since 2018, with mail voting broken down by age group and by region. From the Census Bureau's Current Population Survey, a household survey; methods are as voters reported them. Read as voted by mail, by region: % of voters in each region who voted by mail. 1 dated event is numbered on a strip under the graph and listed below it. Use the Table switch to see every value.
- West
- Northeast
- Midwest
- South
Events marked above
Pandemic changes to mail rules
In November 2020, 38 states and DC offered no-excuse or all-mail voting, and 10 more added a COVID-19 excuse for that election only.
Source: U.S. Census Bureau [23]
About this data
Full published range: 2018–2024. Every plotted line runs the whole of it – Census publishes a method-of-voting table (Table 14) for every November election from 2018 to 2024; its earlier detailed tables have no method-of-voting table. The Congressional Research Service charts the same survey back to 2004 from the microdata, but publishes the values only as a chart image, so earlier years are not shown here (see Data still needed). The 2026 survey is not yet published.
All voters, by method
The small "don't know or refused" share is not shown, so the three lines sum to just under 100%.
Share of counted ballots, by method
Share of all counted ballots cast by mail, in person before Election Day and in person on Election Day, as reported by state and local election offices to the Election Assistance Commission after each November election.
% of turnout, by November election
Share of all counted ballots cast by mail, in person before Election Day and in person on Election Day, as reported by state and local election offices to the Election Assistance Commission after each November election. Read as share of counted ballots, by method: % of turnout. Use the Table switch to see every value.
- By mail
- In person before Election Day
- In person on Election Day
Source: U.S. Election Assistance Commission [24]
Observations 1
About this data
Full published range: 2016–2024. Every plotted line runs the whole of it – The EAC's 2020, 2022 and 2024 reports print national shares by method from 2016, using one formula for every year; the 2022 report does not print an Election Day share, so that line has a gap. The 2016 report itself printed different 2016 shares (23.7 percent by mail, 17.2 percent early), from an earlier calculation. The 2026 survey is due in mid-2027.
Share of counted ballots, by method
Values for 2016–2020 are from the 2020 report, 2022 from the 2022 report and 2024 from the 2024 report.
Number of states
Number of states (excluding DC) that offer no-excuse absentee voting or send every voter a ballot, against those that require an excuse, at each November election and January 2020. DC offers no-excuse voting throughout.
States, by election month
Number of states (excluding DC) that offer no-excuse absentee voting or send every voter a ballot, against those that require an excuse, at each November election and January 2020. DC offers no-excuse voting throughout. Read as number of states: States. 5 dated events are numbered on a strip under the graph and listed below it. Use the Table switch to see every value.
- No-excuse or all-mail
- Excuse required
- COVID-19 excuse added for 2020 only
Events marked above
Utah: all counties vote by mail
Hawaii goes all-mail
California, Nevada and Vermont go all-mail
Vermont for general elections only.
DC goes all-mail
Utah votes to end automatic mail ballots from 2029
From 2029 a Utah voter gets a mail ballot only on request; a request lasts eight years.
Source: Utah State Legislature [12]
Source: National Conference of State Legislatures [25]
Observations 2
More states offer mail voting to everyone than in 2016
NCSL expects seven more states to offer no-excuse or all-mail voting in November 2026 than in 2016 (chart). 25 The count peaked in 2020, dropped by 2022 and has crept up since.
States have moved in both directions: several adopted all-mail voting after 2016, while Utah has voted to end automatic mail ballots (events under the chart). 11 12
Utah, a Republican-led state, votes by mail, but is moving to mail on request
Utah has sent every voter a ballot since all its counties adopted it in 2019, and in 2024 more than nine in ten of its votes came by mail. 11 5
A 2025 law changes that: from 2029 "a voter will not receive a ballot by mail unless the voter requests to receive a ballot by mail". A request lasts eight years. 12 NCSL's table does not yet show the change.
About this data
Full published range: 2016-11–2026-11. Every plotted line runs the whole of it – NCSL's table covers November 2016 to November 2026; the 2026 row is NCSL's expected count. The three lines add to 50 at every date. NCSL leaves the COVID-19 column blank outside November 2020; it is shown here as zero.
Favour letting any voter vote by mail
Share of US adults who favour "allowing any voter to vote by mail if they want to", in every Pew survey that asked it. Republicans and Democrats include independents who lean to each party.
% who favour, by survey fieldwork month
Share of US adults who favour "allowing any voter to vote by mail if they want to", in every Pew survey that asked it. Republicans and Democrats include independents who lean to each party. Read as favour letting any voter vote by mail: % who favour. Dashed segments cross 1 definitional break in the source, explained in Method Changes below this graph. Use the Table switch to see every value.
- All adults
- Rep/lean Rep
- Dem/lean Dem
Vertical dashed lines mark measurement changes. See method changes.
Source: Pew Research Center [26]
Observations 1
Republican support for mail voting for all fell after 2020
Republican support for letting any voter vote by mail fell from about half in April 2020 to under a third in 2024 and 2025. 20 21 Democratic support stayed above eight in ten (chart). 20
The first reading came early in the pandemic. Gallup links that year's fall in Republican confidence in elections to President Trump's "public questioning of the validity of mail voting". 22 Neither survey tests whether his statements moved support for mail voting.
Method Changes
2025-08: Some interviews by telephone
Pew: "This survey was conducted primarily online, with some interviews conducted by live telephone." Earlier waves from October 2016 to June 2024 "were conducted fully online". [26]
About this data
Full published range: 2020-04–2025-08. Every plotted line runs the whole of it – Pew asked this wording in April 2020, January 2024 and August 2025. The all-adults figures are Pew's own (its 2024 report gives 57%; the topline's "strongly" plus "somewhat favor" sums to 58).
Mail voting by state, and when the mostly-mail states adopted it
The eight states and DC that mail every voter a ballot, in the order they adopted it.
| Law enacted | First used statewide | How adopted | |
|---|---|---|---|
| Oregon | 1998 | 2000 | Citizen initiative |
| Washington | 2011 | 2012 | HB 5124 |
| Colorado | 2013 | 2014 | HB 1303 |
| Utah | 2012 (counties may choose) | 2019 (all counties) | HB 172; HB 300 makes mail opt-in from 2029 [11] [12] |
| Hawaii | 2019 | 2020 | HB 1248 |
| California | 2021 | 2022 | AB 37 |
| Nevada | 2021 | 2022 | AB 321 |
| Vermont (general elections only) | 2021 | 2022 | SB 15 |
| District of Columbia | 2022 | 2023 | — |
Sources: National Conference of State Legislatures [11]; Utah State Legislature [12]
Observations 2
Oregon's legislature did not start all-mail voting; its voters did
Most mostly-mail states adopted it from 2019 on
Six of the nine first used it statewide from 2019 onward, around and after the pandemic; only Oregon, Washington and Colorado ran statewide mail elections before 2019. 11
Voted by mail, by party, 2024
Share of each party's voters who said they voted by mail in the November 2024 election, from MIT's Survey of the Performance of American Elections.
% who voted by mail
- Democrats37%
- Republicans24%
Source: MIT Election Data + Science Lab [13]
Observations 1
Democrats vote by mail far more than Republicans
About this data
MIT prints the Democratic figure in words ("Thirty-seven percent"). MIT publishes the party series back to 2008 only as a chart, so earlier years are not shown.
Voted by mail, with and without a disability, 2020
Share of voters with and without a disability who voted by mail in November 2020, from the Rutgers University survey released by the Election Assistance Commission.
% who voted by mail
- Voters with a disability53%
- Voters without a disability42%
Source: U.S. Election Assistance Commission [14]
Observations 1
Voters with disabilities rely on mail more, and find it easier
About this data
The EAC gives the disability figure as "more than 53%". No comparable figure for 2022 or 2024 was found in the EAC's text.
Estimated effects of mail-voting rules on turnout and party share
Point estimates from two studies, in percentage points: universal mail ballots in California, Utah and Washington counties, 1996–2018, and no-excuse eligibility at age 65 in Texas in 2020.
Estimated effect, percentage points
- Universal mail ballots: turnout2.1%
- Universal mail ballots: Democratic share of turnout0.1%
- No-excuse eligibility at 65 (Texas 2020): turnout0.02%
Source: Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences (Thompson, Wu, Yoder and Hall) [15]; Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences (Thompson, Wu, Yoder and Hall) [16]; Stanford Democracy and Polarization Lab (working paper) [18]
Observations 3
Sending every voter a ballot raised turnout by about two points
As California, Utah and Washington counties switched to universal mail ballots between 1996 and 2018, turnout rose by about 2 points of the citizen voting-age population (chart). 15 That is a real but small effect, and it comes from years before mail voting split by party.
Mail voting gave neither party an advantage
The same study found universal mail raised the Democratic share of turnout by only 0.1 points with trends included, with an upper bound of "only about 0.3%". 16 Vote-share effects were "modest or null". 17
In Texas and Indiana in 2020, being old enough for no-excuse mail voting "did not substantially increase Democratic turnout relative to Republican turnout". 18
About this data
Universal mail on turnout: 2.1 to 2.2 points of the citizen voting-age population (2.1 shown). Universal mail on the Democratic share of turnout: 0.1 points in the specifications with trends, with an upper 95% confidence bound of about 0.3 (0.7 in the simplest model; California and Utah only). No-excuse eligibility at 65 in Texas: 0.02 points, upper 95% bound 0.26. Confidence ranges for the turnout estimate are in the paper.
Support for letting any voter vote by mail, by the rule in the respondent's state, 2025
Share of US adults who favour allowing any voter to vote by mail, grouped by whether their state mails every voter a ballot, lets any voter ask for one, or requires an excuse. August 2025.
% who favour
- States that mail every voter a ballot73%
- States where any voter may ask for one58%
- States that require an excuse45%
Source: Pew Research Center [20]
Observations 1
Support for mail voting is highest where every voter already gets a ballot
About this data
Pew groups states by NCSL's classification. Pew publishes party figures for the universal-mail states (Democrats 91%, Republicans 46%) and the excuse states (Democrats 71%, Republicans 22%) but not for the no-excuse group, so only all adults are shown.
This report covers who votes by mail and what mail voting changes. How mail ballots are rejected, how fast they are counted, and how often they have been abused are in separate reports.
Subtleties
Three measures give slightly different 2024 mail shares
The 2024 mail share comes out a little differently depending on who is counted:
- Census survey: 29.0% of people who said they voted. 6
- Official counts (EAVS): 30.3% of counted ballots. 1
- Pew's validated voters: 34%. 20
The Census notes that some people who returned a mail ballot in person may have said they voted in person. 10
The effect studies predate the party split in mail voting
About this data
What is measured. Three kinds of data: how people voted (the Census Current Population Survey, a household survey, and the EAC's Election Administration and Voting Survey, which collects counts from election offices); which states offer mail voting (NCSL); and what mail rules do and what people think of them (two studies, MIT and Pew surveys).
Census survey. Table 14 gives the method of voting as a share of people who said they voted. The Census survey over-reports turnout and relies on what voters say about how they voted. The age and region readings are the "By mail" column of each year's table. 6 7
Official counts. The EAVS mail share is counted mail ballots divided by total turnout. Each share is calculated only from states that reported it, so the methods do not add to 100%. 24 The 2016 EAVS report printed lower 2016 figures than the later reports' recalculation. 4
State rules. NCSL's counts put DC aside; DC offered no-excuse voting at every date. 25 A state is counted as all-mail when every voter is sent a ballot; Vermont does so for general elections only. 11
What it is commonly mistaken for. Mail voting is not the same as all-mail voting. Every state lets at least some voters vote by mail, and federal law requires states to let military and overseas voters do so; only eight states and DC send every voter a ballot. 10 11
Absentee and Mail Ballot Fraud and Manipulation of the Count in the US, 1936–2026
Organised absentee-ballot schemes have voided US elections; each known case was local, caught and rerun, but only detected fraud can be counted, so the record shows neither how common nor how rare it is. [1][3][9][11]
Elections voided or overturned in Heritage's fraud list, by what was found
Every election-level voiding, overturning or court-ordered rerun in the Heritage Foundation's Election Fraud Map data file (archived July 2026), grouped by what the court or board found. Cases are local and state legislative races and one congressional seat, 1992–2023.
Elections voided or overturned
- Mainly absentee or mail ballots16 · 50%
- Absentee or mail ballots, plus other illegal votes5 · 15.6%
- Ineligible or out-of-district voters, or ballot order8 · 25%
- Votes ruled invalid, voting method not stated2 · 6.3%
- Vote buying1 · 3.1%
Source: The Heritage Foundation [10]; The Heritage Foundation [11]
Observations 3
Most elections voided in Heritage's list involved absentee ballots
Not every voided election was an absentee case
Eleven were not. Georgia's 28th House District in 2018 was overturned over out-of-district voters, Compton's 2001 election over ballot order, and Pembroke, North Carolina, redid elections over residency. 10
No voided election is in a long-standing all-mail state
None of the 32 is in Colorado, Oregon, Utah or Washington. Their entries are individuals, often casting a dead or absent relative's ballot; one Washington man was caught because his wife's signature did not match. 10
Subtleties
This is a hand count of a sample
Heritage tags its entries inconsistently, so each election was coded from Heritage's own description; the chart note lists every case. A different reader could place one or two mixed cases differently. Elections voided without a fraud finding, or never entered by Heritage, are missing. 11
About this data
Hand-coded by this report from the outcome text of every entry in the archived file (1,619 entries, outcomes dated 1982–2025) that describes a whole election being voided, overturned, decertified or rerun; several entries about one election are counted once. Heritage tags only 30 entries "Election Overturned" and its tags are inconsistent, so the tag alone was not used. Mainly absentee or mail (16): Philadelphia state senate special 1993; Fresno County school boards (entry 1993); Hardee County, Fla., sheriff 1992; Hialeah, Fla., mayor 1993; East Chicago 2003; Guntersville, Ala. (entry 2004); Weslaco, Tex., 2013; Perth Amboy, N.J. (entry 2015); Brighton, Ala., 2016; Missouri House District 78 primary 2016; Wetumpka, Ala. (entry 2017); Kaufman County, Tex., primary (entry 2018); North Carolina's 9th District 2018; Aberdeen, Miss., 2020; Paterson, N.J., 2020; Bridgeport, Conn., 2023. Absentee plus other illegal votes (5): Lincoln County, W.Va., 2010 (a county clerk also stuffed boxes); Mission, Tex. (entry 2018, also bribery and improper help at the polls); Vernon, Calif. (entry 2012); Harris County, Tex., 180th District Court (entry 2024); Caddo Parish, La., 2023. Ineligible or out-of-district voters, or ballot order (8): Woodlands Road Utility District, Tex. (entries 2012–2014); Compton, Calif., 2001 (ballot order and non-citizen registration); Pembroke, N.C., 2013 and 2015; Lumberton, N.C. (entry 2016); Kleberg County, Tex. (entry 2018); Georgia House District 28, 2018; Compton, Calif., 2021. Method not stated (2): Lorain, Ohio (entry 2015); Eatonville, Fla., 2020. Vote buying (1): Turkey Creek, La., 2014. An "entry" year is the year Heritage gives the record, used where the text does not date the election. Heritage's list is a sample, not a complete record.
Winning margin against ballots ruled invalid, voided elections involving absentee ballots
For each voided election involving absentee or mail ballots whose record gives both numbers: the winning margin as first counted, and the number of ballots a court ruled invalid or illegal.
Votes or ballots
- East Chicago, Ind., 2003 primary: winning margin278
- East Chicago: absentee votes ruled invalid155
- Vernon, Calif. (entry 2012): winning margin4
- Vernon: ballots ruled invalid7
- Weslaco, Tex., 2013: winning margin16
- Weslaco: ballots illegally cast30
- Perth Amboy, N.J. (entry 2015): winning margin10
- Perth Amboy: illegal absentee ballots (at least)13
- Wetumpka, Ala. (entry 2017): winning margin3
- Wetumpka: absentee ballots thrown out8
- Aberdeen, Miss., 2020 primary: winning margin37
- Aberdeen: absentee ballots not valid66
- Caddo Parish, La., 2023 runoff: winning margin1
- Caddo Parish: illegal votes (at least)11
- Harris County, Tex., judicial race (entry 2024): winning margin449
- Harris County: illegal votes1,482
Source: Supreme Court of Indiana (via Caselaw Access Project) [3]; The Heritage Foundation [10]
Observations 2
The voided races were small and very close
Courts voided results when tainted ballots could have changed the winner
In each charted case the invalid ballots outnumbered the margin, except East Chicago. There the Indiana Supreme Court ordered a new election anyway, holding that the scheme "perverted the absentee voting process", whether 155 or 100 ballots were invalid. 3
About this data
Selection: every election in the voided-elections chart that involved absentee or mail ballots and whose source gives both a margin and a count of invalid ballots. East Chicago is from the Indiana Supreme Court; the rest are from Heritage's entries. Wetumpka's "three" and "eight" are written as words in the source. Vernon's 7 is derived: five non-resident voters plus two ballots not properly mailed. Caddo's 11 include 7 involving mail ballots (2 double votes by mail and in person, 5 defective absentee ballots); Harris County's 1,482 are mostly residency problems (983 votes), with 48 absentee ballots. Other voided elections give a margin but no count of invalid ballots: North Carolina's 9th District (905; the board found the number of affected ballots could not be determined) and Bridgeport (251). Four non-absentee voidings give both numbers and show similar small margins (Eatonville 1, Kleberg County 6, Turkey Creek 4, Compton 2021 1).
Absentee fraud and in-person impersonation in two case compilations
Entries in Heritage's Election Fraud Map data file (outcomes 1982–2025) and alleged cases in News21's 2012 database (since 2000), for the two categories both compilations name.
Cases or entries
- Heritage: tagged absentee-ballot fraud387
- Heritage: tagged impersonation at the polls34
- News21: absentee ballot fraud491
- News21: in-person voter impersonation10
Source: The Heritage Foundation [10]; The Heritage Foundation [11]; News21 [12]
Observations 2
Both compilations list far more absentee fraud than impersonation
Detected cases are few against the mail ballots cast
Heritage's absentee entries span four decades. In the 2024 general election alone, 47,629,437 returned mail ballots were counted. 14 No source turns the case counts into a rate per ballot.
Subtleties
Detected fraud is a floor, not a measure
Three things keep fraud out of the counts:
- Pressure at home goes unreported. Britain's 2016 fraud review heard that people hide household undue influence for reasons like those of domestic-abuse victims. 16
- Checks miss some signing by others. Cobb County's 2020 audit found an envelope "mistakenly signed by the elector's spouse" that had passed. 15
- The lists are samples. Heritage calls its map "a sampling" that is "not comprehensive". 11
About this data
Heritage counts are this report's count of the 1,619 entries in the archived data file whose fraud_type contains "absentee" or "impersonation" (case-insensitive, so Heritage's misspellings are included); 14 of the 34 impersonation entries are also tagged absentee. Heritage calls its list "a sampling" that is "not comprehensive". News21 counts are as published, out of 2,068 alleged cases, and are allegations: of those whose outcome could be determined, News21 found 46 percent ended without a conviction or charge. Neither compilation has a denominator of ballots cast; for scale, 47,629,437 returned mail ballots were counted in the 2024 general election alone (EAVS).
Organised absentee and mail-ballot cases, 1980–2026
How each scheme worked, how it came to light and how it ended. A dash means the source read does not say.
| How it was done | Margin | How it came to light | Remedy | Criminal outcome, as of | |
|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| St. Louis, 1980 | Ward organisation opened absentee ballots and punched holes in them [30] | Not given | Informant [30] | — | Convictions affirmed in part, 1988 |
| Alexander County, N.C., 1982 | A deputy sheriff and deputy court clerk voted nursing-home residents' absentee ballots [29] | Not given | Federal prosecution | — | Five convicted (by April 1984) |
| Philadelphia, 1993 state senate special | Campaign workers' absentee scheme; two city commissioners and an elections supervisor complicit [10] | Not given | Surge in absentee ballots | Overturned by a federal judge | Two campaign workers convicted of misdemeanours; candidate not convicted (Heritage, as of 2026) |
| Miami mayoral election (dated 1998 by Carter–Baker) | Absentee ballot fraud [13] | Not given | — | A judge "called for a new election" | Not covered by the source read |
| East Chicago, Ind., 2003 primary | Cash incentives to vote absentee, among acts that "perverted the absentee voting process" [3] | 278 | Losing candidate's election contest | Special election ordered, 2004 | 47 convicted or pleaded guilty (by October 2008) [4] |
| North Carolina 9th District, 2018 | Paid workers collected request forms and ballots, faked witness signatures, filled out ballots [1] | 905 | Lopsided mail vote [10] | New election ordered, 2019 | All workers but Dowless pleaded guilty; Dowless died before trial (as of March 2025) [2] |
| Paterson, N.J., 2020 | Hundreds of mail ballots found bundled in mailboxes; the winner charged with mail-ballot fraud [6] [7] | Not given | Postal Inspection Service [7] | New election ordered, August 2020 | No convictions. Mendez indictment dismissed April 2026, state appealing; Jackson's charges being dropped (as of May 2026) [8] |
| Aberdeen, Miss., 2020 primary | 66 of 84 absentee ballots invalid; a notary charged [10] | 37 | Losing candidate's lawsuit | New election ordered | Notary arrested; no outcome in the source |
| Bridgeport, Conn., 2023 primary | Absentee ballots stuffed into drop boxes by party workers [9] | 251 | Drop-box surveillance video [9] | New primary ordered, November 2023 | Not covered by the sources read |
Sources: North Carolina State Board of Elections [1]; WSOC-TV [2]; Supreme Court of Indiana (via Caselaw Access Project) [3]; NBC News [4]; New Jersey Globe [6]; New Jersey Globe [7]; New Jersey Globe [8]; CT Mirror [9]; The Heritage Foundation [10]; Commission on Federal Election Reform (Carter–Baker) [13]; US Department of Justice, Public Integrity Section [29]; US Court of Appeals for the Eighth Circuit (via Caselaw Access Project) [30]
Observations 5
Organised absentee schemes have voided elections
Each case was local, caught and rerun
Paterson: a court voided the election, but no one has been convicted
Carter–Baker called absentee ballots the largest source of potential fraud
The 2005 bipartisan commission wrote that "absentee ballots remain the largest source of potential voter fraud", and that voters at home or in nursing homes are more open to pressure. It urged states to stop candidates and party workers handling absentee ballots. 13
The same commission found little fraud in all-mail Oregon
It found "little evidence of fraud in Oregon, where the entire state votes by mail", and "no evidence of extensive fraud in U.S. elections". It still asked Oregon for better precautions against intercepted ballots. 13
Officials and the count
Cases where officials tampered with a count, or refused or challenged a result.
| What officials did | Outcome, as of | |
|---|---|---|
| Texas Senate primary, 1948 (Box 13) | Not confirmed: Stevenson alleged votes "fraudulently counted for Johnson"; no primary source read describes the method [23] | Johnson's win stood |
| Chicago, 1982 | Election judges cast ballots in the names of voters who had moved or died [20] | See the in-person fraud table |
| Philadelphia, 1993 | Two city commissioners and an elections supervisor complicit in an absentee scheme [10] | Election overturned |
| Lincoln County, W.Va., 2010 primary | The county clerk stuffed boxes and falsified absentee ballots; the sheriff pleaded guilty too [10] | Election overturned; clerk sentenced to 18 months (Heritage, as of 2026) |
| Otero County, N.M., 2022 primary | County commissioners refused to certify [24] | Certified after a state supreme court order, June 2022 |
| Cochise County, Ariz., 2022 general | Two supervisors voted to delay certification past the deadline [25] | Certified on a judge's order; Judd pleaded guilty to a misdemeanour, Crosby awaiting trial (as of September 2025) |
| Arizona governor, 2022 | The losing candidate sued, claiming Maricopa County did not verify mail-ballot signatures [26] | Claim rejected, May 2023 |
Sources: The Heritage Foundation [10]; US Court of Appeals for the Seventh Circuit (via Caselaw Access Project) [20]; US Court of Appeals for the Fifth Circuit (via Caselaw Access Project) [23]; KOB 4 [24]; Votebeat [25]; Associated Press (via KSAT) [26]
Observations 3
Officials have manipulated the count, including through absentee ballots
Recent refusals to certify ended in certification
No case was found of signature review used to change a result
The record read contains no case of officials rejecting ballots on signatures to change a winner. The closest is the reverse: Arizona's losing candidate for governor claimed in 2022 that signatures were not checked, and the court found she had not proved it. 26 The search was incomplete (see Data still needed).
In-person and machine fraud over the same era
Large polling-place cases from the same record, for comparison with the absentee cases.
| How it was done | Outcome, as of | |
|---|---|---|
| Kansas City, 1936 | Officials wrote in ballots for padded "ghosts and sleepers" and stuffed boxes [22] | 259 convictions [21] |
| Chicago, 1982 | Election judges cast ballots for "phantom voters"; voters paid $2.00 a vote [20] | 58 convicted by April 1985; 63 of 65 prosecuted [18] [19] |
| Duval County, Tex., 1982 primary | Votes bought with food stamps and welfare benefits [18] | 21 of 29 indicted convicted (by April 1985) |
| Clay County, N.C., 1982 | Votes bought for $50 to $125 [29] | Eight convicted (by April 1984) |
Sources: US Department of Justice, Public Integrity Section [18]; Abraham Lincoln Presidential Library [19]; US Court of Appeals for the Seventh Circuit (via Caselaw Access Project) [20]; US Attorney's Office, Western District of Missouri [21]; US Court of Appeals for the Eighth Circuit (via Caselaw Access Project) [22]; US Department of Justice, Public Integrity Section [29]
Observations 1
Polling-place fraud of the same era produced more convictions
Observations
A widely cited survey of mail voters is not a fraud estimate
A 2023 Rasmussen–Heartland poll reported that about one in five 2020 mail voters filled out a ballot "in part or in full" for a friend or relative. 27 Its questions include lawful help, and critics note an opt-in panel and results "wildly out of line" with signature-flag rates. 28 It is weighed beside stronger surveys in the secret-ballot report.
About this data
What is measured. Named cases where a court, an election board or a federal prosecutor described absentee or mail-ballot fraud, or officials' handling of the count. Added to these are two compilations of detected cases (Heritage, News21) and the 2024 EAVS count of mail ballots.
What is not measured. Undetected fraud, and fraud as a rate per ballot. No source publishes either.
How the Heritage counts were made. The voided-elections chart is this report's own coding of Heritage's descriptions; the note under it lists every election. The type counts match on Heritage's own tags. Heritage presents the list as showing "vulnerabilities in the election process" and says it is a sample, not a complete record.
Why there is no time series. No source publishes a consistent count of absentee-fraud cases by year; the Justice Department's reports list examples, not totals, and the compilations differ in method.
Commonly mistaken for. A count of detected cases is not a count of fraud, in either direction. A low count does not show fraud is rare, and a voided election does not show fraud is common: the voided cases are local races caught by existing checks.
Left out. Wayne County, Michigan (2020) and Georgia's State Election Board (2024) are often cited as officials contesting certification, but only secondary accounts were reached, so they are not in the table (see Data still needed). Britain's postal-fraud court cases are in the secret-ballot report.
Ballot Receipt Deadlines, Late Ballots and Counting Speed
Fewer states now count ballots that arrive after Election Day than in 2020, late arrival causes a steady share of rejections, and the slowest counts are mostly in heavy-mail western states. [5][7][10][15][16]
Number of states
Number of states that count mailed ballots received after Election Day if postmarked by then, against the number requiring receipt by Election Day, at each point NCSL tracks. Military and overseas ballots are excluded.
States, by election or survey month
Number of states that count mailed ballots received after Election Day if postmarked by then, against the number requiring receipt by Election Day, at each point NCSL tracks. Military and overseas ballots are excluded. Read as number of states: States. 4 dated events are numbered on a strip under the graph and listed below it. Use the Table switch to see every value.
- Count ballots arriving after Election Day
- Require receipt by Election Day
Events marked above
Pandemic rule changes
NCSL: "Many states enacted policies allowing ballots to be received after Election Day during the pandemic".
North Dakota, Ohio and Utah require receipt by Election Day
Ohio keeps a four-day window for military and overseas ballots.
Watson v. RNC
The Supreme Court holds that federal law does not bar counting ballots that arrive after Election Day.
Kansas deadline blocked
A court injunction keeps Kansas's three-day window.
Source: National Conference of State Legislatures [15]
Observations 2
Grace periods rose in 2020 and are back to their 2016 level
The number of states counting late-arriving ballots peaked in November 2020 and has fallen since (chart). 15 NCSL expects the count of states requiring Election Day receipt in 2026 to be "roughly the same as it was in November 2016". 15
North Dakota, Ohio and Utah moved to Election Day receipt in 2025. Kansas legislated the same change, but a court has blocked it for now (both marked under the chart). 1
Grace periods are not confined to one kind of state
The states still counting postmarked ballots that arrive late include Texas, Alaska, Kansas, Mississippi and West Virginia, as well as California, New York and Illinois. 1 Windows run from one day in Texas to about three weeks in Washington (next chart).
About this data
Full published range: 2016-11–2026-11. Every plotted line runs the whole of it – NCSL's whole series: November 2016, January 2020, November 2020, 2022 and 2024, and the expected position for November 2026. The 50 states only; NCSL counts DC with the Election Day states in 2016 and with the post-Election Day states from January 2020. The November 2026 point is NCSL's expectation as of August 2026; Kansas is counted there because a court has blocked its new Election Day deadline.
How many days after Election Day a postmarked mail ballot may arrive, by state, 2026
Latest day a domestic mail ballot postmarked by Election Day may arrive and still count, in days after Election Day, for the 15 states and DC that allow it; the other 35 states require receipt by Election Day.
Days after Election Day
- Washington20
- Illinois14
- Alaska10
- District of Columbia10
- Maryland10
- California7
- New York7
- Oregon7
- New Jersey6
- Mississippi (business days)5
- West Virginia5
- Nevada4
- Kansas3
- Massachusetts3
- Virginia3
- Texas1
- The other 35 states (receipt by Election Day)0
Source: National Conference of State Legislatures [1]
Observations 1
Watson's "roughly 30 States" counts military and overseas ballots too
The Supreme Court described Mississippi as "one of roughly 30 States" counting late-arriving ballots. 2 NCSL's 15 states are those that do so for ordinary domestic mail ballots.
Its separate count for military and overseas voters is "Thirty states and Washington, D.C.", which accept at least some such ballots after Election Day. 1 Both numbers are right; they count different ballots.
About this data
From NCSL Table 11 (updated 25 September 2026), converted to days. Washington: "the day before certification, which is 21 days after a general election", so 20. New Jersey: "144 hours (six days)". Mississippi's five are business days. West Virginia: before the canvass, which "begins on the fifth day", shown as 5. Texas: "the day after", 1. California, New York and Oregon: "seven days"; Nevada "the fourth day"; Kansas, Massachusetts and Virginia "the third day". Kansas's window is kept by a court injunction. Guam and the Virgin Islands (10 days) and Puerto Rico (until the canvass ends) also count later ballots. Military and overseas deadlines are separate and not shown.
Hours to count 95% of the presidential vote, seven battleground states, 2020 and 2024
Hours after polls closed until 95% of the two-party presidential vote had been reported (MIT Election Lab, from Edison Research data).
Hours
- Arizona 202073
- Arizona 2024147
- Nevada 2020159
- Nevada 202451
- Pennsylvania 202049
- Pennsylvania 20248
- Georgia 202018
- Georgia 20245
- Michigan 202017
- Michigan 20249
- Wisconsin 20208
- Wisconsin 20249
- North Carolina 20203
- North Carolina 20246
Source: MIT Election Data + Science Lab (Samuel Baltz) [10]
Observations 4
Most of the vote is counted within hours
The slowest counts are mostly in heavy-mail western states
MIT names Washington, California, Nevada, Arizona, Utah, Colorado and Alaska as having the most left to count after a day. California reported "about a third of its votes" over the month after Election Day. 10
Texas and Florida, each with well over ten million votes, counted almost all of them within about a day. 10
Mail volume is not the only cause of slow counts
Mississippi, Maine, Maryland, Massachusetts and Michigan were also slow to report in 2024. 10 Among the battleground states, Nevada and Pennsylvania counted far faster in 2024 than in 2020, while Arizona took twice as long (chart). 10
MIT's 2020 study found counts slower where states had "large volumes of mail ballots, prohibited preprocessing mail ballots, and allowed mail ballots to arrive after Election Day". 10
Experts rate the US count well
The Electoral Integrity Project's expert survey of the 2024 election rated "the counting, results and procedural aspects" strong, while overall US scores fell. 13 It measures experts' judgement of the process, not public confidence (see confidence and disputed results).
About this data
MIT's Table 1, which covers only these seven states. MIT says the hours "may be overstated by the duration of the media reporting process, plus up to half an hour". Nationally, a majority of the 2024 vote was counted in about 2 hours.
Share of votes reported four hours after polls closed, by whether states allowed mail ballots to be processed early, 2020
Average state in the 2020 general election (MIT Election Lab analysis, as summarised by Charles Stewart III).
% of votes reported
- No pre-processing before Election Day63%
- Pre-processing allowed78%
Source: Election Updates (Charles Stewart III, MIT) [12]
Observations 2
Early processing speeds the first hours of the count
About this data
Stewart: "At the twenty-four-hour point, the gap between states had essentially disappeared." Pre-processing means checking and opening envelopes before Election Day; no state releases results before polls close.
Late ballots, and what they are measured against
Each row uses a different election and denominator, so the figures are not comparable with one another.
| Late ballots | Measured against | |
|---|---|---|
| Nevada general, 2024: Clark and Washoe counties | About 9,500 + 2,400 received after Election Day, inside the four-day window [9] | Nearly 1.3 million ballots cast in the two counties; 669,445 mail ballots returned statewide [9] [3] |
| Wisconsin spring primary, 2026 | About 5,000 rejected as late: 78% of rejected ballots [8] | Spring 2023: roughly 2,300, or 47% [8] |
| Michigan August primary, 2026 | More than 10,000 rejected as late [8] | Nearly double the 2024 primary [8] |
| Washington primary, 2026 | More than 20,000 late-arriving ballots; 75% of rejected ballots were late [8] | About 16,000 in the 2024 primary [8] |
| United States general, 2024 | 17.8% of rejected mail ballots [16] | 584,463 rejected, 1.2% of returned mail ballots [3] |
Sources: U.S. Election Assistance Commission [3]; The Philadelphia Inquirer (Adam Sella and Nick Corasaniti, New York Times) [8]; The Nevada Independent (Eric Neugeboren) [9]; U.S. Election Assistance Commission [16]
Observations 5
Late ballots against what they are measured against
Each row uses a different election and denominator, so the figures are not comparable with one another.
Nevada's late ballots were few against the votes cast and the margins
Less than 1 percent of ballots cast in Nevada's two largest counties arrived after Election Day, and Senator Rosen's margins there "far" exceeded them. 9
Against mail ballots rather than all ballots the share is larger: the two counties' late ballots alone come to nearly one in fifty of the mail ballots returned statewide. 9 3
Late rejections rose in the 2026 primaries
In Wisconsin, Michigan and Washington, more mail ballots arrived too late in 2026 primaries than in the previous comparable election (table). 8 None of these ballots was counted.
Washington, an all-mail state with a grace period, shows that late rejections happen under postmark rules as well as under Election Day deadlines. 8 1
Postal changes bear on both kinds of deadline
In Nevada the lead changed on ballots that arrived by Election Day
Senator Rosen trailed on election night in 2024 and took the lead the next night, once about 50,000 Clark County mail ballots received on Election Day were counted. 9 The late swing came from the time taken to count, not from ballots arriving after Election Day.
When processing may begin, beside count speed and mail share
Seven battleground states. Processing rules are as of September 2026 and may differ from those in force in 2020.
| Processing may begin | Hours to count 95%, 2020 → 2024 | Turnout by mail, 2024 | Counts ballots arriving late? | |
|---|---|---|---|---|
| Arizona | On receipt | 73 → 147 | 74.7% | No |
| Nevada | Signature check on receipt | 159 → 51 | 44.1% | Yes, four days |
| Michigan | Signature check on receipt; further processing eight days before in places of 5,000 or more | 17 → 9 | 35.4% | No |
| Pennsylvania | 7 a.m. on Election Day | 49 → 8 | 27.3% | No |
| Wisconsin | After polls open on Election Day | 8 → 9 | 16.6% | No |
| North Carolina | Fifth Tuesday before Election Day | 3 → 6 | 5.2% | No |
| Georgia | ID check on receipt; further processing from the third Monday before | 18 → 5 | 5.1% | No |
Sources: National Conference of State Legislatures [1]; U.S. Election Assistance Commission [3]; MIT Election Data + Science Lab (Samuel Baltz) [10]; National Conference of State Legislatures [11]
Observations 2
When processing may begin, beside count speed and mail share
Processing rules are NCSL's as of September 2026 and may differ from those in force in 2020; mail share is from EAVS 2024.
What did the Supreme Court say about ballot deadlines in Watson v. RNC?
Three passages from the majority opinion, which held that federal law does not stop states counting ballots that arrive after Election Day.
policy arguments are properly directed to legislatures, not courts
US Supreme CourtOn the claim that Election Day receipt protects integrity and confidenceSource: Supreme Court of the United States [2] an election-day deadline avoids the appearance of fraud from late-arriving ballots
US Supreme CourtA view it said legislatures may have sharedSource: Supreme Court of the United States [2] The question today is not whether requiring ballots to be received by election day is a good or bad idea
US Supreme CourtOn what the case decidedSource: Supreme Court of the United States [2]
Source: Supreme Court of the United States [2]
Observations 2
The Supreme Court left receipt deadlines to legislatures
In Watson v. RNC, decided by five votes to four, the Court held that federal election-day statutes do not stop states counting ballots that arrive afterward (marked on the first chart). 2
On the arguments that Election Day receipt protects integrity and confidence, it said such "policy arguments are properly directed to legislatures, not courts". 2
The Court recognised a reason a legislature might choose Election Day receipt
The opinion said legislatures may have set Election Day deadlines because "an election-day deadline avoids the appearance of fraud from late-arriving ballots". 2 It did not decide whether that view is right: "The question today is not whether requiring ballots to be received by election day is a good or bad idea". 2
About this data
What this measures. State law on when a mail ballot must arrive (NCSL), why returned mail ballots were rejected (EAVS), and how fast votes were reported (MIT, from Edison Research data used by news media).
What it does not measure. No national source counts ballots that arrived late and were counted inside a grace period; EAVS records only those rejected. Unofficial reporting speed is not the official canvass, which takes weeks everywhere.
How it compares. Deadlines and processing rules are shown for every state NCSL lists. Count speed by hour is published only for seven battleground states; MIT describes the rest in words.
The Nevada share. "Nearly one in fifty" divides the two counties' late ballots (about 9,500 + 2,400) by all 669,445 mail ballots returned in Nevada in 2024. Because other counties' late ballots are left out, the true statewide share is at least this large. The Pahrump Valley Times reports that ballots received by the two counties after Election Day were about 2% of the overall mail ballots processed. 14
Common mistakes. NCSL's 15 states and Watson's "roughly 30" are often treated as conflicting; they count different ballots. Late-rejection shares are shares of rejected ballots, not of all ballots.
Data still needed
- A systematic search for any case in which election officials used signature review to change, or try to change, an election result, including Maricopa County's 2021 review and Colorado's referrals of uncured mismatches to prosecutorsNo such case was found, but the search was not exhaustive. Whether signature discretion has ever been used to tilt a result is the step between "decisions vary" and "decisions can be abused", and only a documented record can show it either way.
- Rejection rates for signature mismatch alone, by race and ethnicity, in more than one stateWashington's racial gaps count unsigned ballots as well as mismatches, and its auditor found no bias in individual decisions. Mismatch-only rates by group would show whether the judgement call itself, rather than missing signatures or late cure, drives the gaps.
- The full text of Baringer, Herron and Smith (Election Law Journal, 2020) on Florida's 2018 rejections, with its signature-only rates by age, race and countyOnly the authors' abstract could be read (the journal site blocks automated access and the draft is gone), so Florida cannot yet serve as a second state beside Washington on signature rejections by group.
- How often signature checks accept a signature that is not the voter's (a false-acceptance rate), tested against known non-matching signaturesAudits sample accepted ballots for errors but cannot say how many forgeries pass; Cobb County's audit found a spouse-signed envelope that had passed. Without this, a low rejection or fraud count says little about what checks miss.
- National cure outcomes by rejection reason and by voter groupThe survey reports how many ballots entered curing and were cured, but not which problems or which voters failed to cure, so it cannot show whether curing closes the group gaps.
- National rejection rates and reasons from the 2004–2010 surveysThose reports could not be retrieved, so the chart starts in 2012 and cannot show whether rejection rates were higher or lower before mail voting grew.
Sources
Mail Ballot Rejection, Signature Checks and Curing, 2012–2026
- Election Administration and Voting Survey 2024 Comprehensive Report
U.S. Election Assistance Commission, 2025-06-30 · supports
“States reported transmitting 66,867,671 mail ballots for the 2024 general election (a decrease of 26.3% over the 90,687,978 mail ballots transmitted for the 2020 general election), of which 47,957,093 were returned by voters, for a rate of 72% of transmitted mail ballots being returned by voters. Of the mail ballots that were returned by voters, 47,629,437 were reported as being counted and 584,463 were reported as being rejected, for a count rate of 98.8% of the mail ballots that were returned and a rejection rate of 1.2% of the mail ballots that were returned. … The percentage of returned mail ballots that were counted and rejected was not significantly different across these three elections. For the 2024 general election, the percentage of counted and rejected mail ballots was not significantly different when comparing states that conducted an all-mail election at a state level to those that did not. … HAVA expanded and standardized the use of provisional voting as a way for a voter to cast a ballot when their registration status cannot be verified at the time of voting, when there is some indication that the voter may have already cast another ballot (e.g., by mail), or when the voter’s eligibility to vote in an election is challenged.”
States reported transmitting 66,867,671 mail ballots for the 2024 general election (a decrease of 26.3% over the 90,687,978 mail ballots transmitted for the 2020 general election), of which 47,957,093 were returned by voters, for a rate of 72% of transmitted mail ballots being returned by voters. Of the mail ballots that were returned by voters, 47,629,437 were reported as being counted and 584,463 were reported as being rejected, for a count rate of 98.8% of the mail ballots that were returned and a rejection rate of 1.2% of the mail ballots that were returned. … The percentage of returned mail ballots that were counted and rejected was not significantly different across these three elections. For the 2024 general election, the percentage of counted and rejected mail ballots was not significantly different when comparing states that conducted an all-mail election at a state level to those that did not. … HAVA expanded and standardized the use of provisional voting as a way for a voter to cast a ballot when their registration status cannot be verified at the time of voting, when there is some indication that the voter may have already cast another ballot (e.g., by mail), or when the voter’s eligibility to vote in an election is challenged.
- Election Administration and Voting Survey 2024 Comprehensive Report (Chapter 1, Table 1)
U.S. Election Assistance Commission, 2025-06-30 · supports
“Table 1. Most Common Reason For Mail Ballot Rejection Was a Non-Matching Or Incomplete Signature … Ballot envelope had a non-matching or incomplete signature 40.7% Other reason not listed 18.1% Ballot was not received on time/missed the deadline 17.8% Voter already cast another ballot that was accepted 11.1% Ballot envelope did not have a voter signature 10% Ballot envelope did not have a witness signature 5.6% Voter did not provide the required documentation (e.g., identification, affidavit, statement) or documentation was incomplete 4.4% Ballot was not placed in a required secrecy envelope 3.7% Voter was not eligible to cast a ballot in the jurisdiction 3.4% Envelope was not sealed 2% Voter was deceased 1.5% Ballot was missing from the envelope 1.1% Returned ballot envelope did not have required postmark 0.9% Ballot was returned in an unofficial envelope 0.4% No resident address was on the envelope 0.2% Multiple ballots were returned in one envelope 0.2% No ballot application on record 0% … Casewise deletion was used at the state level in calculating national percentages, and because of this, percentages do not total 100%. … About two-fifths of the mail ballots that were rejected for this election were rejected for this reason. … The states with the highest percentage of mail ballots rejected for other reasons were Oregon (96.1%), Idaho (65.1%), Ohio (41.5%), Wisconsin (38.6%), Virginia (37.4%), and Arizona (37.1%). Other common reasons for rejection reported in the data descriptions included “All signature issues,” “Neither returned undeliverable nor returned by the voter,” multiple issues with a single mail ballot, and the rejection reason not being specified.”
Table 1. Most Common Reason For Mail Ballot Rejection Was a Non-Matching Or Incomplete Signature … Ballot envelope had a non-matching or incomplete signature 40.7% Other reason not listed 18.1% Ballot was not received on time/missed the deadline 17.8% Voter already cast another ballot that was accepted 11.1% Ballot envelope did not have a voter signature 10% Ballot envelope did not have a witness signature 5.6% Voter did not provide the required documentation (e.g., identification, affidavit, statement) or documentation was incomplete 4.4% Ballot was not placed in a required secrecy envelope 3.7% Voter was not eligible to cast a ballot in the jurisdiction 3.4% Envelope was not sealed 2% Voter was deceased 1.5% Ballot was missing from the envelope 1.1% Returned ballot envelope did not have required postmark 0.9% Ballot was returned in an unofficial envelope 0.4% No resident address was on the envelope 0.2% Multiple ballots were returned in one envelope 0.2% No ballot application on record 0% … Casewise deletion was used at the state level in calculating national percentages, and because of this, percentages do not total 100%. … About two-fifths of the mail ballots that were rejected for this election were rejected for this reason. … The states with the highest percentage of mail ballots rejected for other reasons were Oregon (96.1%), Idaho (65.1%), Ohio (41.5%), Wisconsin (38.6%), Virginia (37.4%), and Arizona (37.1%). Other common reasons for rejection reported in the data descriptions included “All signature issues,” “Neither returned undeliverable nor returned by the voter,” multiple issues with a single mail ballot, and the rejection reason not being specified.
- Election Administration and Voting Survey 2024 Comprehensive Report (Chapter 1, curing)
U.S. Election Assistance Commission, 2025-06-30 · supports
“According to the 2024 Policy Survey, 43 states allowed voters to cure their mail ballots for the 2024 general election — that is, making their ballot eligible to be counted for the election by correcting missing information or signature errors. … Among states that reported these data, 585,457 ballots were reported to have been set aside for curing, of which 317,191 were successfully cured by voters and 270,753 were ultimately rejected. … At the national level, 1.5% of returned mail ballots entered the curing process, with 54.3% of these ballots being successfully cured by voters. Maryland had the highest successful cure rate at 94.8% and the District of Columbia had the lowest rate at 21.4%. … Not all states that cure ballots were able to report data on the number of ballots that were cured. Georgia, Idaho, Iowa, Maine, Massachusetts, Mississippi, New Hampshire, North Dakota, Oregon, Pennsylvania, West Virginia, and Wisconsin were unable to report data on the total number of mail ballots that entered the cure process in C7a. New Jersey was able to report data on successfully cured mail ballots in C7b only. … The percentage of successfully cured mail ballots was calculated as C7b/C7a x 100. Casewise deletion was used at the state level in calculating the national percentages.”
According to the 2024 Policy Survey, 43 states allowed voters to cure their mail ballots for the 2024 general election — that is, making their ballot eligible to be counted for the election by correcting missing information or signature errors. … Among states that reported these data, 585,457 ballots were reported to have been set aside for curing, of which 317,191 were successfully cured by voters and 270,753 were ultimately rejected. … At the national level, 1.5% of returned mail ballots entered the curing process, with 54.3% of these ballots being successfully cured by voters. Maryland had the highest successful cure rate at 94.8% and the District of Columbia had the lowest rate at 21.4%. … Not all states that cure ballots were able to report data on the number of ballots that were cured. Georgia, Idaho, Iowa, Maine, Massachusetts, Mississippi, New Hampshire, North Dakota, Oregon, Pennsylvania, West Virginia, and Wisconsin were unable to report data on the total number of mail ballots that entered the cure process in C7a. New Jersey was able to report data on successfully cured mail ballots in C7b only. … The percentage of successfully cured mail ballots was calculated as C7b/C7a x 100. Casewise deletion was used at the state level in calculating the national percentages.
- Election Administration and Voting Survey 2024 Comprehensive Report (Chapter 1, Appendix A, Overview Table 1)
U.S. Election Assistance Commission, 2025-06-30 · supports
“Overview Table 1: Mail Voting in the 2024 General Election … Mail Ballots Not Counted Total % of Returned … Alabama 1,779 -- … Alaska [1] 872 1.8% … American Samoa [2] 1 0.5% … Arizona [3] 25,071 0.9% … Arkansas 2,274 8.8% … California 123,248 0.9% … Colorado [4] 42,751 1.4% … Connecticut 2,642 -- … Delaware 1,816 5.1% … District of Columbia 1,169 0.7% … Florida [5] 21,126 0.7% … Georgia [6] 4,761 1.7% … Guam [7] 9 16.7% … Hawaii 4,161 0.9% … Idaho [8] 2,657 1.5% … Illinois [9] 16,559 1.6% … Indiana [10] 3,432 0.2% … Iowa 1,169 0.5% … Kansas 561 0.4% … Kentucky 4,076 3.4% … Louisiana [11] 2,921 2.4% … Maine [12] 511 0.2% … Maryland 2,796 0.4% … Massachusetts [13] 13,198 1.1% … Michigan 63,561 3.1% … Minnesota 9,122 2.0% … Mississippi [14] -- -- … Missouri 5,238 2.9% … Montana [15] 2,235 0.5% … Nebraska [16] 1,466 0.5% … Nevada 13,305 2.0% … New Hampshire 1,552 1.6% … New Jersey [17] 11,191 1.3% … New Mexico 967 0.9% … New York 25,750 3.0% … North Carolina [18] 8,916 2.9% … North Dakota 501 0.6% … Northern Mariana Islands 13 -- … Ohio 8,335 0.8% … Oklahoma 4,477 4.3% … Oregon [19] 38,465 1.7% … Pennsylvania [20] 19,270 1.0% … Puerto Rico [21] 2,239 1.7% … Rhode Island 306 0.6% … South Carolina 2,803 2.8% … South Dakota 738 0.5% … Tennessee 1,844 2.1% … Texas 14,049 3.5% … U.S. Virgin Islands 6 1.0% … Utah 23,819 1.9% … Vermont [22] 467 0.2% … Virginia 4,807 1.0% … Washington [23] 36,187 0.9% … West Virginia 247 1.1% … Wisconsin [24] 2,823 0.5% … Wyoming 204 0.5% … U.S. Total 584,463 1.2% … Mail Ballots Not Counted, % of Returned uses C9a/C1b x 100.”
Overview Table 1: Mail Voting in the 2024 General Election … Mail Ballots Not Counted Total % of Returned … Alabama 1,779 -- … Alaska [1] 872 1.8% … American Samoa [2] 1 0.5% … Arizona [3] 25,071 0.9% … Arkansas 2,274 8.8% … California 123,248 0.9% … Colorado [4] 42,751 1.4% … Connecticut 2,642 -- … Delaware 1,816 5.1% … District of Columbia 1,169 0.7% … Florida [5] 21,126 0.7% … Georgia [6] 4,761 1.7% … Guam [7] 9 16.7% … Hawaii 4,161 0.9% … Idaho [8] 2,657 1.5% … Illinois [9] 16,559 1.6% … Indiana [10] 3,432 0.2% … Iowa 1,169 0.5% … Kansas 561 0.4% … Kentucky 4,076 3.4% … Louisiana [11] 2,921 2.4% … Maine [12] 511 0.2% … Maryland 2,796 0.4% … Massachusetts [13] 13,198 1.1% … Michigan 63,561 3.1% … Minnesota 9,122 2.0% … Mississippi [14] -- -- … Missouri 5,238 2.9% … Montana [15] 2,235 0.5% … Nebraska [16] 1,466 0.5% … Nevada 13,305 2.0% … New Hampshire 1,552 1.6% … New Jersey [17] 11,191 1.3% … New Mexico 967 0.9% … New York 25,750 3.0% … North Carolina [18] 8,916 2.9% … North Dakota 501 0.6% … Northern Mariana Islands 13 -- … Ohio 8,335 0.8% … Oklahoma 4,477 4.3% … Oregon [19] 38,465 1.7% … Pennsylvania [20] 19,270 1.0% … Puerto Rico [21] 2,239 1.7% … Rhode Island 306 0.6% … South Carolina 2,803 2.8% … South Dakota 738 0.5% … Tennessee 1,844 2.1% … Texas 14,049 3.5% … U.S. Virgin Islands 6 1.0% … Utah 23,819 1.9% … Vermont [22] 467 0.2% … Virginia 4,807 1.0% … Washington [23] 36,187 0.9% … West Virginia 247 1.1% … Wisconsin [24] 2,823 0.5% … Wyoming 204 0.5% … U.S. Total 584,463 1.2% … Mail Ballots Not Counted, % of Returned uses C9a/C1b x 100.
- Election Administration and Voting Survey 2022 Comprehensive Report
U.S. Election Assistance Commission, 2023-06-29 · supports
“Of the mail ballots that were returned by voters, 35,718,700 were reported as being counted and 549,824 were reported as being rejected, for a count rate of 97.4% of the mail ballots that were returned and a rejection rate of 1.5% of the mail ballots that were returned. … Table 1. Most Common Reason for Mail Ballot Rejection was “Other” … Other reason not listed 32.7% Ballot had a non-matching or incomplete signature 26.9% Ballot was not received on time/missed the deadline 23.1% Ballot did not have a voter signature 9.8% … The most common other reasons reported were ”Undeliverable/Void/Final Not Counted“ (comprising approximately half of mail ballots rejected for other reasons) and “All Signature Issues” (comprising approximately one-quarter of mail ballots rejected for other reasons).”
Of the mail ballots that were returned by voters, 35,718,700 were reported as being counted and 549,824 were reported as being rejected, for a count rate of 97.4% of the mail ballots that were returned and a rejection rate of 1.5% of the mail ballots that were returned. … Table 1. Most Common Reason for Mail Ballot Rejection was “Other” … Other reason not listed 32.7% Ballot had a non-matching or incomplete signature 26.9% Ballot was not received on time/missed the deadline 23.1% Ballot did not have a voter signature 9.8% … The most common other reasons reported were ”Undeliverable/Void/Final Not Counted“ (comprising approximately half of mail ballots rejected for other reasons) and “All Signature Issues” (comprising approximately one-quarter of mail ballots rejected for other reasons).
- Election Administration and Voting Survey 2020 Comprehensive Report
U.S. Election Assistance Commission, 2021-08 · supports
“This means that 77.8% of the transmitted mailed ballots were returned by voters, and of the returned ballots, 98.8% were counted and 0.8% were rejected. Although the number of mailed ballots that were transmitted more than doubled since 2016—when 41,651,526 transmitted mailed ballots were reported—the mailed ballot return, count, and rejection rates were not significantly different between the 2016 and 2020 general elections at the national level. … Table 2. The Most Common Reason for Rejecting Mailed Ballots Was for a Non-Matching Signature … Non-matching signature 32.8% Other reason given 22.5% Voter already voted in person 13.5% Ballot not received on time/missed deadline 12.1% No voter signature 12.1% … Overview Table 2: Voter Turnout by Mail … Mailed Ballots Rejected, Total, % of Returned … Georgia [2] 1,311,361 99.6 4,804 0.4 … Texas 982,362 99.4 8,304 0.8 … [2] Data on rejected mailed ballots for Georgia include rejected ballots entered by counties into the state voter registration system as of February 2021, which does not necessarily include all ballots rejected by counties.”
This means that 77.8% of the transmitted mailed ballots were returned by voters, and of the returned ballots, 98.8% were counted and 0.8% were rejected. Although the number of mailed ballots that were transmitted more than doubled since 2016—when 41,651,526 transmitted mailed ballots were reported—the mailed ballot return, count, and rejection rates were not significantly different between the 2016 and 2020 general elections at the national level. … Table 2. The Most Common Reason for Rejecting Mailed Ballots Was for a Non-Matching Signature … Non-matching signature 32.8% Other reason given 22.5% Voter already voted in person 13.5% Ballot not received on time/missed deadline 12.1% No voter signature 12.1% … Overview Table 2: Voter Turnout by Mail … Mailed Ballots Rejected, Total, % of Returned … Georgia [2] 1,311,361 99.6 4,804 0.4 … Texas 982,362 99.4 8,304 0.8 … [2] Data on rejected mailed ballots for Georgia include rejected ballots entered by counties into the state voter registration system as of February 2021, which does not necessarily include all ballots rejected by counties.
- The Election Administration and Voting Survey: 2018 Comprehensive Report
U.S. Election Assistance Commission, 2019-06 · supports
“Of these returned ballots, 91.8 percent were counted in the 2018 general elections and 1.4 percent were rejected. … Table 1. Most Common Reason for By-Mail Ballot Rejection is “Other” … “Other” reason given 34.9% Ballot not received on time/missed deadline 26.9% Non-matching signature 15.8% No voter signature 13.0% … Overview Table 2: By-Mail and In-Person Early Voting … Georgia 3,951,876 281,490 242,661 86.21 218,858 90.19 7,512 3.10 16,291 6.71 … Texas 7,976,548 621,386 533,566 85.87 527,787 98.92 9,377 1.76 -3,598 -0.67”
Of these returned ballots, 91.8 percent were counted in the 2018 general elections and 1.4 percent were rejected. … Table 1. Most Common Reason for By-Mail Ballot Rejection is “Other” … “Other” reason given 34.9% Ballot not received on time/missed deadline 26.9% Non-matching signature 15.8% No voter signature 13.0% … Overview Table 2: By-Mail and In-Person Early Voting … Georgia 3,951,876 281,490 242,661 86.21 218,858 90.19 7,512 3.10 16,291 6.71 … Texas 7,976,548 621,386 533,566 85.87 527,787 98.92 9,377 1.76 -3,598 -0.67
- The Election Administration and Voting Survey 2016 Comprehensive Report
U.S. Election Assistance Commission, 2017-06 · supports
“Table 1. Top Reasons for Rejecting Absentee Ballots Percentage of ballots returned and submitted for counting Rejected (total) 1.0% Non-matching signature 27.5% Ballot not received on time/missed deadline 23.1% No voter signature 20.0% “Other” reason given 14.8% Uncategorized 5.7% … In 2016, there were seven states that did not report the reasons why absentee ballots are rejected, which leaves an incomplete picture of why those ballots were not counted.”
Table 1. Top Reasons for Rejecting Absentee Ballots Percentage of ballots returned and submitted for counting Rejected (total) 1.0% Non-matching signature 27.5% Ballot not received on time/missed deadline 23.1% No voter signature 20.0% “Other” reason given 14.8% Uncategorized 5.7% … In 2016, there were seven states that did not report the reasons why absentee ballots are rejected, which leaves an incomplete picture of why those ballots were not counted.
- The EAC 2014 Election Administration and Voting Survey Comprehensive Report: A Summary of Key Findings
U.S. Election Assistance Commission, 2015-06-30 · supports
“States reported counting 18,968,173 absentee ballots (98.2%) and rejecting 268,720 (1.4%) (see Tables 32, 33a, 33b, and 33c). Arkansas, Kentucky, Louisiana, and New York reported rejecting over 5% of their absentee ballots, and Illinois and American Samoa rejected over 15% of their absentee ballots. … Exhibit 5. Top Reasons for Rejecting Domestic Absentee Ballots Reason Number Percent Missed deadline 78,833 29.3% Lack of valid signature 43,644 16.2% Nonmatching signature 42,266 15.7% … 14 States vary in whether they consider vote-by-mail ballots to be absentee ballots; some States with vote by mail reserve the term “absentee” for specific circumstances.”
States reported counting 18,968,173 absentee ballots (98.2%) and rejecting 268,720 (1.4%) (see Tables 32, 33a, 33b, and 33c). Arkansas, Kentucky, Louisiana, and New York reported rejecting over 5% of their absentee ballots, and Illinois and American Samoa rejected over 15% of their absentee ballots. … Exhibit 5. Top Reasons for Rejecting Domestic Absentee Ballots Reason Number Percent Missed deadline 78,833 29.3% Lack of valid signature 43,644 16.2% Nonmatching signature 42,266 15.7% … 14 States vary in whether they consider vote-by-mail ballots to be absentee ballots; some States with vote by mail reserve the term “absentee” for specific circumstances.
- The 2012 Election Administration and Voting Survey: A Summary of Key Findings
U.S. Election Assistance Commission, 2013-09 · supports
“States reported counting 26,834,076 absentee ballots (97.1%), and rejecting 258,380 (0.9%) (see Tables 32, 33a, 33b, and 33c). … Readers should note that the “Reasons for Rejected Absentee Ballots” listed below are for ballots submitted for counting … TOP REASONS FOR REJECTING ABSENTEE BALLOTS Number Percent Missed deadline 82,922 32.1% Non-matching signature 45,392 17.6% Lack of valid signature 44,748 17.3% … HIGHEST ABSENTEE VOTING RATES Colorado 71.4% Arizona 65.9% Montana 57.5% Georgia 48.8%”
States reported counting 26,834,076 absentee ballots (97.1%), and rejecting 258,380 (0.9%) (see Tables 32, 33a, 33b, and 33c). … Readers should note that the “Reasons for Rejected Absentee Ballots” listed below are for ballots submitted for counting … TOP REASONS FOR REJECTING ABSENTEE BALLOTS Number Percent Missed deadline 82,922 32.1% Non-matching signature 45,392 17.6% Lack of valid signature 44,748 17.3% … HIGHEST ABSENTEE VOTING RATES Colorado 71.4% Arizona 65.9% Montana 57.5% Georgia 48.8%
- Administration of Mail-In Voting (Elections Performance Index), by Arianna Conte
MIT Election Data and Science Lab, 2026-06-25 · supports
“The EPI’s “ mail ballots rejected ” indicator measures the degree to which mail and absentee ballots are rejected as a percentage of all votes cast. The nationwide average in 2024 was 0.34%, the same as 2020 and slightly above the mail ballot rejection rate of the 2016, 2012, and 2008 elections.”
The EPI’s “ mail ballots rejected ” indicator measures the degree to which mail and absentee ballots are rejected as a percentage of all votes cast. The nationwide average in 2024 was 0.34%, the same as 2020 and slightly above the mail ballot rejection rate of the 2016, 2012, and 2008 elections.
- Texas officials say they're rejecting fewer mail ballots than the primary's big spike
NPR (via Texas Public Radio), 2022-11-06 · complicates
“During the state's primary in March, state officials said 24,636 mail-in ballots were rejected in that election. That's a 12.38% rejection rate — far higher than in previous contests. According to the U.S. Election Assistance Commission, Texas' mail ballot rejection rate during the 2020 general election was 0.8% and it was 1.5% in 2018. The surge in the rejection rate in March followed a voting law passed by Republicans in the state legislature in 2021 that created new ID requirements for mail ballots. Local officials said confusion created by the law, known as Senate Bill 1, tripped up many voters. In many cases, voters completely missed the field on the ballot return envelope that requires either a partial Social Security number or driver's license number. … Sam Taylor, assistant secretary of state for communications, attributes the decrease in the mail ballot rejection rate to updates to the return ballot in some Texas counties, as well as additional voter information included in mail ballots by local officials. He says various voter education campaigns following the March primary have also helped. … Taylor also said rejection rates were always likely to improve as "voters got used to" the new mail ballot process.”
During the state's primary in March, state officials said 24,636 mail-in ballots were rejected in that election. That's a 12.38% rejection rate — far higher than in previous contests. According to the U.S. Election Assistance Commission, Texas' mail ballot rejection rate during the 2020 general election was 0.8% and it was 1.5% in 2018. The surge in the rejection rate in March followed a voting law passed by Republicans in the state legislature in 2021 that created new ID requirements for mail ballots. Local officials said confusion created by the law, known as Senate Bill 1, tripped up many voters. In many cases, voters completely missed the field on the ballot return envelope that requires either a partial Social Security number or driver's license number. … Sam Taylor, assistant secretary of state for communications, attributes the decrease in the mail ballot rejection rate to updates to the return ballot in some Texas counties, as well as additional voter information included in mail ballots by local officials. He says various voter education campaigns following the March primary have also helped. … Taylor also said rejection rates were always likely to improve as "voters got used to" the new mail ballot process.
- 2022 EAVS Data Brief: Texas
U.S. Election Assistance Commission, 2023-08 · complicates
“444,150 mail ballots transmitted • 83.2% of transmitted mail ballots returned by voters • 96.6% of returned mail ballots counted • 3.4% of returned mail ballots rejected”
444,150 mail ballots transmitted • 83.2% of transmitted mail ballots returned by voters • 96.6% of returned mail ballots counted • 3.4% of returned mail ballots rejected
- 2024 EAVS Data Brief: Texas
U.S. Election Assistance Commission, 2025 · complicates
“463,200 mail ballots transmitted 86.0% of transmitted mail ballots returned by voters 96.5% of returned mail ballots counted … 5.8% of mail ballots entered ballot curing process”
463,200 mail ballots transmitted 86.0% of transmitted mail ballots returned by voters 96.5% of returned mail ballots counted … 5.8% of mail ballots entered ballot curing process
- 2022 EAVS Data Brief: Georgia
U.S. Election Assistance Commission, 2023-08 · supports
“280,897 mail ballots transmitted • 89.8% of transmitted mail ballots returned by voters • 98.5% of returned mail ballots counted • 1.5% of returned mail ballots rejected”
280,897 mail ballots transmitted • 89.8% of transmitted mail ballots returned by voters • 98.5% of returned mail ballots counted • 1.5% of returned mail ballots rejected
- 2024 EAVS Data Brief: Georgia
U.S. Election Assistance Commission, 2025 · supports
“327,241 mail ballots transmitted 83.6% of transmitted mail ballots returned by voters 98.3% of returned mail ballots counted”
327,241 mail ballots transmitted 83.6% of transmitted mail ballots returned by voters 98.3% of returned mail ballots counted
- Gauging the Effects of SB 202 on Voting in Georgia
MIT Election Data and Science Lab (report by M.V. Hood III and Seth C. McKee), 2024-05 · complicates
“Within this context the Republican-controlled General Assembly passed an omnibus reform bill known as the Election Integrity Act of 2021 (hereafter referred to as SB 202). … A plurality of LEOs indicated that the absentee ballot/application verification process did not result in fewer rejections … SB 202 altered verification for absentee applications and ballots from signature verification to use of a driver’s license or state ID number. Almost half of the counties responding indicated that processing of absentee applications (49%) and ballots (46%) was faster in 2022. In addition, 34% of counties reported fewer ABM applications rejected and 32% reported fewer ABM ballots rejected as compared to 2022.”
Within this context the Republican-controlled General Assembly passed an omnibus reform bill known as the Election Integrity Act of 2021 (hereafter referred to as SB 202). … A plurality of LEOs indicated that the absentee ballot/application verification process did not result in fewer rejections … SB 202 altered verification for absentee applications and ballots from signature verification to use of a driver’s license or state ID number. Almost half of the counties responding indicated that processing of absentee applications (49%) and ballots (46%) was faster in 2022. In addition, 34% of counties reported fewer ABM applications rejected and 32% reported fewer ABM ballots rejected as compared to 2022.
- Evaluating Washington's Ballot Rejection Rates (Performance Audit Report No. 1029711)
Office of the Washington State Auditor, 2022-02-01 · supports
“Although county election officials can reject ballots for several reasons, 97 percent are rejected because they are late (postmarked after Election Day), unsigned, or the ballot signature does not match the voter signature on file. … For the 2020 general election, the overall ballot rejection rate in Washington was 0.72 percent, or fewer than 30,000 ballots out of about 4.2 million cast, excluding late ballots. County ballot rejection rates ranged from less than one-tenth of a percent to about 1.5 percent of ballots cast, listed in Exhibit 3. … Exhibit 3 – Rejection rates by county from highest to lowest in the 2020 general election County Rate County Rate County Rate County Rate Franklin 1.50% Benton 0.72% Grant 0.50% Jefferson 0.29% Okanogan 1.28% Whitman 0.70% Klickitat 0.49% Chelan 0.28% Adams 1.15% Lincoln 0.65% Cowlitz 0.48% Garfield 0.27% Kittitas 1.14% Clallam 0.64% Whatcom 0.47% Stevens 0.26% Snohomish 0.99% Skagit 0.63% Spokane 0.46% Ferry 0.25% Wahkiakum 0.98% Pierce 0.63% Grays Harbor 0.46% San Juan 0.25% King 0.86% Pacific 0.59% Mason 0.44% Douglas 0.25% Kitsap 0.85% Lewis 0.57% Skamania 0.38% Pend Oreille 0.20% Clark 0.76% Island 0.56% Walla Walla 0.36% Columbia 0.04% Asotin 0.72% Thurston 0.51% Yakima 0.29% Note: Data excludes late ballots.”
Although county election officials can reject ballots for several reasons, 97 percent are rejected because they are late (postmarked after Election Day), unsigned, or the ballot signature does not match the voter signature on file. … For the 2020 general election, the overall ballot rejection rate in Washington was 0.72 percent, or fewer than 30,000 ballots out of about 4.2 million cast, excluding late ballots. County ballot rejection rates ranged from less than one-tenth of a percent to about 1.5 percent of ballots cast, listed in Exhibit 3. … Exhibit 3 – Rejection rates by county from highest to lowest in the 2020 general election County Rate County Rate County Rate County Rate Franklin 1.50% Benton 0.72% Grant 0.50% Jefferson 0.29% Okanogan 1.28% Whitman 0.70% Klickitat 0.49% Chelan 0.28% Adams 1.15% Lincoln 0.65% Cowlitz 0.48% Garfield 0.27% Kittitas 1.14% Clallam 0.64% Whatcom 0.47% Stevens 0.26% Snohomish 0.99% Skagit 0.63% Spokane 0.46% Ferry 0.25% Wahkiakum 0.98% Pierce 0.63% Grays Harbor 0.46% San Juan 0.25% King 0.86% Pacific 0.59% Mason 0.44% Douglas 0.25% Kitsap 0.85% Lewis 0.57% Skamania 0.38% Pend Oreille 0.20% Clark 0.76% Island 0.56% Walla Walla 0.36% Columbia 0.04% Asotin 0.72% Thurston 0.51% Yakima 0.29% Note: Data excludes late ballots.
- Evaluating Washington's Ballot Rejection Rates (Performance Audit Report No. 1029711)
Office of the Washington State Auditor, 2022-02-01 · supports
“Exhibit 5 – Ballots of younger voters were rejected at a higher rate than those of older voters 2020 general election; Rate of rejection by age group 2.68% 2.04% 1.56% 0.88% 0.38% 0.17% 18-21 22-25 26-29 30-44 45-64 65+ … voters had a rejection rate of 2.68 percent, while the oldest voters had a rejection rate of just 0.17 percent. After accounting for other variables with our regression analysis, we estimated that Washington's youngest voters were almost three times more likely to have their ballots rejected than Washington's oldest voters. This was consistent when we considered only ballots rejected for mismatched signatures. … We found a statistically significant difference in ballot rejection rates between white voters and voters from all other racial and ethnic groups, except Native Americans and multiracial voters. … We also found the greatest disparity was between white and Black voters, with rejection rates at 0.63 percent and 2.49 percent, respectively (shown in Exhibit 6). Even when controlling for other variables, we estimated Black voters were twice as likely to have ballots rejected than white voters. Exhibit 6 – Ballots of white voters were rejected at a lower rate than those of all other racial and ethnic groups 2020 general election; Rate of rejection by race/ethnic group 2.49% 1.59% 1.57% 1.24% 0.63% Black Native American Hispanic Asian/ Pacific Islander White”
Exhibit 5 – Ballots of younger voters were rejected at a higher rate than those of older voters 2020 general election; Rate of rejection by age group 2.68% 2.04% 1.56% 0.88% 0.38% 0.17% 18-21 22-25 26-29 30-44 45-64 65+ … voters had a rejection rate of 2.68 percent, while the oldest voters had a rejection rate of just 0.17 percent. After accounting for other variables with our regression analysis, we estimated that Washington's youngest voters were almost three times more likely to have their ballots rejected than Washington's oldest voters. This was consistent when we considered only ballots rejected for mismatched signatures. … We found a statistically significant difference in ballot rejection rates between white voters and voters from all other racial and ethnic groups, except Native Americans and multiracial voters. … We also found the greatest disparity was between white and Black voters, with rejection rates at 0.63 percent and 2.49 percent, respectively (shown in Exhibit 6). Even when controlling for other variables, we estimated Black voters were twice as likely to have ballots rejected than white voters. Exhibit 6 – Ballots of white voters were rejected at a lower rate than those of all other racial and ethnic groups 2020 general election; Rate of rejection by race/ethnic group 2.49% 1.59% 1.57% 1.24% 0.63% Black Native American Hispanic Asian/ Pacific Islander White
- Evaluating Washington's Ballot Rejection Rates (Performance Audit Report No. 1029711)
Office of the Washington State Auditor, 2022-02-01 · supports
“The rejection rate of ballots cast by first-time voters was more than five times greater than for voters with previous voting experience. … We estimated that male voters were 42 percent more likely than female voters to have ballots rejected. … We estimated that voters in the county casting non-English ballots had a 47 percent greater likelihood of ballot rejection than voters who cast English-language ballots.”
The rejection rate of ballots cast by first-time voters was more than five times greater than for voters with previous voting experience. … We estimated that male voters were 42 percent more likely than female voters to have ballots rejected. … We estimated that voters in the county casting non-English ballots had a 47 percent greater likelihood of ballot rejection than voters who cast English-language ballots.
- Evaluating Washington's Ballot Rejection Rates (Performance Audit Report No. 1029711)
Office of the Washington State Auditor, 2022-02-01 · supports
“For the 2020 general election, the county where a ballot was cast was the most significant variable related to rejection. … After accounting for demographic variables like age, race, education levels and income in our regression analysis, we estimated that ballots submitted to some counties were four to seven times more likely to be rejected for signature mismatches or being unsigned than ballots submitted to other counties. The disparity was even greater when analyzing the likelihood a ballot would be rejected for just signature mismatches, with ballots from two counties having 18 times the likelihood of rejection as another county.”
For the 2020 general election, the county where a ballot was cast was the most significant variable related to rejection. … After accounting for demographic variables like age, race, education levels and income in our regression analysis, we estimated that ballots submitted to some counties were four to seven times more likely to be rejected for signature mismatches or being unsigned than ballots submitted to other counties. The disparity was even greater when analyzing the likelihood a ballot would be rejected for just signature mismatches, with ballots from two counties having 18 times the likelihood of rejection as another county.
- Evaluating Washington's Ballot Rejection Rates (Performance Audit Report No. 1029711)
Office of the Washington State Auditor, 2022-02-01 · complicates
“we used automatic signature verification software that compared a statistically significant random sample of more than 7,200 voter ballot signatures to those on file from the 2020 general election. … Auditors trained by the State Patrol in signature review then reviewed all cases where the software disagreed with the county's decision or where it deemed the signature as a possible forgery. … We agreed with county determinations for more than 98 percent of the signatures reviewed, but found counties with lower rejection rates were more likely to accept less conclusive signatures. When applying results from our sample to the entire population of signatures, we estimated that 98.7 percent of county decisions were appropriate.”
we used automatic signature verification software that compared a statistically significant random sample of more than 7,200 voter ballot signatures to those on file from the 2020 general election. … Auditors trained by the State Patrol in signature review then reviewed all cases where the software disagreed with the county's decision or where it deemed the signature as a possible forgery. … We agreed with county determinations for more than 98 percent of the signatures reviewed, but found counties with lower rejection rates were more likely to accept less conclusive signatures. When applying results from our sample to the entire population of signatures, we estimated that 98.7 percent of county decisions were appropriate.
- Evaluating Washington's Ballot Rejection Rates (Performance Audit Report No. 1029711)
Office of the Washington State Auditor, 2022-02-01 · supports
“Unlike the other main reasons ballots are rejected – late postmarks and missing signatures – deciding whether a signature matches is inherently subjective and requires some level of human judgment … Although trainings and statewide criteria may help standardize processes, we found that even experienced reviewers can come to different conclusions. … Members of our own team participating in the review also disagreed on whether many of the signatures matched. We also found that county officials interpreted statewide criteria for signature verification differently.”
Unlike the other main reasons ballots are rejected – late postmarks and missing signatures – deciding whether a signature matches is inherently subjective and requires some level of human judgment … Although trainings and statewide criteria may help standardize processes, we found that even experienced reviewers can come to different conclusions. … Members of our own team participating in the review also disagreed on whether many of the signatures matched. We also found that county officials interpreted statewide criteria for signature verification differently.
- Evaluating Washington's Ballot Rejection Rates (Performance Audit Report No. 1029711)
Office of the Washington State Auditor, 2022-02-01 · complicates
“We found no evidence of bias when counties accepted or rejected ballots … We specifically looked for evidence of this by reviewing a random sample of accepted ballots and those rejected for mismatched signatures. … Disparities in rejection rates for different racial and ethnic groups are unacceptable, and we explicitly looked for bias in the decisions to accept or reject individual ballots, to see if that could help explain the differences. We found no evidence of bias in those decisions. While that is good news, it also means we are not able to explain what causes rejection rates to vary for these groups of voters.”
We found no evidence of bias when counties accepted or rejected ballots … We specifically looked for evidence of this by reviewing a random sample of accepted ballots and those rejected for mismatched signatures. … Disparities in rejection rates for different racial and ethnic groups are unacceptable, and we explicitly looked for bias in the decisions to accept or reject individual ballots, to see if that could help explain the differences. We found no evidence of bias in those decisions. While that is good news, it also means we are not able to explain what causes rejection rates to vary for these groups of voters.
- Evaluating Washington's Ballot Rejection Rates (Performance Audit Report No. 1029711)
Office of the Washington State Auditor, 2022-02-01 · complicates
“Counties with lower rejection rates had higher cure rates (65 percent cured) than the other counties (50 percent cured). … All 10 counties reported training employees before reviewing any signatures, and sometimes also taking subsequent trainings to increase their expertise.”
Counties with lower rejection rates had higher cure rates (65 percent cured) than the other counties (50 percent cured). … All 10 counties reported training employees before reviewing any signatures, and sometimes also taking subsequent trainings to increase their expertise.
- Voting by Mail and Ballot Rejection: Lessons from Florida for Elections in the Age of the Coronavirus (draft abstract by Baringer, Herron and Smith; published in Election Law Journal 19(3))
Election Law Blog, 2020-04-18 · supports
“This motivates our examination of over 8.2 million ballots cast in the 2018 General Election in Florida, including 2.6 million VBM ballots, of which approximately 1.2 percent were rejected by local election officials. ... We find that younger voters and voters needing assistance are disproportionately likely to have their VBM ballots rejected. ... Lastly, we find significant variation in the rejection rates of VBM ballots cast across Florida's 67 counties, suggesting a non-uniformity in the way local election officials verify these ballots.”
This motivates our examination of over 8.2 million ballots cast in the 2018 General Election in Florida, including 2.6 million VBM ballots, of which approximately 1.2 percent were rejected by local election officials. ... We find that younger voters and voters needing assistance are disproportionately likely to have their VBM ballots rejected. ... Lastly, we find significant variation in the rejection rates of VBM ballots cast across Florida's 67 counties, suggesting a non-uniformity in the way local election officials verify these ballots.
- QSS Faculty Publish Paper on Voting By Mail (abstract of Cottrell, Herron and Smith, "Vote-by-mail ballot rejection and experience with mail-in voting")
Dartmouth Program in Quantitative Social Science, 2020-10-12 · supports
“Our analysis of ballot rejections in the political battleground state of Florida shows that inexperienced mail voters were three and 2.75 times more likely, respectively, in the 2016 and 2018 General Elections to have their ballots rejected than experienced mail voters. ... Moreover, the effect of inexperience on vote-by-mail ballot rejection rates varies by party affiliation, race/ethnicity, age, and gender.”
Our analysis of ballot rejections in the political battleground state of Florida shows that inexperienced mail voters were three and 2.75 times more likely, respectively, in the 2016 and 2018 General Elections to have their ballots rejected than experienced mail voters. ... Moreover, the effect of inexperience on vote-by-mail ballot rejection rates varies by party affiliation, race/ethnicity, age, and gender.
- Table 14: How States Verify Voted Absentee/Mail Ballots
National Conference of State Legislatures, 2026-10-26 · supports
“Thirty-two states and Puerto Rico conduct signature verification on returned absentee/mail ballots: Arizona, Arkansas, California, Colorado, Florida, Hawaii, Idaho, Illinois, Indiana, Iowa, Kansas, Kentucky, Maine, Massachusetts, Michigan, Mississippi, Montana, Nebraska, Nevada, New Hampshire, New Jersey, New York, North Dakota, Ohio, Oregon, Puerto Rico, Rhode Island, South Dakota, Tennessee, Texas, Utah, Washington and West Virginia. Nine states, the Virgin Islands and Washington, D.C., verify that an absentee/mail ballot envelope has been signed but do not conduct signature verification: Connecticut, Delaware, Georgia, Maryland, New Mexico, Pennsylvania, Vermont, Virginia and Wyoming. Eight states require the signature of a witness in addition to the voter’s signature: Alabama (two witnesses or a notary), Alaska (witness or notary), Arkansas, Louisiana, Minnesota (witness or notary), North Carolina (two witnesses or a notary), South Carolina and Wisconsin. Six states require voters to provide information such as a state ID, driver’s license, or Social Security number on their ballot envelope. This information is verified with the voter’s registration and/or absentee ballot application. Georgia (state ID/driver’s license number) Minnesota (state ID/driver’s license number or last four digits of Social Security number and a witness signature or notary) New Mexico (last four digits of Social Security number) Ohio (state ID/driver’s license number or last four digits of Social Security number) Texas (state ID/driver’s license number or last four digits of SSN) Virginia (last four digits of Social Security number) Note: Starting in 2029, Utah will verify mail ballots with the last four digits of a voter’s state ID/driver’s license number or the last four digits of their Social Security number, rather than completing signature verification. Three states require the absentee/mail ballot envelope to be notarized: Mississippi, Missouri, and Oklahoma.”
Thirty-two states and Puerto Rico conduct signature verification on returned absentee/mail ballots: Arizona, Arkansas, California, Colorado, Florida, Hawaii, Idaho, Illinois, Indiana, Iowa, Kansas, Kentucky, Maine, Massachusetts, Michigan, Mississippi, Montana, Nebraska, Nevada, New Hampshire, New Jersey, New York, North Dakota, Ohio, Oregon, Puerto Rico, Rhode Island, South Dakota, Tennessee, Texas, Utah, Washington and West Virginia. Nine states, the Virgin Islands and Washington, D.C., verify that an absentee/mail ballot envelope has been signed but do not conduct signature verification: Connecticut, Delaware, Georgia, Maryland, New Mexico, Pennsylvania, Vermont, Virginia and Wyoming. Eight states require the signature of a witness in addition to the voter’s signature: Alabama (two witnesses or a notary), Alaska (witness or notary), Arkansas, Louisiana, Minnesota (witness or notary), North Carolina (two witnesses or a notary), South Carolina and Wisconsin. Six states require voters to provide information such as a state ID, driver’s license, or Social Security number on their ballot envelope. This information is verified with the voter’s registration and/or absentee ballot application. Georgia (state ID/driver’s license number) Minnesota (state ID/driver’s license number or last four digits of Social Security number and a witness signature or notary) New Mexico (last four digits of Social Security number) Ohio (state ID/driver’s license number or last four digits of Social Security number) Texas (state ID/driver’s license number or last four digits of SSN) Virginia (last four digits of Social Security number) Note: Starting in 2029, Utah will verify mail ballots with the last four digits of a voter’s state ID/driver’s license number or the last four digits of their Social Security number, rather than completing signature verification. Three states require the absentee/mail ballot envelope to be notarized: Mississippi, Missouri, and Oklahoma.
- Table 14: How States Verify Voted Absentee/Mail Ballots (Washington and Colorado rows)
National Conference of State Legislatures, 2026-10-26 · complicates
“Election officials compare the signature on the declaration with the signature in the voter's registration file. All personnel assigned to verify signatures must receive training on statewide standards for signature verification. … If the election judge determines the signatures do not match, two other election judges of different political party affiliations shall simultaneously compare the signatures.”
Election officials compare the signature on the declaration with the signature in the voter's registration file. All personnel assigned to verify signatures must receive training on statewide standards for signature verification. … If the election judge determines the signatures do not match, two other election judges of different political party affiliations shall simultaneously compare the signatures.
- Table 15: States With Absentee/Mail Ballot Cure Processes
National Conference of State Legislatures, 2026-08-31 · complicates
“Thirty-five states and Washington, D.C., have ballot curing processes statewide requiring election officials to notify voters when there is a missing signature or a signature discrepancy—and requiring that voters must be given an opportunity to correct it.”
Thirty-five states and Washington, D.C., have ballot curing processes statewide requiring election officials to notify voters when there is a missing signature or a signature discrepancy—and requiring that voters must be given an opportunity to correct it.
- Table 18: States With Mostly Mail Elections
National Conference of State Legislatures, 2026-08-07 · supports
“Eight states and Washington, D.C., allow all elections to be conducted entirely by mail: California, Colorado, Hawaii, Nevada, Oregon, Utah, Vermont and Washington state.”
Eight states and Washington, D.C., allow all elections to be conducted entirely by mail: California, Colorado, Hawaii, Nevada, Oregon, Utah, Vermont and Washington state.
- Saucedo v. Gardner, No. 17-cv-183-LM, Opinion No. 2018 DNH 160
U.S. District Court for the District of New Hampshire, 2018-08-14 · supports
“As will become evident, this signature-matching process is fundamentally flawed. Not only is the disenfranchised voter given no right to participate in this process, but the voter is not even given notice that her ballot has been rejected due to a signature mismatch. Moreover, moderators receive no training in handwriting analysis or signature comparison; no statute, regulation, or guidance from the State provides functional standards to distinguish the natural variations of one writer from other variations that suggest two different writers; and the moderator's assessment is final, without any review or appeal. … In the 2016 General Election, .35% of all absentee ballots submitted were rejected due to a signature mismatch (275 rejections out of 78,430 absentee ballots). … plaintiffs are entitled to summary judgment on their procedural due process claim. The court grants plaintiffs' request for declaratory relief insofar as RSA 659:50, III is unconstitutional under the Fourteenth Amendment”
As will become evident, this signature-matching process is fundamentally flawed. Not only is the disenfranchised voter given no right to participate in this process, but the voter is not even given notice that her ballot has been rejected due to a signature mismatch. Moreover, moderators receive no training in handwriting analysis or signature comparison; no statute, regulation, or guidance from the State provides functional standards to distinguish the natural variations of one writer from other variations that suggest two different writers; and the moderator's assessment is final, without any review or appeal. … In the 2016 General Election, .35% of all absentee ballots submitted were rejected due to a signature mismatch (275 rejections out of 78,430 absentee ballots). … plaintiffs are entitled to summary judgment on their procedural due process claim. The court grants plaintiffs' request for declaratory relief insofar as RSA 659:50, III is unconstitutional under the Fourteenth Amendment
- Richardson v. Texas Secretary of State, No. 20-50774 (opinion of Smith, J.)
U.S. Court of Appeals for the Fifth Circuit, 2020-10-19 · complicates
“Because Texas's strong interest in safeguarding the integrity of its elections from voter fraud far outweighs any burden the state's voting procedures place on the right to vote, we stay the injunction pending appeal. … It seeks to stop voter fraud where the problem is most acute—in the context of mail-in voting. "[T]he potential and reality of fraud is much greater in the mail-in ballot context than with in-person voting." … Thus, the Secretary is likely to show that voting does not implicate any state-created liberty interest under the Due Process Clause.”
Because Texas's strong interest in safeguarding the integrity of its elections from voter fraud far outweighs any burden the state's voting procedures place on the right to vote, we stay the injunction pending appeal. … It seeks to stop voter fraud where the problem is most acute—in the context of mail-in voting. "[T]he potential and reality of fraud is much greater in the mail-in ballot context than with in-person voting." … Thus, the Secretary is likely to show that voting does not implicate any state-created liberty interest under the Due Process Clause.
- Richardson v. Texas Secretary of State, No. 20-50774 (Higginbotham, J., concurring)
U.S. Court of Appeals for the Fifth Circuit, 2020-10-19 · supports
“I concur only in the decision to stay pending appeal of the district court’s injunction changing the election rules. … In 2016 and 2018, “approximately 5,000 [Texas] ballots were rejected on the basis of perceived signature mismatches.” Such "small" differences have the potential to decide both local and national elections. And with the large increase in votes cast by mail in our ongoing pandemic that error rate would toss out far greater numbers.”
I concur only in the decision to stay pending appeal of the district court’s injunction changing the election rules. … In 2016 and 2018, “approximately 5,000 [Texas] ballots were rejected on the basis of perceived signature mismatches.” Such "small" differences have the potential to decide both local and national elections. And with the large increase in votes cast by mail in our ongoing pandemic that error rate would toss out far greater numbers.
- In re: November 3, 2020 General Election, Petition of Kathy Boockvar, No. 149 MM 2020 [J-113-2020]
Supreme Court of Pennsylvania, 2020-10-23 · supports
“For the reasons that follow, we conclude that the Election Code does not authorize or require county election boards to reject absentee or mail-in ballots during the canvassing process based on an analysis of a voter's signature on the "declaration" contained on the official ballot return envelope for the absentee or mail-in ballot. We, therefore, grant the Secretary's petition for declarative relief, and direct the county boards of elections not to reject absentee or mail-in ballots for counting, computing, and tallying based on signature comparisons conducted by county election officials or employees, or as the result of third-party challenges based on such comparisons.”
For the reasons that follow, we conclude that the Election Code does not authorize or require county election boards to reject absentee or mail-in ballots during the canvassing process based on an analysis of a voter's signature on the "declaration" contained on the official ballot return envelope for the absentee or mail-in ballot. We, therefore, grant the Secretary's petition for declarative relief, and direct the county boards of elections not to reject absentee or mail-in ballots for counting, computing, and tallying based on signature comparisons conducted by county election officials or employees, or as the result of third-party challenges based on such comparisons.
- Judge dismisses Kari Lake's final claim in election loss for Arizona governor
Associated Press (via KSAT), 2023-05-23 · complicates
“Thompson said Lake failed to prove her claim that Maricopa County did not verify signatures on mail ballots as required by law. ... She filed suit after losing to Hobbs by about 17,000 votes, asking the courts to install her as governor or order a new election.”
Thompson said Lake failed to prove her claim that Maricopa County did not verify signatures on mail ballots as required by law. ... She filed suit after losing to Hobbs by about 17,000 votes, asking the courts to install her as governor or order a new election.
- 3rd Strike Against Voter Fraud Claims Means They're Out After Signature Audit Finds No Fraud
Georgia Secretary of State, 2020-12-29 · complicates
“A signature match audit in Cobb County found “no fraudulent absentee ballots” and found that the Cobb County Elections Department had “a 99.99% accuracy rate in performing correct signature verification procedures.” … Of the 150,431 absentee ballots received by Cobb County elections officials during the November elections, the audit “reviewed 15,118 ABM ballot oath envelopes from randomly selected boxes,” or around 10% of the total. The sample size was originally chosen to meet the 99% confidence threshold. … The Secretary of State’s Office partnered with the Georgia Bureau of Investigation (GBI) to conduct the audit. … The audit found that only two ballots should have been identified by Cobb County Elections Officials for cure notification that weren’t. In one case, the ballot was “mistakenly signed by the elector’s spouse,” and in the other, the voter “reported signing the front of the envelope only.” In both cases, the identified voters filled out the ballots themselves. The absentee ballot envelopes for the audit were “pulled from 30 randomly selected boxes of the accepted ABM ballots and one box identified as accepted Electronic Ballot Delivery ABM ballots.””
A signature match audit in Cobb County found “no fraudulent absentee ballots” and found that the Cobb County Elections Department had “a 99.99% accuracy rate in performing correct signature verification procedures.” … Of the 150,431 absentee ballots received by Cobb County elections officials during the November elections, the audit “reviewed 15,118 ABM ballot oath envelopes from randomly selected boxes,” or around 10% of the total. The sample size was originally chosen to meet the 99% confidence threshold. … The Secretary of State’s Office partnered with the Georgia Bureau of Investigation (GBI) to conduct the audit. … The audit found that only two ballots should have been identified by Cobb County Elections Officials for cure notification that weren’t. In one case, the ballot was “mistakenly signed by the elector’s spouse,” and in the other, the voter “reported signing the front of the envelope only.” In both cases, the identified voters filled out the ballots themselves. The absentee ballot envelopes for the audit were “pulled from 30 randomly selected boxes of the accepted ABM ballots and one box identified as accepted Electronic Ballot Delivery ABM ballots.”
- Election Administration and Voting Survey 2022 Comprehensive Report (rate definitions)
U.S. Election Assistance Commission, 2023-06-29 · supports
“Data on the number of mail ballots counted were collected in item C8a and data on mail ballots rejected were collected in item C9a of the 2022 EAVS. The count rate was calculated as C8a/C1b x 100 and the rejection rate was calculated as C9a/C1b x 100 for the 2022 EAVS. For the 2018 and 2020 EAVS, the count rate was calculated as C3a/C1b x 100, and the rejection rate was calculated as C4a/C1b x 100. Casewise deletion was used at the state level; the count and rejection rate may not sum to 100% because of the casewise deletion and due to rounding.”
Data on the number of mail ballots counted were collected in item C8a and data on mail ballots rejected were collected in item C9a of the 2022 EAVS. The count rate was calculated as C8a/C1b x 100 and the rejection rate was calculated as C9a/C1b x 100 for the 2022 EAVS. For the 2018 and 2020 EAVS, the count rate was calculated as C3a/C1b x 100, and the rejection rate was calculated as C4a/C1b x 100. Casewise deletion was used at the state level; the count and rejection rate may not sum to 100% because of the casewise deletion and due to rounding.
- The Election Administration and Voting Survey 2016 Comprehensive Report (Overview Table 2)
U.S. Election Assistance Commission, 2017-06 · supports
“Overview Table 2: Absentee Voting … Total Voter Turnout, Total Ballots Transmitted, Total Ballots Returned, Counted Total, Pct. Returned, Rejected Total, Pct. Transmitted … Georgia 4,147,161 236,925 213,033 199,356 93.58 13,677 5.77 0 0.00 … Texas 8,701,152 520,027 468,150 449,258 95.96 8,177 1.57 10,715 2.29 … U.S. TOTAL 140,114,502 41,651,526 33,378,450 32,982,211 98.81 318,728 0.77 77,511 0.23 … (7) Ballots Rejected, Pct uses question C4b divided by question C1a”
Overview Table 2: Absentee Voting … Total Voter Turnout, Total Ballots Transmitted, Total Ballots Returned, Counted Total, Pct. Returned, Rejected Total, Pct. Transmitted … Georgia 4,147,161 236,925 213,033 199,356 93.58 13,677 5.77 0 0.00 … Texas 8,701,152 520,027 468,150 449,258 95.96 8,177 1.57 10,715 2.29 … U.S. TOTAL 140,114,502 41,651,526 33,378,450 32,982,211 98.81 318,728 0.77 77,511 0.23 … (7) Ballots Rejected, Pct uses question C4b divided by question C1a
Mail Voting in the US: Who Uses It and Its Effects, 2016–2026
- Election Administration and Voting Survey 2024 Comprehensive Report
U.S. Election Assistance Commission, 2025-06-30 · supports
“The majority of voters in the 2024 general election cast their ballots in person, with 35.2% voting in person before Election Day and 37.4% voting in person on Election Day. ... Mail voting comprised 30.3% of the turnout for the 2024 election, which is down from the high water mark for mail voting seen in 2020 (43%) but still larger than the percentage of the electorate that voted by mail in pre-pandemic elections. ... the level of mail voting in 2024 was still elevated compared to pre-pandemic elections; for both 2016 and 2018, mail voting comprised approximately one-quarter of voter turnout.”
The majority of voters in the 2024 general election cast their ballots in person, with 35.2% voting in person before Election Day and 37.4% voting in person on Election Day. ... Mail voting comprised 30.3% of the turnout for the 2024 election, which is down from the high water mark for mail voting seen in 2020 (43%) but still larger than the percentage of the electorate that voted by mail in pre-pandemic elections. ... the level of mail voting in 2024 was still elevated compared to pre-pandemic elections; for both 2016 and 2018, mail voting comprised approximately one-quarter of voter turnout.
- Election Administration and Voting Survey 2020 Comprehensive Report
U.S. Election Assistance Commission, 2021-08 · supports
“In the 2016 EAVS, 54.5% of voters cast their ballots in person on Election Day, and in the 2018 EAVS, 58.2% of voters did so. In 2020, only 30.5% of voters cast their ballots in person on Election Day. ... The percentage of voters who used a mailed ballot to vote surged, from 24.5% in 2016 and 25.6% in 2018 to 43.1% in 2020. ... In 2016, 25.3% of voters cast their ballots early in person, and 22% did so in 2018, compared to 30.6% for the 2020 general election. ... Jurisdiction-level analysis shows that the largest increases in mail voting rates occurred in jurisdictions in states that newly instituted all-mail elections in 2020 and in jurisdictions in states that removed requirements to provide an excuse to request a mailed ballot.”
In the 2016 EAVS, 54.5% of voters cast their ballots in person on Election Day, and in the 2018 EAVS, 58.2% of voters did so. In 2020, only 30.5% of voters cast their ballots in person on Election Day. ... The percentage of voters who used a mailed ballot to vote surged, from 24.5% in 2016 and 25.6% in 2018 to 43.1% in 2020. ... In 2016, 25.3% of voters cast their ballots early in person, and 22% did so in 2018, compared to 30.6% for the 2020 general election. ... Jurisdiction-level analysis shows that the largest increases in mail voting rates occurred in jurisdictions in states that newly instituted all-mail elections in 2020 and in jurisdictions in states that removed requirements to provide an excuse to request a mailed ballot.
- Election Administration and Voting Survey 2022 Comprehensive Report
U.S. Election Assistance Commission, 2023-06-29 · supports
“The use of mail voting decreased for the 2022 general election, at 31.9% of voters, but remains higher than the 25.6% of voters who voted by mail in the 2018 general election. Although use of in-person early voting increased in the 2020 general election to 30.5%, it decreased to 22.2% in the 2022 general election”
The use of mail voting decreased for the 2022 general election, at 31.9% of voters, but remains higher than the 25.6% of voters who voted by mail in the 2018 general election. Although use of in-person early voting increased in the 2020 general election to 30.5%, it decreased to 22.2% in the 2022 general election
- The Election Administration and Voting Survey: 2016 Comprehensive Report
U.S. Election Assistance Commission, 2017-06-29 · complicates
“In 2016, 41.3 percent of all ballots were cast before Election Day. Of the total turnout, 17.2 percent of ballots were cast using in-person early voting and 23.7 percent were cast using by-mail absentee voting.”
In 2016, 41.3 percent of all ballots were cast before Election Day. Of the total turnout, 17.2 percent of ballots were cast using in-person early voting and 23.7 percent were cast using by-mail absentee voting.
- Election Administration and Voting Survey 2024 Comprehensive Report, Overview Table 1
U.S. Election Assistance Commission, 2025-06-30 · supports
“Overview Table 1: Mail Voting in the 2024 General Election ... % Turnout by Mail ... Alabama 5.5% ... Alaska [1] 14.3% ... American Samoa [2] 1.9% ... Arizona [3] 74.7% ... Arkansas 2.1% ... California 80.8% ... Colorado [4] 91.3% ... Connecticut 6.5% ... Delaware 6.5% ... District of Columbia 51.1% ... Florida [5] 26.8% ... Georgia [6] 5.1% ... Guam [7] 0.3% ... Hawaii 92.5% ... Idaho [8] 19.6% ... Illinois [9] 17.8% ... Indiana [10] 53.7% ... Iowa -- ... Kansas 11.0% ... Kentucky 5.6% ... Louisiana [11] 5.9% ... Maine [12] 25.5% ... Maryland 24.6% ... Massachusetts [13] 33.4% ... Michigan 35.4% ... Minnesota 13.7% ... Mississippi [14] -- ... Missouri 5.7% ... Montana [15] -- ... Nebraska [16] 31.8% ... Nevada 44.1% ... New Hampshire 11.2% ... New Jersey [17] 19.2% ... New Mexico 12.0% ... New York 10.0% ... North Carolina [18] 5.2% ... North Dakota 24.0% ... Northern Mariana Islands 7.3% ... Ohio 18.1% ... Oklahoma 6.3% ... Oregon [19] 99.3% ... Pennsylvania [20] 27.3% ... Puerto Rico [21] 10.3% ... Rhode Island 10.0% ... South Carolina 3.8% ... South Dakota 36.6% ... Tennessee 2.8% ... Texas 3.3% ... U.S. Virgin Islands 3.8% ... Utah 91.5% ... Vermont [22] 64.7% ... Virginia 10.5% ... Washington [23] 98.5% ... West Virginia 2.9% ... Wisconsin [24] 16.6% ... Wyoming 14.1% ... U.S. Total 30.3% ... % Turnout by Mail uses (F1d+F1g)/F1a x 100.”
Overview Table 1: Mail Voting in the 2024 General Election ... % Turnout by Mail ... Alabama 5.5% ... Alaska [1] 14.3% ... American Samoa [2] 1.9% ... Arizona [3] 74.7% ... Arkansas 2.1% ... California 80.8% ... Colorado [4] 91.3% ... Connecticut 6.5% ... Delaware 6.5% ... District of Columbia 51.1% ... Florida [5] 26.8% ... Georgia [6] 5.1% ... Guam [7] 0.3% ... Hawaii 92.5% ... Idaho [8] 19.6% ... Illinois [9] 17.8% ... Indiana [10] 53.7% ... Iowa -- ... Kansas 11.0% ... Kentucky 5.6% ... Louisiana [11] 5.9% ... Maine [12] 25.5% ... Maryland 24.6% ... Massachusetts [13] 33.4% ... Michigan 35.4% ... Minnesota 13.7% ... Mississippi [14] -- ... Missouri 5.7% ... Montana [15] -- ... Nebraska [16] 31.8% ... Nevada 44.1% ... New Hampshire 11.2% ... New Jersey [17] 19.2% ... New Mexico 12.0% ... New York 10.0% ... North Carolina [18] 5.2% ... North Dakota 24.0% ... Northern Mariana Islands 7.3% ... Ohio 18.1% ... Oklahoma 6.3% ... Oregon [19] 99.3% ... Pennsylvania [20] 27.3% ... Puerto Rico [21] 10.3% ... Rhode Island 10.0% ... South Carolina 3.8% ... South Dakota 36.6% ... Tennessee 2.8% ... Texas 3.3% ... U.S. Virgin Islands 3.8% ... Utah 91.5% ... Vermont [22] 64.7% ... Virginia 10.5% ... Washington [23] 98.5% ... West Virginia 2.9% ... Wisconsin [24] 16.6% ... Wyoming 14.1% ... U.S. Total 30.3% ... % Turnout by Mail uses (F1d+F1g)/F1a x 100.
- 2024 Presidential Election Voting and Registration Tables Now Available (CB25-TPS.29)
U.S. Census Bureau, 2025-04-30 · supports
“Voting methods also varied, with 39.6% of people voting in person on Election Day, 30.7% voting in person before Election Day, and 29.0% voting by mail. ... The Census Bureau has collected voting and registration data since 1964 and has fielded the Voting and Registration Supplement to the CPS every two years.”
Voting methods also varied, with 39.6% of people voting in person on Election Day, 30.7% voting in person before Election Day, and 29.0% voting by mail. ... The Census Bureau has collected voting and registration data since 1964 and has fielded the Voting and Registration Supplement to the CPS every two years.
- Table 14. Method of Voting, By Selected Characteristics: November 2022 (CPS Voting and Registration Supplement)
U.S. Census Bureau, 2023-04 · supports
“Table 14. Method of Voting, By Selected Characteristics: November 2022 (Numbers in thousands) ... In-person on Election Day | In-person Before Election Day | By mail | Don't know or Refused ... Total 121916 49.5 18 31.8 0.7 ... Age 18 to 24 years 7372 54.7 14.6 29.1 1.5 ... 25 to 44 years 33798 53.6 15.3 30.3 0.8 ... 45 to 64 years 43661 52.7 18.8 27.8 0.8 ... 65 years and over 37086 41 20.3 38.3 0.4 ... Region Northeast 21812 72.1 7.2 20 0.7 ... Midwest 27183 66.1 12.9 20.6 0.4 ... South 43538 50.7 34.9 13.5 0.9 ... West 29383 15.7 5.8 77.9 0.7”
Table 14. Method of Voting, By Selected Characteristics: November 2022 (Numbers in thousands) ... In-person on Election Day | In-person Before Election Day | By mail | Don't know or Refused ... Total 121916 49.5 18 31.8 0.7 ... Age 18 to 24 years 7372 54.7 14.6 29.1 1.5 ... 25 to 44 years 33798 53.6 15.3 30.3 0.8 ... 45 to 64 years 43661 52.7 18.8 27.8 0.8 ... 65 years and over 37086 41 20.3 38.3 0.4 ... Region Northeast 21812 72.1 7.2 20 0.7 ... Midwest 27183 66.1 12.9 20.6 0.4 ... South 43538 50.7 34.9 13.5 0.9 ... West 29383 15.7 5.8 77.9 0.7
- Table 14. Method of Voting, By Selected Characteristics: November 2020 (CPS Voting and Registration Supplement)
U.S. Census Bureau, 2021-04 · supports
“Table 14. Method of Voting, By Selected Characteristics: November 2020 (In thousands) ... In-person on Election Day | In-person Before Election Day | By mail | Don't know or Refused ... TOTAL 154628 30.4 26 43 0.7 ... Age 18 to 24 years 13752 35.1 24.1 39.9 0.9 ... 25 to 44 years 47512 34.2 25.7 39.5 0.7 ... 45 to 64 years 53646 31.8 28.6 38.9 0.6 ... 65 years and over 39718 22.2 23.6 53.6 0.6 ... Region Northeast 27353 45 12 42.6 0.5 ... Midwest 34210 42 19.9 37.6 0.6 ... South 57064 29.2 46.4 23.6 0.8 ... West 36001 10.1 10.2 79.1 0.7”
Table 14. Method of Voting, By Selected Characteristics: November 2020 (In thousands) ... In-person on Election Day | In-person Before Election Day | By mail | Don't know or Refused ... TOTAL 154628 30.4 26 43 0.7 ... Age 18 to 24 years 13752 35.1 24.1 39.9 0.9 ... 25 to 44 years 47512 34.2 25.7 39.5 0.7 ... 45 to 64 years 53646 31.8 28.6 38.9 0.6 ... 65 years and over 39718 22.2 23.6 53.6 0.6 ... Region Northeast 27353 45 12 42.6 0.5 ... Midwest 34210 42 19.9 37.6 0.6 ... South 57064 29.2 46.4 23.6 0.8 ... West 36001 10.1 10.2 79.1 0.7
- Table 14. Method of Voting, By Selected Characteristics: November 2018 (CPS Voting and Registration Supplement)
U.S. Census Bureau, 2019-04 · supports
“Table 14. Method of Voting, By Selected Characteristics: November 2018 (In thousands) ... In-person on Election Day | In-person Before Election Day | By mail | Don't know or Refused ... TOTAL 122281 59.6 16.6 23.1 0.7 ... Age 18 to 24 years 8726 60.9 15.1 22.5 1.4 ... 25 to 44 years 34587 64.5 14.2 20.5 0.7 ... 45 to 64 years 45829 61.7 17.6 20.2 0.5 ... 65 years and over 33139 51.2 18.2 30 0.6 ... Region Northeast 21378 90.3 3.1 6.2 0.4 ... Midwest 27696 73.5 11.4 14.6 0.4 ... South 44723 56 33.3 9.7 0.9 ... West 28483 28.5 5.6 65.2 0.7”
Table 14. Method of Voting, By Selected Characteristics: November 2018 (In thousands) ... In-person on Election Day | In-person Before Election Day | By mail | Don't know or Refused ... TOTAL 122281 59.6 16.6 23.1 0.7 ... Age 18 to 24 years 8726 60.9 15.1 22.5 1.4 ... 25 to 44 years 34587 64.5 14.2 20.5 0.7 ... 45 to 64 years 45829 61.7 17.6 20.2 0.5 ... 65 years and over 33139 51.2 18.2 30 0.6 ... Region Northeast 21378 90.3 3.1 6.2 0.4 ... Midwest 27696 73.5 11.4 14.6 0.4 ... South 44723 56 33.3 9.7 0.9 ... West 28483 28.5 5.6 65.2 0.7
- Early Voting and Mail Voting: Overview and Issues for Congress (IF11477)
Congressional Research Service, 2026-07-10 · supports
“According to the National Conference of State Legislatures (NCSL), as of June 2026, all states and the District of Columbia (DC) allowed at least some voters to receive their ballots by mail and 37 states and DC offered some form of no-excuse mail voting. ... Federal law requires all states to allow certain military and overseas voters to use mail voting in federal elections. ... Figure 1. Reported Methods of Voting, 2004-2024 ... Source: CRS, using data from the Voting and Registration Supplement to the U.S. Census Bureau’s Current Population Survey. Notes: Respondents were asked whether they voted in person or by mail and, if the former, whether on or before Election Day. Some respondents who received their ballots by mail and returned them in person may have reported voting in person. ... State laws authorizing some soldiers to vote away from home were enacted in the early 1800s, for example, but no-excuse mail voting was not introduced until the late 1970s. ... For example, Oregon began using all-mail elections for all races in 2000 but approved a test of the process for local elections in 1981 and used it for select elections through the 1990s.”
According to the National Conference of State Legislatures (NCSL), as of June 2026, all states and the District of Columbia (DC) allowed at least some voters to receive their ballots by mail and 37 states and DC offered some form of no-excuse mail voting. ... Federal law requires all states to allow certain military and overseas voters to use mail voting in federal elections. ... Figure 1. Reported Methods of Voting, 2004-2024 ... Source: CRS, using data from the Voting and Registration Supplement to the U.S. Census Bureau’s Current Population Survey. Notes: Respondents were asked whether they voted in person or by mail and, if the former, whether on or before Election Day. Some respondents who received their ballots by mail and returned them in person may have reported voting in person. ... State laws authorizing some soldiers to vote away from home were enacted in the early 1800s, for example, but no-excuse mail voting was not introduced until the late 1970s. ... For example, Oregon began using all-mail elections for all races in 2000 but approved a test of the process for local elections in 1981 and used it for select elections through the 1990s.
- Table 18: States With Mostly Mail Elections (with Table 18a, year enacted and year implemented)
National Conference of State Legislatures, 2026-08-07 · supports
“Eight states and Washington, D.C., allow all elections to be conducted entirely by mail: California, Colorado, Hawaii, Nevada, Oregon, Utah, Vermont and Washington state. ... California ... 2021 | 2022 | AB 37 ... Colorado ... 2013 | 2014 | HB 1303 ... District of Columbia ... 2022 | 2023 ... Hawaii ... 2019 | 2020 | HB 1248 ... Nevada ... 2021 | 2022 | AB 321 ... Oregon ... 1998 | 2000 | Citizen initiative ... Utah ... 2012 (Counties permitted to choose) | 2019 (The first year all counties opted for mostly mail elections) | HB 172 ... Vermont ... (General elections only.) | 2021 | 2022 | SB 15 ... Washington ... 2011 | 2012 | HB 5124”
Eight states and Washington, D.C., allow all elections to be conducted entirely by mail: California, Colorado, Hawaii, Nevada, Oregon, Utah, Vermont and Washington state. ... California ... 2021 | 2022 | AB 37 ... Colorado ... 2013 | 2014 | HB 1303 ... District of Columbia ... 2022 | 2023 ... Hawaii ... 2019 | 2020 | HB 1248 ... Nevada ... 2021 | 2022 | AB 321 ... Oregon ... 1998 | 2000 | Citizen initiative ... Utah ... 2012 (Counties permitted to choose) | 2019 (The first year all counties opted for mostly mail elections) | HB 172 ... Vermont ... (General elections only.) | 2021 | 2022 | SB 15 ... Washington ... 2011 | 2012 | HB 5124
- H.B. 300 Amendments to Election Law (Enrolled Copy), 2025 General Session
Utah State Legislature, 2025 · complicates
“for voting by mail: ... until 2029, permits a voter's identity to be verified using signature comparison, if the voter doesn't enter the digits described in the preceding paragraph; ... subject to certain exceptions, provides that, beginning in 2029, a voter will not receive a ballot by mail unless the voter requests to receive a ballot by mail; provides that a request to receive a ballot by mail remains in effect for eight years unless the voter takes certain action that results in termination of the request”
for voting by mail: ... until 2029, permits a voter's identity to be verified using signature comparison, if the voter doesn't enter the digits described in the preceding paragraph; ... subject to certain exceptions, provides that, beginning in 2029, a voter will not receive a ballot by mail unless the voter requests to receive a ballot by mail; provides that a request to receive a ballot by mail remains in effect for eight years unless the voter takes certain action that results in termination of the request
- How We Voted in 2024 (Survey of the Performance of American Elections)
MIT Election Data + Science Lab, 2025-07 · supports
“Thirty-seven percent of Democrats reported voting by mail, compared to 24% of Republicans. ... In 2022, and then again in 2024, the gap closed somewhat, although this was primarily due to Democrats pulling back in the use of voting by mail rather than Republicans increasing their usage.”
Thirty-seven percent of Democrats reported voting by mail, compared to 24% of Republicans. ... In 2022, and then again in 2024, the gap closed somewhat, although this was primarily due to Democrats pulling back in the use of voting by mail rather than Republicans increasing their usage.
- New Data: 17.7 Million Americans With Disabilities Voted in 2020, a Significant Increase Over 2016
U.S. Election Assistance Commission, 2021-07-07 · supports
“More than 53% of people with disabilities voted by mail, compared to 42% of people without disabilities. Just 26% of people with disabilities and 31% of people without disabilities voted at a polling place on Election Day. ... 5% of people with disabilities experienced difficulties voting by mail, compared to 18% of those who voted at a polling place.”
More than 53% of people with disabilities voted by mail, compared to 42% of people without disabilities. Just 26% of people with disabilities and 31% of people without disabilities voted at a polling place on Election Day. ... 5% of people with disabilities experienced difficulties voting by mail, compared to 18% of those who voted at a polling place.
- Universal vote-by-mail has no impact on partisan turnout or vote share (PNAS 117(25):14052–14056)
Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences (Thompson, Wu, Yoder and Hall), 2020-06-09 · supports
“Looking across the columns, we see a stable estimate showing that VBM causes around a 2% increase (estimates range from 2.1 to 2.2%) in the share of the citizen voting-age population that turns out to vote.”
Looking across the columns, we see a stable estimate showing that VBM causes around a 2% increase (estimates range from 2.1 to 2.2%) in the share of the citizen voting-age population that turns out to vote.
- Universal vote-by-mail has no impact on partisan turnout or vote share (PNAS 117(25):14052–14056)
Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences (Thompson, Wu, Yoder and Hall), 2020-06-09 · supports
“In this specification, we estimate that the Democratic turnout share increases by 0.7% as a result of VBM. ... The inclusion of these trends attenuates the estimates dramatically, to only 0.1%, while also shrinking the standard errors. In the latter two specifications, which are our most precise specifications, even the upper bound of the 95% CI is only about 0.3%, a very small effect.”
In this specification, we estimate that the Democratic turnout share increases by 0.7% as a result of VBM. ... The inclusion of these trends attenuates the estimates dramatically, to only 0.1%, while also shrinking the standard errors. In the latter two specifications, which are our most precise specifications, even the upper bound of the 95% CI is only about 0.3%, a very small effect.
- Universal vote-by-mail has no impact on partisan turnout or vote share (PNAS 117(25):14052–14056)
Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences (Thompson, Wu, Yoder and Hall), 2020-06-09 · supports
“While the standard errors on these estimates are larger than the standard errors on the turnout share estimates, they continue to suggest modest or null effects, and they are nowhere near the magnitude necessary to represent a major, permanent electoral shift toward the Democratic party.”
While the standard errors on these estimates are larger than the standard errors on the turnout share estimates, they continue to suggest modest or null effects, and they are nowhere near the magnitude necessary to represent a major, permanent electoral shift toward the Democratic party.
- How Did Absentee Voting Affect the 2020 U.S. Election? (Yoder, Handan-Nader, Myers, Nowacki, Thompson, Wu, Yorgason and Hall)
Stanford Democracy and Polarization Lab (working paper), 2021-06-25 · supports
“Focusing on natural experiments in Texas and Indiana, we find that 65-year-olds turned out at nearly the same rate as 64-year-olds, despite the fact that only 65-year-olds could vote absentee without an excuse. Being just old enough to vote no-excuse absentee did not substantially increase Democratic turnout relative to Republican turnout. ... In the first column, we see that the estimated increase in turnout for 65-year-olds, who are eligible to vote absentee without an excuse in Texas, is 0.02 percentage points—i.e., 2 basis points. The upper bound of the 95% confidence interval (with robust standard errors) for this effect is 0.26 percentage points.”
Focusing on natural experiments in Texas and Indiana, we find that 65-year-olds turned out at nearly the same rate as 64-year-olds, despite the fact that only 65-year-olds could vote absentee without an excuse. Being just old enough to vote no-excuse absentee did not substantially increase Democratic turnout relative to Republican turnout. ... In the first column, we see that the estimated increase in turnout for 65-year-olds, who are eligible to vote absentee without an excuse in Texas, is 0.02 percentage points—i.e., 2 basis points. The upper bound of the 95% confidence interval (with robust standard errors) for this effect is 0.26 percentage points.
- How Did Absentee Voting Affect the 2020 U.S. Election? (Yoder, Handan-Nader, Myers, Nowacki, Thompson, Wu, Yorgason and Hall)
Stanford Democracy and Polarization Lab (working paper), 2021-06-25 · complicates
“While rates of absentee voting increased by approximately 9.5 percentage points in Texas and 5.3 percentage points in Indiana, rates of early in person voting decreased by roughly 8.8 percentage points in Texas and 3.4 percentage points in Indiana”
While rates of absentee voting increased by approximately 9.5 percentage points in Texas and 5.3 percentage points in Indiana, rates of early in person voting decreased by roughly 8.8 percentage points in Texas and 3.4 percentage points in Indiana
- Majority of Americans Continue to Back Expanded Early Voting, Voting by Mail, Voter ID
Pew Research Center, 2025-08-22 · supports
“In April 2020, during the early months of the COVID-19 pandemic, 70% of Americans favored allowing any voter who wanted to cast a ballot via mail to do so. This included nearly half of Republicans (49%) and nearly nine-in-ten Democrats (87%). ... Now, 58% of Americans support allowing voters to cast ballots by mail, including 32% of Republicans and 83% of Democrats. ... According to Pew Research Center’s study of validated voters, voters in the 2024 presidential election were roughly equally likely to have voted in person on Election Day (34%), early in person (32%) or by mail (34%). ... In states with universal mail-in voting – like California, Colorado and Nevada, where ballots are mailed to all voters before the election – 73% favor allowing any voter to vote by mail, including 91% of Democrats and 46% of Republicans. ... In states where voters can request an absentee ballot for any reason, but ballots aren’t automatically sent to them – like Florida, New York and Pennsylvania – 58% favor allowing any voter to cast a ballot by mail. ... In these states, 45% favor allowing anyone to vote by mail, including 22% of Republicans and 71% of Democrats.”
In April 2020, during the early months of the COVID-19 pandemic, 70% of Americans favored allowing any voter who wanted to cast a ballot via mail to do so. This included nearly half of Republicans (49%) and nearly nine-in-ten Democrats (87%). ... Now, 58% of Americans support allowing voters to cast ballots by mail, including 32% of Republicans and 83% of Democrats. ... According to Pew Research Center’s study of validated voters, voters in the 2024 presidential election were roughly equally likely to have voted in person on Election Day (34%), early in person (32%) or by mail (34%). ... In states with universal mail-in voting – like California, Colorado and Nevada, where ballots are mailed to all voters before the election – 73% favor allowing any voter to vote by mail, including 91% of Democrats and 46% of Republicans. ... In states where voters can request an absentee ballot for any reason, but ballots aren’t automatically sent to them – like Florida, New York and Pennsylvania – 58% favor allowing any voter to cast a ballot by mail. ... In these states, 45% favor allowing anyone to vote by mail, including 22% of Republicans and 71% of Democrats.
- Bipartisan Support for Early In-Person Voting, Voter ID, Election Day National Holiday
Pew Research Center, 2024-02-07 · supports
“The Pew Research Center survey, conducted Jan. 16-21 among 5,140 adults, also finds smaller majorities supporting allowing anyone to vote by mail if they want to (57%) ... Today, just 28% of Republicans say any voter should be allowed to vote by mail if they want to. Four years ago, 49% of Republicans said this. An overwhelming share of Democrats (84%) continue to say voting by mail should be available to all voters.”
The Pew Research Center survey, conducted Jan. 16-21 among 5,140 adults, also finds smaller majorities supporting allowing anyone to vote by mail if they want to (57%) ... Today, just 28% of Republicans say any voter should be allowed to vote by mail if they want to. Four years ago, 49% of Republicans said this. An overwhelming share of Democrats (84%) continue to say voting by mail should be available to all voters.
- Confidence in Election Integrity Hides Deep Partisan Divide
Gallup, 2022-11-04 · supports
“More than half of Americans have consistently expressed confidence in the accuracy of elections throughout Gallup's trend since 2004, but confidence was highest leading up to the 2004 presidential and 2006 midterm elections. ... In most election years since 2004, Gallup has found that Americans who self-identify with the political party of the incumbent president have expressed greater confidence in election accuracy -- with two exceptions, 2008 and 2020. In October 2008, during the global economic crisis, Republicans' and Democrats' confidence in the accuracy of that year's presidential election each fell to 57% ... In 2020, amid then-President Donald Trump's public questioning of the validity of mail voting in the upcoming election, Republicans' confidence in voting integrity dropped to a new low of 44%, while Democrats' confidence remained high, slightly higher (76%) than in the previous election year. The current 45 percentage points that separate Republicans' (40%) and Democrats' (85%) confidence represents the largest gap Gallup has recorded on this measure since 2004.”
More than half of Americans have consistently expressed confidence in the accuracy of elections throughout Gallup's trend since 2004, but confidence was highest leading up to the 2004 presidential and 2006 midterm elections. ... In most election years since 2004, Gallup has found that Americans who self-identify with the political party of the incumbent president have expressed greater confidence in election accuracy -- with two exceptions, 2008 and 2020. In October 2008, during the global economic crisis, Republicans' and Democrats' confidence in the accuracy of that year's presidential election each fell to 57% ... In 2020, amid then-President Donald Trump's public questioning of the validity of mail voting in the upcoming election, Republicans' confidence in voting integrity dropped to a new low of 44%, while Democrats' confidence remained high, slightly higher (76%) than in the previous election year. The current 45 percentage points that separate Republicans' (40%) and Democrats' (85%) confidence represents the largest gap Gallup has recorded on this measure since 2004.
- Table 14. Method of Voting, By Selected Characteristics: November 2024 (CPS Voting and Registration Supplement)
U.S. Census Bureau, 2025-04-30 · supports
“Table 14. Method of Voting, By Selected Characteristics: November 2024 (Numbers in thousands, Population 18 and Over) ... In-person on Election Day | In-person Before Election Day | By mail | Don't know or Refused ... Total 154308 39.6 30.7 29 0.7 ... Age 18 to 24 years 13150 43.9 28.2 26.3 1.5 ... 25 to 44 years 46488 45.2 27.6 26.4 0.8 ... 45 to 64 years 51354 41.3 32.8 25.4 0.5 ... 65 years and over 43317 30.2 32.4 36.8 0.6 ... Region Northeast 27119 58.8 19.3 21.3 0.5 ... Midwest 34554 52.5 28.8 18 0.7 ... South 57059 37.3 50.5 11.4 0.8 ... West 35575 16.1 9.6 73.5 0.8”
Table 14. Method of Voting, By Selected Characteristics: November 2024 (Numbers in thousands, Population 18 and Over) ... In-person on Election Day | In-person Before Election Day | By mail | Don't know or Refused ... Total 154308 39.6 30.7 29 0.7 ... Age 18 to 24 years 13150 43.9 28.2 26.3 1.5 ... 25 to 44 years 46488 45.2 27.6 26.4 0.8 ... 45 to 64 years 51354 41.3 32.8 25.4 0.5 ... 65 years and over 43317 30.2 32.4 36.8 0.6 ... Region Northeast 27119 58.8 19.3 21.3 0.5 ... Midwest 34554 52.5 28.8 18 0.7 ... South 57059 37.3 50.5 11.4 0.8 ... West 35575 16.1 9.6 73.5 0.8
- Election Administration and Voting Survey 2020 Comprehensive Report, Figure 3
U.S. Election Assistance Commission, 2021-08 · supports
“Source: Election Day turnout was calculated as F1b/F1a x 100 for all years. Mail turnout was calculated as (F1d+F1g)/F1a x 100 for all years. In-person early turnout was calculated as F1f/F1a x 100 for all years. ... Casewise deletion was used at the state level (percentages for each mode of voting were calculated independently, and only states that reported data for a given mode were included in the analysis), and because of this, percentages do not sum to 100%.”
Source: Election Day turnout was calculated as F1b/F1a x 100 for all years. Mail turnout was calculated as (F1d+F1g)/F1a x 100 for all years. In-person early turnout was calculated as F1f/F1a x 100 for all years. ... Casewise deletion was used at the state level (percentages for each mode of voting were calculated independently, and only states that reported data for a given mode were included in the analysis), and because of this, percentages do not sum to 100%.
- Evolution of Absentee/Mail Voting Laws 2016–2026, Table 1 (columns: no-excuse absentee or all-mail elections | excuse required | COVID-19 excuse added for 2020 election)
National Conference of State Legislatures, 2026-08-26 · supports
“November 2016 30 states and D.C. 20 states ... January 2020 32 states and D.C. 18 states ... November 2020 38 states and D.C. 2 states 10 states ... November 2022 35 states and D.C. 15 states ... November 2024 36 states and D.C. 14 states ... November 2026 (expected) 37 states and D.C. 13 states”
November 2016 30 states and D.C. 20 states ... January 2020 32 states and D.C. 18 states ... November 2020 38 states and D.C. 2 states 10 states ... November 2022 35 states and D.C. 15 states ... November 2024 36 states and D.C. 14 states ... November 2026 (expected) 37 states and D.C. 13 states
- American Trends Panel Wave 176, August 2025: Final Topline
Pew Research Center, 2025-08-22 · supports
“Note: This survey was conducted primarily online, with some interviews conducted by live telephone. ... American Trends Panel surveys conducted between October 2016 and June 2024 were conducted fully online ... ML Allowing any voter to vote by mail if they want to Aug 4-10, 2025 34 24 18 24 1 Jan 16-21, 2024 35 23 15 26 1 Apr 7-12, 2020 44 26 13 16 1”
Note: This survey was conducted primarily online, with some interviews conducted by live telephone. ... American Trends Panel surveys conducted between October 2016 and June 2024 were conducted fully online ... ML Allowing any voter to vote by mail if they want to Aug 4-10, 2025 34 24 18 24 1 Jan 16-21, 2024 35 23 15 26 1 Apr 7-12, 2020 44 26 13 16 1
Absentee and Mail Ballot Fraud and Manipulation of the Count in the US, 1936–2026
- Order in the Matter of Investigation of Election Irregularities Affecting Counties Within the 9th Congressional District
North Carolina State Board of Elections, 2019-03-13 · supports
“After the 2018 General Election, districtwide, the apparent results of CD-9 were as follows: Harris 139,246, McCready 138,341, and Scott 5,130. Accordingly, Harris led by a margin of 905 votes, or 0.3% of the total number of votes tallied. … Dowless hired workers he paid in cash to collect absentee request forms, to collect absentee ballots, and to falsify absentee ballot witness certifications. … such as falsely witnessing ballots, filling out ballots, and tracing over signatures of witnesses to match the ink color of the voter. … the 2018 General Election for North Carolina’s 9th Congressional District was corrupted by fraud, improprieties, and irregularities so pervasive that its results are tainted as the fruit of an operation manifestly unfair to the voters and corrosive to our system of representative government.”
After the 2018 General Election, districtwide, the apparent results of CD-9 were as follows: Harris 139,246, McCready 138,341, and Scott 5,130. Accordingly, Harris led by a margin of 905 votes, or 0.3% of the total number of votes tallied. … Dowless hired workers he paid in cash to collect absentee request forms, to collect absentee ballots, and to falsify absentee ballot witness certifications. … such as falsely witnessing ballots, filling out ballots, and tracing over signatures of witnesses to match the ink color of the voter. … the 2018 General Election for North Carolina’s 9th Congressional District was corrupted by fraud, improprieties, and irregularities so pervasive that its results are tainted as the fruit of an operation manifestly unfair to the voters and corrosive to our system of representative government.
- With two guilty pleas, NC9 election fraud saga comes to an end
WSOC-TV, 2025-03-21 · supports
“Wake County District Attorney Lorrin Freeman confirmed Lisa Britt and Woody Hester both pleaded guilty to charges stemming from the investigation. … Dowless died before facing a judge. All other workers pleaded guilty.”
Wake County District Attorney Lorrin Freeman confirmed Lisa Britt and Woody Hester both pleaded guilty to charges stemming from the investigation. … Dowless died before facing a judge. All other workers pleaded guilty.
- Pabey v. Pastrick, 816 N.E.2d 1138 (Ind. 2004)
Supreme Court of Indiana (via Caselaw Access Project), 2004-08-06 · supports
“Of the 8,227 votes personally cast on election day, Pabey received 199 more votes than Pastrick. But of the 1,950 absentee ballots, Pastrick defeated Pabey by 477 votes, producing a 278-vote final vieto-ry for Pastrick. The trial court concluded that Pabey had proven "that a deliberate series of actions occurred" that "perverted the absentee voting process and compromised the integrity and results of that election." … The trial court declared 155 votes to be invalid … The extensive evidence presented established that, at the least thirty-nine separate individuals ... fell within the ambit of those activities that engaged cash incentives to encourage absentee voting … Our conclusion is not altered whether the number of invalidated absentee ballots is 155 as found by the trial court, or 100, as urged by the Lake County Election Board. Conclusion We reverse the trial court's determination denying a special election and remand to the trial court with directions to promptly order a special election”
Of the 8,227 votes personally cast on election day, Pabey received 199 more votes than Pastrick. But of the 1,950 absentee ballots, Pastrick defeated Pabey by 477 votes, producing a 278-vote final vieto-ry for Pastrick. The trial court concluded that Pabey had proven "that a deliberate series of actions occurred" that "perverted the absentee voting process and compromised the integrity and results of that election." … The trial court declared 155 votes to be invalid … The extensive evidence presented established that, at the least thirty-nine separate individuals ... fell within the ambit of those activities that engaged cash incentives to encourage absentee voting … Our conclusion is not altered whether the number of invalidated absentee ballots is 155 as found by the trial court, or 100, as urged by the Lake County Election Board. Conclusion We reverse the trial court's determination denying a special election and remand to the trial court with directions to promptly order a special election
- Do absentee ballots facilitate fraud?
NBC News, 2008-10-16 · supports
“Forty-seven people either pleaded guilty or were convicted of various crimes as a result of the investigation.”
Forty-seven people either pleaded guilty or were convicted of various crimes as a result of the investigation.
- Crawford v. Marion County Election Board, 553 U.S. 181 (2008), lead opinion
Supreme Court of the United States (via Caselaw Access Project), 2008-04-28 · supports
“The only kind of voter fraud that SEA 483 addresses is in-person voter impersonation at polling places. The record contains no evidence of any such fraud actually occurring in Indiana at any time in its history. … It remains true, however, that flagrant examples of such fraud in other parts of the country have been documented throughout this Nation’s history by respected historians and journalists, that occasional examples have surfaced in recent years, and that Indiana’s own experience with fraudulent voting in the 2003 Democratic primary for East Chicago Mayor — though perpetrated using absentee ballots and not in-person fraud — demonstrate that not only is the risk of voter fraud real but that it could affect the outcome of a close election.”
The only kind of voter fraud that SEA 483 addresses is in-person voter impersonation at polling places. The record contains no evidence of any such fraud actually occurring in Indiana at any time in its history. … It remains true, however, that flagrant examples of such fraud in other parts of the country have been documented throughout this Nation’s history by respected historians and journalists, that occasional examples have surfaced in recent years, and that Indiana’s own experience with fraudulent voting in the 2003 Democratic primary for East Chicago Mayor — though perpetrated using absentee ballots and not in-person fraud — demonstrate that not only is the risk of voter fraud real but that it could affect the outcome of a close election.
- After voter fraud allegations, judge orders new election in Paterson
New Jersey Globe, 2020-08-19 · supports
“Judge Ernest Caposela today ordered a new election in a Paterson city council election that led to criminal charges against the winner and others. … Mendez is accused of fraud in casting mail-in votes, unauthorized possession of ballots, tampering with public records, and falsifying or tampering with records.”
Judge Ernest Caposela today ordered a new election in a Paterson city council election that led to criminal charges against the winner and others. … Mendez is accused of fraud in casting mail-in votes, unauthorized possession of ballots, tampering with public records, and falsifying or tampering with records.
- Voter fraud charges against Paterson councilman dropped after six years
New Jersey Globe, 2026-04-13 · complicates
“Superior Court Judge Sohail Mohammed dismissed the case on speedy trial grounds and the state prosecutors’ failure to disclose an immunity agreement that had been reached with a key witness, according to the Paterson Press. … when the U.S. Postal Inspection Service found hundreds of mail-in ballots bound together in a series of mail deposit boxes.”
Superior Court Judge Sohail Mohammed dismissed the case on speedy trial grounds and the state prosecutors’ failure to disclose an immunity agreement that had been reached with a key witness, according to the Paterson Press. … when the U.S. Postal Inspection Service found hundreds of mail-in ballots bound together in a series of mail deposit boxes.
- Prosecutors will drop criminal charges against Paterson’s Michael Jackson
New Jersey Globe, 2026-05-15 · complicates
“While vacating the charges against Jackson, Davenport is taking a different approach with Mendez. Her office moved yesterday to appeal the dismissal of his indictment by a Superior Court judge last month.”
While vacating the charges against Jackson, Davenport is taking a different approach with Mendez. Her office moved yesterday to appeal the dismissal of his indictment by a Superior Court judge last month.
- Judge orders new Bridgeport primary
CT Mirror, 2023-11-01 · supports
“"Given the volume of votes at issue, the miscounting of those statutorily invalid votes leaves this court unable to determine the result of the primary." ... Bloss based his argument that a new primary is needed on numbers — arguing that as many as 1,253 were submitted through drop boxes, while 2,100 hours of surveillance videos of the city's four drop boxes show only about 420 people placing ballots in them. … Ganim defeated Gomes by 251 votes in the Sept.”
"Given the volume of votes at issue, the miscounting of those statutorily invalid votes leaves this court unable to determine the result of the primary." ... Bloss based his argument that a new primary is needed on numbers — arguing that as many as 1,253 were submitted through drop boxes, while 2,100 hours of surveillance videos of the city's four drop boxes show only about 420 people placing ballots in them. … Ganim defeated Gomes by 251 votes in the Sept.
- Election Fraud Map data file (vfdb.csv), archived 27 July 2026
The Heritage Foundation, 2026-07-27 · supports
“A 1993 special Pennsylvania state senate election was overturned by a federal district court judge due to absentee ballot fraud. … After a surprising and extraordinary surge in absentee ballots seemed to result in a victory for Stinson, an investigation was undertaken. Stinson was indicted for his role in the scheme but was not convicted. Two campaign workers, Ramon Pratt and Barbara Landers, were convicted of misdemeanor offenses. … Two Democratic city commissioners, Margaret Tartaglione and Alexander Talmadge, Jr., and an elections supervisor, Dennis Kelly, were also found to have been complicit in allowing the fraud to occur. … County Clerk Donald Whitten pleaded guilty to stuffing ballot boxes with fraudulent ballots and falsifying absentee ballots in an effort to rig the 2010 Democratic primary. He won the election, but a judge overturned the election after throwing out 300 fraudulent ballots. Whitten was sentenced to 18 months in prison and three years of supervised release, with a $5,000 fine. … Sheriff Jerry Bowman pleaded guilty to stuffing ballot boxes with fraudulent ballots and falsifying absentee ballots in an effort to rig the 2010 Democratic primary. … Officials became suspicious when 61% of the vote-by-mail ballots were cast for the Republican candidate, despite the fact that only 16% of the mail-by-ballot were registered Republicans. … Nicholas Holliday was declared the winner of the June primary by a margin of 37 votes over Robert Devaull. After Devaull filed a lawsuit challenging the results of the race, the Monroe County District court found that 66 of the 84 absentee ballots cast should not have been counted because they were not valid. A notary, Dallas Jones, was arrested for election fraud for notarizing ballots without watching voters sign ballots or checking their identification. … The results of the 2023 Caddo Parish Sheriff Runoff Election, which was decided by one vote, were overturned by a judge due to at least 11 illegal votes that were cast. … The court found that 2 individuals voted twice in the election, by mail and again in person. Four individuals voted who were under court interdiction (declared mentally incompetent) and thus ineligible to vote. Five individuals submitted absentee ballots that did not have proper signatures or comply with witness requirements under Louisiana law. … The fraud took place during Rivera's 2013 re-election bid, which he won by a scant 16 votes. His challenger sued alleging fraud, and a judge determined that 30 ballots had been illegally cast, enough to alter the outcome of the election. … Fernando Gonzalez won a seat on the Perth Amboy City Council by 10 votes in an election where at least 13 illegal absentee ballots were cast. … had won by three votes. … the judge threw out eight absentee ballots that had case for Gill … The margin of victory was only 449 votes in an election in which over one million votes were cast. … In total, the court ruled that 1,482 illegal votes were cast in the election … A City Council election (originally decided by four votes) in Vernon, California is overturned when it is determined that five people who voted for the winner were not residents of the city, and two others had not properly mailed in their ballots. … The 2018 election for Georgia's 28th House district was overturned twice by Senior Superior Court Judge David Sweat because some out-of-district voters submitted ballots, some voters moved out of the district between the first and second runoff elections, and there was at least one instance of duplicate voting. … Superior Court Judge Judith Chirlin overturned the election, returning Bradley to power based on the fact that the city clerk had improperly placed Perrodin's name at the top of the ballot rather than select the order randomly. … Donald L. Woodward was charged by Asotin County with one felony count of perjury after he filled out and signed his deceased wife's mail-in ballot for the 2016 general election. Election officials detected the forgery because the signature did not match the signature for her that was on file”
A 1993 special Pennsylvania state senate election was overturned by a federal district court judge due to absentee ballot fraud. … After a surprising and extraordinary surge in absentee ballots seemed to result in a victory for Stinson, an investigation was undertaken. Stinson was indicted for his role in the scheme but was not convicted. Two campaign workers, Ramon Pratt and Barbara Landers, were convicted of misdemeanor offenses. … Two Democratic city commissioners, Margaret Tartaglione and Alexander Talmadge, Jr., and an elections supervisor, Dennis Kelly, were also found to have been complicit in allowing the fraud to occur. … County Clerk Donald Whitten pleaded guilty to stuffing ballot boxes with fraudulent ballots and falsifying absentee ballots in an effort to rig the 2010 Democratic primary. He won the election, but a judge overturned the election after throwing out 300 fraudulent ballots. Whitten was sentenced to 18 months in prison and three years of supervised release, with a $5,000 fine. … Sheriff Jerry Bowman pleaded guilty to stuffing ballot boxes with fraudulent ballots and falsifying absentee ballots in an effort to rig the 2010 Democratic primary. … Officials became suspicious when 61% of the vote-by-mail ballots were cast for the Republican candidate, despite the fact that only 16% of the mail-by-ballot were registered Republicans. … Nicholas Holliday was declared the winner of the June primary by a margin of 37 votes over Robert Devaull. After Devaull filed a lawsuit challenging the results of the race, the Monroe County District court found that 66 of the 84 absentee ballots cast should not have been counted because they were not valid. A notary, Dallas Jones, was arrested for election fraud for notarizing ballots without watching voters sign ballots or checking their identification. … The results of the 2023 Caddo Parish Sheriff Runoff Election, which was decided by one vote, were overturned by a judge due to at least 11 illegal votes that were cast. … The court found that 2 individuals voted twice in the election, by mail and again in person. Four individuals voted who were under court interdiction (declared mentally incompetent) and thus ineligible to vote. Five individuals submitted absentee ballots that did not have proper signatures or comply with witness requirements under Louisiana law. … The fraud took place during Rivera's 2013 re-election bid, which he won by a scant 16 votes. His challenger sued alleging fraud, and a judge determined that 30 ballots had been illegally cast, enough to alter the outcome of the election. … Fernando Gonzalez won a seat on the Perth Amboy City Council by 10 votes in an election where at least 13 illegal absentee ballots were cast. … had won by three votes. … the judge threw out eight absentee ballots that had case for Gill … The margin of victory was only 449 votes in an election in which over one million votes were cast. … In total, the court ruled that 1,482 illegal votes were cast in the election … A City Council election (originally decided by four votes) in Vernon, California is overturned when it is determined that five people who voted for the winner were not residents of the city, and two others had not properly mailed in their ballots. … The 2018 election for Georgia's 28th House district was overturned twice by Senior Superior Court Judge David Sweat because some out-of-district voters submitted ballots, some voters moved out of the district between the first and second runoff elections, and there was at least one instance of duplicate voting. … Superior Court Judge Judith Chirlin overturned the election, returning Bradley to power based on the fact that the city clerk had improperly placed Perrodin's name at the top of the ballot rather than select the order randomly. … Donald L. Woodward was charged by Asotin County with one felony count of perjury after he filled out and signed his deceased wife's mail-in ballot for the 2016 general election. Election officials detected the forgery because the signature did not match the signature for her that was on file
- Election Fraud Map: A Sampling of Proven Instances of Election Fraud
The Heritage Foundation, 2025-12-12 · complicates
“The Election Fraud Map displays a sampling of proven instances of election fraud. Every case ended in a finding that the individual engaged in wrongdoing in an election hoping to affect its outcome—or that the results were sufficiently in question to be overturned. While not comprehensive, this map demonstrates vulnerabilities in the election process and the ways in which fraud is committed.”
The Election Fraud Map displays a sampling of proven instances of election fraud. Every case ended in a finding that the individual engaged in wrongdoing in an election hoping to affect its outcome—or that the results were sufficiently in question to be overturned. While not comprehensive, this map demonstrates vulnerabilities in the election process and the ways in which fraud is committed.
- Comprehensive Database of U.S. Voter Fraud Uncovers No Evidence That Photo ID Is Needed
News21, 2012-08-12 · supports
“A News21 analysis of 2,068 alleged election-fraud cases since 2000 shows that while fraud has occurred, the rate is infinitesimal, and in-person voter impersonation on Election Day, which prompted 37 state legislatures to enact or consider tough voter ID laws, is virtually non-existent. … Analysis of the resulting comprehensive News21 election fraud database turned up 10 cases of voter impersonation. … There is more fraud in absentee ballots and voter registration than any other categories. The analysis shows 491 cases of absentee ballot fraud and 400 cases of registration fraud. A required photo ID at the polls would not have prevented these cases. … Of reported election-fraud allegations in the database whose resolution could be determined, 46 percent resulted in acquittals, dropped charges or decisions not to bring charges.”
A News21 analysis of 2,068 alleged election-fraud cases since 2000 shows that while fraud has occurred, the rate is infinitesimal, and in-person voter impersonation on Election Day, which prompted 37 state legislatures to enact or consider tough voter ID laws, is virtually non-existent. … Analysis of the resulting comprehensive News21 election fraud database turned up 10 cases of voter impersonation. … There is more fraud in absentee ballots and voter registration than any other categories. The analysis shows 491 cases of absentee ballot fraud and 400 cases of registration fraud. A required photo ID at the polls would not have prevented these cases. … Of reported election-fraud allegations in the database whose resolution could be determined, 46 percent resulted in acquittals, dropped charges or decisions not to bring charges.
- Building Confidence in U.S. Elections
Commission on Federal Election Reform (Carter–Baker), 2005-09 · supports
“There is no evidence of extensive fraud in U.S. elections or of multiple voting, but both occur, and it could affect the outcome of a close election. … While there is little evidence of fraud in Oregon, where the entire state votes by mail, absentee balloting in other states has been one of the major sources of fraud. Even in Oregon, better precautions are needed to ensure that the return of ballots is not intercepted. … Fraud occurs in several ways. Absentee ballots remain the largest source of potential voter fraud. A notorious recent case of absentee ballot fraud was Miami’s mayoral election of 1998, and in that case, the judge declared the election fraudulent and called for a new election. … Citizens who vote at home, at nursing homes, at the workplace, or in church are more susceptible to pressure, overt and subtle, or to intimidation. Vote buying schemes are far more difficult to detect when citizens vote by mail. … 5.2.1 State and local jurisdictions should prohibit a person from handling absentee ballots other than the voter, an acknowledged family member, the U.S. Postal Service or other legitimate shipper, or election officials. The practice in some states of allowing candidates or party workers to pick up and deliver absentee ballots should be eliminated.”
There is no evidence of extensive fraud in U.S. elections or of multiple voting, but both occur, and it could affect the outcome of a close election. … While there is little evidence of fraud in Oregon, where the entire state votes by mail, absentee balloting in other states has been one of the major sources of fraud. Even in Oregon, better precautions are needed to ensure that the return of ballots is not intercepted. … Fraud occurs in several ways. Absentee ballots remain the largest source of potential voter fraud. A notorious recent case of absentee ballot fraud was Miami’s mayoral election of 1998, and in that case, the judge declared the election fraudulent and called for a new election. … Citizens who vote at home, at nursing homes, at the workplace, or in church are more susceptible to pressure, overt and subtle, or to intimidation. Vote buying schemes are far more difficult to detect when citizens vote by mail. … 5.2.1 State and local jurisdictions should prohibit a person from handling absentee ballots other than the voter, an acknowledged family member, the U.S. Postal Service or other legitimate shipper, or election officials. The practice in some states of allowing candidates or party workers to pick up and deliver absentee ballots should be eliminated.
- Election Administration and Voting Survey 2024 Comprehensive Report
U.S. Election Assistance Commission, 2025-06-30 · supports
“Of the mail ballots that were returned by voters, 47,629,437 were reported as being counted and 584,463 were reported as being rejected, for a count rate of 98.8% of the mail ballots that were returned and a rejection rate of 1.2% of the mail ballots that were returned.”
Of the mail ballots that were returned by voters, 47,629,437 were reported as being counted and 584,463 were reported as being rejected, for a count rate of 98.8% of the mail ballots that were returned and a rejection rate of 1.2% of the mail ballots that were returned.
- 3rd Strike Against Voter Fraud Claims Means They're Out After Signature Audit Finds No Fraud
Georgia Secretary of State, 2020-12-29 · complicates
“A signature match audit in Cobb County found "no fraudulent absentee ballots" and found that the Cobb County Elections Department had "a 99.99% accuracy rate in performing correct signature verification procedures." ... The audit found that only two ballots should have been identified by Cobb County Elections Officials for cure notification that weren't. In one case, the ballot was "mistakenly signed by the elector's spouse," and in the other, the voter "reported signing the front of the envelope only." In both cases, the identified voters filled out the ballots themselves.”
A signature match audit in Cobb County found "no fraudulent absentee ballots" and found that the Cobb County Elections Department had "a 99.99% accuracy rate in performing correct signature verification procedures." ... The audit found that only two ballots should have been identified by Cobb County Elections Officials for cure notification that weren't. In one case, the ballot was "mistakenly signed by the elector's spouse," and in the other, the voter "reported signing the front of the envelope only." In both cases, the identified voters filled out the ballots themselves.
- Securing the ballot: Report of Sir Eric Pickles' review into electoral fraud
UK Government (Cabinet Office), 2016-08 · complicates
“The ability to prove undue influence within households is hampered by the reluctance of individuals to report it. Evidence to the review maintained the reasons were considered similar to those which prevent sufferers of domestic abuse from coming forward.”
The ability to prove undue influence within households is hampered by the reluctance of individuals to report it. Evidence to the review maintained the reasons were considered similar to those which prevent sufferers of domestic abuse from coming forward.
- A 'Modern' Democracy That Can't Count Votes
Los Angeles Times, 2000-12-11 · complicates
“In a pilot study, Rose gathered preliminary survey data this year on voters in Washington County, outside Portland. About 5% of 818 respondents said other people marked their ballots, and 2.4% said other people signed their ballot envelopes. Rose suspects the real number is higher, because people are reluctant to admit being party to a crime.”
In a pilot study, Rose gathered preliminary survey data this year on voters in Washington County, outside Portland. About 5% of 818 respondents said other people marked their ballots, and 2.4% said other people signed their ballot envelopes. Rose suspects the real number is higher, because people are reluctant to admit being party to a crime.
- Report to Congress on the Activities and Operations of the Public Integrity Section for 1984
US Department of Justice, Public Integrity Section, 1985-04 · supports
“Illinois, N.D. - In an investigation in the City of Chicago, fifty-eight individuals, including city employees and election judges, thus far have been convicted of vote fraud in the November 1982, general election. The investigation continues. … Texas, S.D. - A total of twenty-nine persons were indicted, and twenty-one persons convicted, of buying votes with food stamps and welfare benefits in Duval County, Texas. This series of cases focused on the 1982 Texas primary election, and was investigated jointly by the Federal Bureau of Investigation and the Texas Rangers.”
Illinois, N.D. - In an investigation in the City of Chicago, fifty-eight individuals, including city employees and election judges, thus far have been convicted of vote fraud in the November 1982, general election. The investigation continues. … Texas, S.D. - A total of twenty-nine persons were indicted, and twenty-one persons convicted, of buying votes with food stamps and welfare benefits in Duval County, Texas. This series of cases focused on the 1982 Texas primary election, and was investigated jointly by the Federal Bureau of Investigation and the Texas Rangers.
- An Interview with Dan Webb (IST-A-L-2016-034), abstract
Abraham Lincoln Presidential Library, 2016-12 · supports
“The FBI conducted an extensive investigation, and a grand jury issued a report detailing the scope and breadth of the vote fraud. Webb’s office cooperated with the FBI during its investigation and prosecuted sixty five individuals for federal election crimes; sixty-three of those were convicted.”
The FBI conducted an extensive investigation, and a grand jury issued a report detailing the scope and breadth of the vote fraud. Webb’s office cooperated with the FBI during its investigation and prosecuted sixty five individuals for federal election crimes; sixty-three of those were convicted.
- United States v. Olinger, 759 F.2d 1293 (7th Cir. 1985)
US Court of Appeals for the Seventh Circuit (via Caselaw Access Project), 1985-04-15 · supports
“On the day of the general election, Hicks distributed ballot applications, along with the names of registered voters who had moved away or died, to the election judges, including the appellant. The election judges completed the ballot applications with the names of the phantom voters. Then, using the fraudulent ballot applications, the election judges cast votes according to Hicks’ instructions. … Appellant watched as Hicks solicited voters and paid them $2.00 per vote. As a result of these activities, more than one-third of the 330 votes cast in the 17th precinct that election day were fraudulent. … In over two hours of voting, approximately 52 residents voted. Appellant and the other election judges cast nearly all of those votes for the straight Democratic Party ticket by punching 10. During the voting, a Democratic Party election judge paid residents small amounts of money for their votes as appellant watched.”
On the day of the general election, Hicks distributed ballot applications, along with the names of registered voters who had moved away or died, to the election judges, including the appellant. The election judges completed the ballot applications with the names of the phantom voters. Then, using the fraudulent ballot applications, the election judges cast votes according to Hicks’ instructions. … Appellant watched as Hicks solicited voters and paid them $2.00 per vote. As a result of these activities, more than one-third of the 330 votes cast in the 17th precinct that election day were fraudulent. … In over two hours of voting, approximately 52 residents voted. Appellant and the other election judges cast nearly all of those votes for the straight Democratic Party ticket by punching 10. During the voting, a Democratic Party election judge paid residents small amounts of money for their votes as appellant watched.
- Snapshot History: Maurice Milligan
US Attorney's Office, Western District of Missouri, 2015-02-26 · supports
“Local election results often showed vote totals for machine candidates that exceeded the total population in several wards and precincts. … U.S. Attorney Maurice M. Milligan and his staff prosecuted the resulting vote fraud cases for a total of 259 convictions.”
Local election results often showed vote totals for machine candidates that exceeded the total population in several wards and precincts. … U.S. Attorney Maurice M. Milligan and his staff prosecuted the resulting vote fraud cases for a total of 259 convictions.
- Devoe v. United States, 103 F.2d 584 (8th Cir. 1939)
US Court of Appeals for the Eighth Circuit (via Caselaw Access Project), 1939-05-03 · supports
“Hayde succeeded in getting upon the list about 150 “ghosts and sleepers”; that late in October, 1936, Hayde asked Frances Ryan and Devoe how they were going to handle the precinct with respect to the “ghosts and sleepers” and whether they were going to send people to cast the “ghost and sleeper” vote; that they told him that they were not sending repeaters to the precinct, and that it would be easier to write in the votes for the “ghosts and sleepers” … that he prepared the ballots for the “ghosts and sleepers”, and, with some considerable difficulty, succeeded in stuffing the ballot box with these votes; that the stuffing was completed before the polls were closed; that the votes which had been cast were not counted … The Republican candidate for Congress received in fact 120 votes … His Democratic opponent was given 605 votes, when in fact he received 515 votes. … The judgment is affirmed.”
Hayde succeeded in getting upon the list about 150 “ghosts and sleepers”; that late in October, 1936, Hayde asked Frances Ryan and Devoe how they were going to handle the precinct with respect to the “ghosts and sleepers” and whether they were going to send people to cast the “ghost and sleeper” vote; that they told him that they were not sending repeaters to the precinct, and that it would be easier to write in the votes for the “ghosts and sleepers” … that he prepared the ballots for the “ghosts and sleepers”, and, with some considerable difficulty, succeeded in stuffing the ballot box with these votes; that the stuffing was completed before the polls were closed; that the votes which had been cast were not counted … The Republican candidate for Congress received in fact 120 votes … His Democratic opponent was given 605 votes, when in fact he received 515 votes. … The judgment is affirmed.
- Johnson v. Stevenson, 170 F.2d 108 (5th Cir. 1948)
US Court of Appeals for the Fifth Circuit (via Caselaw Access Project), 1948-10-07 · complicates
“Johnson also filed under oath what he calls an opposition to the temporary injunction which takes issue with some of the factual allegations of the petition and proposes at a proper time and in a proper forum to show illegal votes in larger numbers which were counted for Stevenson than those Stevenson claims were fraudulently counted for Johnson.”
Johnson also filed under oath what he calls an opposition to the temporary injunction which takes issue with some of the factual allegations of the petition and proposes at a proper time and in a proper forum to show illegal votes in larger numbers which were counted for Stevenson than those Stevenson claims were fraudulently counted for Johnson.
- New Mexico election standoff and ‘attack on democracy’ ends
KOB 4, 2022-06-18 · supports
“A standoff ended Friday when a group of defiant local officials in New Mexico gave in to the state and voted to certify their June 7 primary election results, after they had been refusing to do so. … The New Mexico Supreme Court unanimously ordered them to certify the votes by Friday’s deadline”
A standoff ended Friday when a group of defiant local officials in New Mexico gave in to the state and voted to certify their June 7 primary election results, after they had been refusing to do so. … The New Mexico Supreme Court unanimously ordered them to certify the votes by Friday’s deadline
- Arizona’s Cochise County wants federal investigation of 2022 election
Votebeat, 2025-09-17 · supports
“two Republican Cochise supervisors in November 2022 to vote to delay the certification of the county’s midterm election results past the legal deadline. A judge later ordered the supervisors to certify the election. A year after their vote to delay the certification, a state grand jury indicted the two supervisors, Tom Crosby and Peggy Judd, on charges of conspiracy and interference with an elections officer. Judd has since pleaded guilty to a misdemeanor. But Crosby pleaded not guilty, and is awaiting a trial.”
two Republican Cochise supervisors in November 2022 to vote to delay the certification of the county’s midterm election results past the legal deadline. A judge later ordered the supervisors to certify the election. A year after their vote to delay the certification, a state grand jury indicted the two supervisors, Tom Crosby and Peggy Judd, on charges of conspiracy and interference with an elections officer. Judd has since pleaded guilty to a misdemeanor. But Crosby pleaded not guilty, and is awaiting a trial.
- Judge dismisses Kari Lake's final claim in election loss for Arizona governor
Associated Press (via KSAT), 2023-05-23 · complicates
“Thompson said Lake failed to prove her claim that Maricopa County did not verify signatures on mail ballots as required by law. ... She filed suit after losing to Hobbs by about 17,000 votes, asking the courts to install her as governor or order a new election.”
Thompson said Lake failed to prove her claim that Maricopa County did not verify signatures on mail ballots as required by law. ... She filed suit after losing to Hobbs by about 17,000 votes, asking the courts to install her as governor or order a new election.
- One-in-Five Mail-In Voters Admit They Cheated in 2020 Election
Rasmussen Reports, 2023-12-12 · complicates
“A new national telephone and online survey by Rasmussen Reports and The Heartland Institute finds that 21% of Likely U.S. voters who voted by absentee or mail-in ballot in the 2020 election say they filled out a ballot, in part or in full, on behalf of a friend or family member, such as a spouse or child, while 78% say they didn't. ... The survey of 1,085 U.S. Likely Voters was conducted on November 30-December 6, 2023 by Rasmussen Reports and The Heartland Institute.”
A new national telephone and online survey by Rasmussen Reports and The Heartland Institute finds that 21% of Likely U.S. voters who voted by absentee or mail-in ballot in the 2020 election say they filled out a ballot, in part or in full, on behalf of a friend or family member, such as a spouse or child, while 78% say they didn't. ... The survey of 1,085 U.S. Likely Voters was conducted on November 30-December 6, 2023 by Rasmussen Reports and The Heartland Institute.
- Trump's Latest Bogus Claim About Mail-In Vote Fraud in Pennsylvania
FactCheck.org, 2024-09-20 · contests
“"[T]he vast majority of Rasmussen data come from an ordinary opt-in online panel" in which participants actively seek to join rather than being randomly selected, "which AAPOR tells you cannot have a margin of error, because there is no systematic sampling involved," Krosnick said. … "[T]he results are wildly out of line with literally all other incoming information, including the rate of ballots flagged in any jurisdiction anywhere in the country for signature mismatches," Levitt told us via email.”
"[T]he vast majority of Rasmussen data come from an ordinary opt-in online panel" in which participants actively seek to join rather than being randomly selected, "which AAPOR tells you cannot have a margin of error, because there is no systematic sampling involved," Krosnick said. … "[T]he results are wildly out of line with literally all other incoming information, including the rate of ballots flagged in any jurisdiction anywhere in the country for signature mismatches," Levitt told us via email.
- Report to Congress on the Activities and Operations of the Public Integrity Section for 1983
US Department of Justice, Public Integrity Section, 1984-04 · supports
“Alice Mae Yarborough and her daughter Vernie Mae Yarborough pled guilty to one count of multiple voting in the June 8, 1982 primary election in Darlington County, South Carolina … In Statesville, North Carolina, five defendants were convicted and sentenced for their roles in subverting the 1982 general election in Alexander County, North Carolina. … The Yarboroughs were poil officials who utilized their access to the poll list an voting machine to forge voter's names and vote numerous ballots for "no show" voters during the election. … The indictment alleged that the defendants defrauded the voters of Luzerne County of their right to fair and non-corrupt elections by submitting false and fraudulent absentee ballot materials. … A federal jury had convicted four of the defendants of mail fraud, conspiracy, and multiple-voting for their fraudulent voting of absentee ballots of nursing home residents. … The lead defendants, Deputy Sheriff Mark Douglas Odom and Deputy Clerk of Court Joyce Geraldine Beach … In Bryson City, North Carolina, eight defendants were convicted and sentenced for their roles in subverting the November 1982 election in Clay County, North Carolina. The trial evidence showed a massive vote-buying scheme, with the detendants purchasing votes for the Democratic Party slate at prices ranging between $50 and $125 per voter. … Former Republican Sheriff Hartsell Moore, who was defeated by Barnard in his 1982 reelection effort, received a prison term of 15 months and a $2,000 fine on his guilty plea to two counts of vote-buying. … a successful scheme to fraudulently affect the outcome of a close legislative contest for Missouri State Representative in 1980.”
Alice Mae Yarborough and her daughter Vernie Mae Yarborough pled guilty to one count of multiple voting in the June 8, 1982 primary election in Darlington County, South Carolina … In Statesville, North Carolina, five defendants were convicted and sentenced for their roles in subverting the 1982 general election in Alexander County, North Carolina. … The Yarboroughs were poil officials who utilized their access to the poll list an voting machine to forge voter's names and vote numerous ballots for "no show" voters during the election. … The indictment alleged that the defendants defrauded the voters of Luzerne County of their right to fair and non-corrupt elections by submitting false and fraudulent absentee ballot materials. … A federal jury had convicted four of the defendants of mail fraud, conspiracy, and multiple-voting for their fraudulent voting of absentee ballots of nursing home residents. … The lead defendants, Deputy Sheriff Mark Douglas Odom and Deputy Clerk of Court Joyce Geraldine Beach … In Bryson City, North Carolina, eight defendants were convicted and sentenced for their roles in subverting the November 1982 election in Clay County, North Carolina. The trial evidence showed a massive vote-buying scheme, with the detendants purchasing votes for the Democratic Party slate at prices ranging between $50 and $125 per voter. … Former Republican Sheriff Hartsell Moore, who was defeated by Barnard in his 1982 reelection effort, received a prison term of 15 months and a $2,000 fine on his guilty plea to two counts of vote-buying. … a successful scheme to fraudulently affect the outcome of a close legislative contest for Missouri State Representative in 1980.
- United States v. Townsley, 843 F.2d 1070 (8th Cir. 1988)
US Court of Appeals for the Eighth Circuit (via Caselaw Access Project), 1988-03-25 · supports
“On one occasion Wellington Hamilton Lemmer (a campaign worker for the Seventh Ward Organization and a confidential government informant) entered Webbe’s office at the Seventh Ward Organization. Lemmer saw Webbe, Townsley (a close associate of Webbe, Jr. and an integral member of the Seventh Ward Organization) and two others with opened absentee ballots and observed that they were punching holes in the ballots. … For reasons to be stated, we affirm in part, reverse in part, and remand for further proceedings consistent with this opinion.”
On one occasion Wellington Hamilton Lemmer (a campaign worker for the Seventh Ward Organization and a confidential government informant) entered Webbe’s office at the Seventh Ward Organization. Lemmer saw Webbe, Townsley (a close associate of Webbe, Jr. and an integral member of the Seventh Ward Organization) and two others with opened absentee ballots and observed that they were punching holes in the ballots. … For reasons to be stated, we affirm in part, reverse in part, and remand for further proceedings consistent with this opinion.
Ballot Receipt Deadlines, Late Ballots and Counting Speed
- Table 11: Receipt and Postmark Deadlines for Absentee/Mail Ballots
National Conference of State Legislatures, 2026-09-25 · supports
“Thirty-five states require absentee/mail ballots returned by mail to be received on or before Election Day. Fifteen states, plus Guam, Puerto Rico, the Virgin Islands and Washington, D.C., will accept and count a mailed ballot if it is received after Election Day but postmarked on or before (sometimes only before) Election Day. ... In July 2026, a district court judge in Kansas issued a preliminary injunction on the law requiring absentee ballots to be received by the close of polls on Election Day. ... Under the injunction, ballots can be counted if they are postmarked by Election Day and received within three days of an election. ... North Dakota HB 1165 (2025) changed the receipt deadline for absentee ballots to be received before the close of polls on Election Day. ... Ohio SB 293 (2025) changed the receipt deadline for most absentee ballots to the close of polls on Election Day. ... The bill maintains a carve-out for military and overseas voters’ ballots, which will still be accepted if received within the four-day post-election period. Utah HB 300 (2025) required ballots to be received by the election officer by 8 p.m. on Election Day. ... Alaska ... Must be received within 10 days if postmarked on or before Election Day. ... California ... Must be received no later than seven days after Election Day. ... District of Columbia ... Must be received within ten days of the election if postmarked on or before Election Day. ... Illinois ... Must be received within 14 days of the election if postmarked on or before Election Day. ... Kansas ... Must be received by the third day after an election if postmarked by Election Day. ... Maryland ... Must be received within 10 days after the election by 10 a.m. if postmarked on or before Election Day. Massachusetts ... Must be received by 5 p.m. on the third day after the election if postmarked on or before Election Day. ... Mississippi ... Must be received within five business days of the election if postmarked on or before Election Day. ... Nevada ... Must be received by 5 p.m. on the fourth day following the election if postmarked by Election Day. ... New Jersey ... Must be received within 144 hours (six days) of the close of the polls if postmarked on or before Election Day. ... New York ... Must be received within seven days of the election if postmarked by Election Day. ... Oregon ... Must be received within seven days of the election if postmarked on or before Election Day. ... Texas ... Must be received by 5 p.m. on the day after the election if postmarked on or before Election Day. ... Virginia ... Must be received before noon on the third day after the election if postmarked by Election Day. ... Washington ... Must be received no later than the day before certification, which is 21 days after a general election and 14 days after a primary if postmarked on or before Election Day. West Virginia ... Must be received before the canvass (which begins on the fifth day after the election) if postmarked on or before Election Day. ... Ballot Receipt Deadlines for Military and Overseas Voters ... Twenty states require ballots from military and overseas voters to be received by the close of polls on Election Day. Thirty states and Washington, D.C. accept at least some military and overseas ballots received after Election Day.”
Thirty-five states require absentee/mail ballots returned by mail to be received on or before Election Day. Fifteen states, plus Guam, Puerto Rico, the Virgin Islands and Washington, D.C., will accept and count a mailed ballot if it is received after Election Day but postmarked on or before (sometimes only before) Election Day. ... In July 2026, a district court judge in Kansas issued a preliminary injunction on the law requiring absentee ballots to be received by the close of polls on Election Day. ... Under the injunction, ballots can be counted if they are postmarked by Election Day and received within three days of an election. ... North Dakota HB 1165 (2025) changed the receipt deadline for absentee ballots to be received before the close of polls on Election Day. ... Ohio SB 293 (2025) changed the receipt deadline for most absentee ballots to the close of polls on Election Day. ... The bill maintains a carve-out for military and overseas voters’ ballots, which will still be accepted if received within the four-day post-election period. Utah HB 300 (2025) required ballots to be received by the election officer by 8 p.m. on Election Day. ... Alaska ... Must be received within 10 days if postmarked on or before Election Day. ... California ... Must be received no later than seven days after Election Day. ... District of Columbia ... Must be received within ten days of the election if postmarked on or before Election Day. ... Illinois ... Must be received within 14 days of the election if postmarked on or before Election Day. ... Kansas ... Must be received by the third day after an election if postmarked by Election Day. ... Maryland ... Must be received within 10 days after the election by 10 a.m. if postmarked on or before Election Day. Massachusetts ... Must be received by 5 p.m. on the third day after the election if postmarked on or before Election Day. ... Mississippi ... Must be received within five business days of the election if postmarked on or before Election Day. ... Nevada ... Must be received by 5 p.m. on the fourth day following the election if postmarked by Election Day. ... New Jersey ... Must be received within 144 hours (six days) of the close of the polls if postmarked on or before Election Day. ... New York ... Must be received within seven days of the election if postmarked by Election Day. ... Oregon ... Must be received within seven days of the election if postmarked on or before Election Day. ... Texas ... Must be received by 5 p.m. on the day after the election if postmarked on or before Election Day. ... Virginia ... Must be received before noon on the third day after the election if postmarked by Election Day. ... Washington ... Must be received no later than the day before certification, which is 21 days after a general election and 14 days after a primary if postmarked on or before Election Day. West Virginia ... Must be received before the canvass (which begins on the fifth day after the election) if postmarked on or before Election Day. ... Ballot Receipt Deadlines for Military and Overseas Voters ... Twenty states require ballots from military and overseas voters to be received by the close of polls on Election Day. Thirty states and Washington, D.C. accept at least some military and overseas ballots received after Election Day.
- Watson v. Republican National Committee, 609 U.S. 672 (2026), slip opinion
Supreme Court of the United States, 2026-06-29 · supports
“Mississippi is one of roughly 30 States that count at least some absentee ballots mailed by election day but received afterward. ... State legislatures may have used an election-day deadline for any number of reasons unrelated to federal requirements. For example, they may have shared plaintiffs' view that an election-day deadline avoids the appearance of fraud from late-arriving ballots. ... Finally, plaintiffs assert that requiring ballots to be received by election day protects election integrity and increases voter confidence in election results. ... As we have said time and again, however, policy arguments are properly directed to legislatures, not courts. ... The question today is not whether requiring ballots to be received by election day is a good or bad idea; the question is whether the idea has made its way into the United States Code.”
Mississippi is one of roughly 30 States that count at least some absentee ballots mailed by election day but received afterward. ... State legislatures may have used an election-day deadline for any number of reasons unrelated to federal requirements. For example, they may have shared plaintiffs' view that an election-day deadline avoids the appearance of fraud from late-arriving ballots. ... Finally, plaintiffs assert that requiring ballots to be received by election day protects election integrity and increases voter confidence in election results. ... As we have said time and again, however, policy arguments are properly directed to legislatures, not courts. ... The question today is not whether requiring ballots to be received by election day is a good or bad idea; the question is whether the idea has made its way into the United States Code.
- Election Administration and Voting Survey 2024 Comprehensive Report (pp. 14–15 and Overview Table 1)
U.S. Election Assistance Commission, 2025-06-30 · supports
“Of the mail ballots that were returned by voters, 47,629,437 were reported as being counted and 584,463 were reported as being rejected, for a count rate of 98.8% of the mail ballots that were returned and a rejection rate of 1.2% of the mail ballots that were returned. ... Overview Table 1: Mail Voting in the 2024 General Election ... % Turnout by Mail ... Arizona [3] 74.7% 3,582,082 2,859,348 79.8% 2,816,885 98.5% ... Georgia [6] 5.1% 327,241 273,512 83.6% 268,751 98.3% ... Michigan 35.4% 2,213,167 2,081,265 94.0% 2,017,704 96.9% ... Nevada 44.1% 2,069,339 669,445 32.4% 656,140 98.0% ... North Carolina 5.2% 451,176 307,185 68.1% 298,269 97.1% ... Pennsylvania [20] 27.3% 2,204,273 1,952,372 88.6% 1,933,102 99.0% ... Wisconsin [24] 16.6% 614,367 575,257 93.6% 572,434 99.5% ... Returned ballot envelope did not have required postmark 0.9%”
Of the mail ballots that were returned by voters, 47,629,437 were reported as being counted and 584,463 were reported as being rejected, for a count rate of 98.8% of the mail ballots that were returned and a rejection rate of 1.2% of the mail ballots that were returned. ... Overview Table 1: Mail Voting in the 2024 General Election ... % Turnout by Mail ... Arizona [3] 74.7% 3,582,082 2,859,348 79.8% 2,816,885 98.5% ... Georgia [6] 5.1% 327,241 273,512 83.6% 268,751 98.3% ... Michigan 35.4% 2,213,167 2,081,265 94.0% 2,017,704 96.9% ... Nevada 44.1% 2,069,339 669,445 32.4% 656,140 98.0% ... North Carolina 5.2% 451,176 307,185 68.1% 298,269 97.1% ... Pennsylvania [20] 27.3% 2,204,273 1,952,372 88.6% 1,933,102 99.0% ... Wisconsin [24] 16.6% 614,367 575,257 93.6% 572,434 99.5% ... Returned ballot envelope did not have required postmark 0.9%
- Election Administration and Voting Survey 2022 Comprehensive Report (p. 13 and Table 1)
U.S. Election Assistance Commission, 2023-06-29 · supports
“Of the mail ballots that were returned by voters, 35,718,700 were reported as being counted and 549,824 were reported as being rejected, for a count rate of 97.4% of the mail ballots that were returned and a rejection rate of 1.5% of the mail ballots that were returned. ... Other reason not listed 32.7% ... Ballot had a non-matching or incomplete signature 26.9% ... not received on time/missed the deadline 23.1%”
Of the mail ballots that were returned by voters, 35,718,700 were reported as being counted and 549,824 were reported as being rejected, for a count rate of 97.4% of the mail ballots that were returned and a rejection rate of 1.5% of the mail ballots that were returned. ... Other reason not listed 32.7% ... Ballot had a non-matching or incomplete signature 26.9% ... not received on time/missed the deadline 23.1%
- Election Administration and Voting Survey 2020 Comprehensive Report (Table 2)
U.S. Election Assistance Commission, 2021-08 · supports
“Other common reasons for rejection included that the voter had already voted in person (13.5%), the ballot was received after the state’s deadline for submitting a mailed ballot (12.1%), and there was no voter signature on the mailed ballot or the mailed ballot envelope (12.1%). ... Table 2. The Most Common Reason for Rejecting Mailed Ballots Was for a Non-Matching Signature ... Ballot not received on time/missed deadline 12.1%”
Other common reasons for rejection included that the voter had already voted in person (13.5%), the ballot was received after the state’s deadline for submitting a mailed ballot (12.1%), and there was no voter signature on the mailed ballot or the mailed ballot envelope (12.1%). ... Table 2. The Most Common Reason for Rejecting Mailed Ballots Was for a Non-Matching Signature ... Ballot not received on time/missed deadline 12.1%
- The Election Administration and Voting Survey: 2018 Comprehensive Report (Table 1)
U.S. Election Assistance Commission, 2019-06 · supports
“"Other" reason given 34.9% ... Ballot not received on time/missed deadline 26.9% ... Non-matching signature 15.8%”
"Other" reason given 34.9% ... Ballot not received on time/missed deadline 26.9% ... Non-matching signature 15.8%
- The Election Administration and Voting Survey: 2016 Comprehensive Report (Table 1)
U.S. Election Assistance Commission, 2017-06 · supports
“Rejected (total) 1.0% ... Non-matching signature 27.5% ... Ballot not received on time/missed deadline 23.1% ... No voter signature 20.0%”
Rejected (total) 1.0% ... Non-matching signature 27.5% ... Ballot not received on time/missed deadline 23.1% ... No voter signature 20.0%
- More mail ballots are arriving late this cycle, and they’re getting tossed (New York Times, reprinted)
The Philadelphia Inquirer (Adam Sella and Nick Corasaniti, New York Times), 2026-08-31 · complicates
“The rate at which mail votes have been rejected for arriving late has ticked up in primaries this year and general elections last year in roughly a dozen states ... In Wisconsin ... lateness accounted for about 5,000 rejected mail ballots in the spring primary this year, or 78% of all tossed ballots. During the last spring election, in 2023, the figure was roughly 2,300, or 47% of all tossed votes. ... In Michigan’s primary earlier this month, more than 10,000 mail ballots were rejected for arriving after the state’s deadline of 8 p.m. on Election Day. That is nearly double the number of ballots rejected in 2024. In Washington, the number of late-arriving mail ballots increased from about 16,000 to more than 20,000 in the same period. ... The Postal Service further slowed down mail in 2024 when it implemented a centralized system that postmarks mail when it reaches regional centers, not when it first enters the mail stream. The delay has particularly affected mail voting, especially in states that rely on postmarks to determine if a ballot is valid. ... In a statement, the Postal Service countered claims that the agency has become unreliable by noting that more than 95% of mail ballots have arrived on time in recent elections. ... In Washington’s primary earlier this year, 75% of rejected mail ballots were tossed because they arrived too late.”
The rate at which mail votes have been rejected for arriving late has ticked up in primaries this year and general elections last year in roughly a dozen states ... In Wisconsin ... lateness accounted for about 5,000 rejected mail ballots in the spring primary this year, or 78% of all tossed ballots. During the last spring election, in 2023, the figure was roughly 2,300, or 47% of all tossed votes. ... In Michigan’s primary earlier this month, more than 10,000 mail ballots were rejected for arriving after the state’s deadline of 8 p.m. on Election Day. That is nearly double the number of ballots rejected in 2024. In Washington, the number of late-arriving mail ballots increased from about 16,000 to more than 20,000 in the same period. ... The Postal Service further slowed down mail in 2024 when it implemented a centralized system that postmarks mail when it reaches regional centers, not when it first enters the mail stream. The delay has particularly affected mail voting, especially in states that rely on postmarks to determine if a ballot is valid. ... In a statement, the Postal Service countered claims that the agency has become unreliable by noting that more than 95% of mail ballots have arrived on time in recent elections. ... In Washington’s primary earlier this year, 75% of rejected mail ballots were tossed because they arrived too late.
- Was a large percentage of votes received after Election Day in Nevada in 2024?
The Nevada Independent (Eric Neugeboren), 2025-01-31 · supports
“Less than 1 percent of the ballots cast in Nevada's two largest counties in the 2024 general election were received after Election Day. About 9,500 Clark County mail ballots and 2,400 ballots in Washoe County were received post-Election Day out of the nearly 1.3 million ballots cast in both areas. Nevada law allows any mail ballot to be received up to four days after Election Day, as long as it is postmarked by Election Day. ... Sen. Jacky Rosen (D-NV) was losing to Republican Sam Brown on election night, but took the lead the following night once the roughly 50,000 Clark County mail ballots received on Election Day were counted. Rosen ultimately won Clark and Washoe counties by margins far exceeding the number of ballots received post-Election Day.”
Less than 1 percent of the ballots cast in Nevada's two largest counties in the 2024 general election were received after Election Day. About 9,500 Clark County mail ballots and 2,400 ballots in Washoe County were received post-Election Day out of the nearly 1.3 million ballots cast in both areas. Nevada law allows any mail ballot to be received up to four days after Election Day, as long as it is postmarked by Election Day. ... Sen. Jacky Rosen (D-NV) was losing to Republican Sam Brown on election night, but took the lead the following night once the roughly 50,000 Clark County mail ballots received on Election Day were counted. Rosen ultimately won Clark and Washoe counties by margins far exceeding the number of ballots received post-Election Day.
- How long did it take to count the vote in 2024?
MIT Election Data + Science Lab (Samuel Baltz), 2024-12-06 · supports
“A MEDSL report found that “states were slower to report overall vote counts if they had large volumes of mail ballots, prohibited preprocessing mail ballots, and allowed mail ballots to arrive after Election Day.” ... States in the west and southwest — especially Washington, California, Nevada, Arizona, Utah, Colorado, and Alaska (not visualized) — stand out as having a larger proportion of votes left to count by the end of 24 hours. Mississippi, Maine, Maryland, Massachusetts and Michigan were also slower to report ... most large jumps due to California incrementally reporting about a third of its votes over the course of the month after Election Day. ... Texas and Florida stand out as states that successfully counted an enormous number of votes (both well over ten million) within about a day ... every state had counted and reported more than 75% of votes cast for either presidential candidate within about 5 days. ... Nationally, it took only about 2 hours to count a majority of the vote, and only about 3 hours to count 75% of it. ... State Hours in 2020 Hours in 2024 Factor increase 2024/2020 Arizona 73 147 2.01 Georgia 18 5 0.28 Michigan 17 9 0.53 Nevada 159 51 0.32 North Carolina 3 6 2.00 Pennsylvania 49 8 0.16 Wisconsin 8 9 1.13 Table 1: The number of hours to count 95% of the two-party presidential vote in seven battleground states from 2020 and 2024. The numbers may be overstated by the duration of the media reporting process, plus up to half an hour”
A MEDSL report found that “states were slower to report overall vote counts if they had large volumes of mail ballots, prohibited preprocessing mail ballots, and allowed mail ballots to arrive after Election Day.” ... States in the west and southwest — especially Washington, California, Nevada, Arizona, Utah, Colorado, and Alaska (not visualized) — stand out as having a larger proportion of votes left to count by the end of 24 hours. Mississippi, Maine, Maryland, Massachusetts and Michigan were also slower to report ... most large jumps due to California incrementally reporting about a third of its votes over the course of the month after Election Day. ... Texas and Florida stand out as states that successfully counted an enormous number of votes (both well over ten million) within about a day ... every state had counted and reported more than 75% of votes cast for either presidential candidate within about 5 days. ... Nationally, it took only about 2 hours to count a majority of the vote, and only about 3 hours to count 75% of it. ... State Hours in 2020 Hours in 2024 Factor increase 2024/2020 Arizona 73 147 2.01 Georgia 18 5 0.28 Michigan 17 9 0.53 Nevada 159 51 0.32 North Carolina 3 6 2.00 Pennsylvania 49 8 0.16 Wisconsin 8 9 1.13 Table 1: The number of hours to count 95% of the two-party presidential vote in seven battleground states from 2020 and 2024. The numbers may be overstated by the duration of the media reporting process, plus up to half an hour
- Table 16: When Absentee/Mail Ballot Processing and Counting Can Begin
National Conference of State Legislatures, 2026-09-15 · supports
“Forty-four states, Washington, D.C., Puerto Rico and the Virgin Islands permit election officials to begin processing absentee/mail ballots prior to the election ... Six states permit election officials to begin processing absentee/mail ballots on Election Day, but prior to the closing of the polls: Alabama, Mississippi, New Hampshire, Pennsylvania, West Virginia and Wisconsin. ... None of these states allow the results of scanned ballots to be viewed or released before the close of polls on Election Day. ... Arizona ... Upon receipt. ... Georgia ... Verification of driver's license or state identification number conducted upon receipt, and further processing can begin at 8 a.m. on the third Monday before Election Day. ... Michigan ... Signature verification conducted upon receipt. Jurisdictions with at least 5,000 people may begin further processing eight days before Election Day ... Nevada ... Signature verification conducted upon receipt. ... North Carolina ... At county board of elections meetings, beginning the fifth Tuesday before Election Day. ... Pennsylvania ... 7 a.m. on Election Day. ... Wisconsin ... After the polls open on Election Day.”
Forty-four states, Washington, D.C., Puerto Rico and the Virgin Islands permit election officials to begin processing absentee/mail ballots prior to the election ... Six states permit election officials to begin processing absentee/mail ballots on Election Day, but prior to the closing of the polls: Alabama, Mississippi, New Hampshire, Pennsylvania, West Virginia and Wisconsin. ... None of these states allow the results of scanned ballots to be viewed or released before the close of polls on Election Day. ... Arizona ... Upon receipt. ... Georgia ... Verification of driver's license or state identification number conducted upon receipt, and further processing can begin at 8 a.m. on the third Monday before Election Day. ... Michigan ... Signature verification conducted upon receipt. Jurisdictions with at least 5,000 people may begin further processing eight days before Election Day ... Nevada ... Signature verification conducted upon receipt. ... North Carolina ... At county board of elections meetings, beginning the fifth Tuesday before Election Day. ... Pennsylvania ... 7 a.m. on Election Day. ... Wisconsin ... After the polls open on Election Day.
- Looking back to 2020 for a Guide to How Fast the Votes Will Be Reported in 2024
Election Updates (Charles Stewart III, MIT), 2024-10-30 · complicates
“In the statistical analysis performed in the MEDSL report, the failure to pre-process did slow down the count, on average, but by a small amount. Within four hours of the polls closing, the average state with no pre-processing had reported 63% of its votes, compared to 78% that didn’t restrict pre-processing. At the twenty-four-hour point, the gap between states had essentially disappeared. In a later academic paper written by me and two MEDSL colleagues, we also found that states with more mail ballots reported at a slower pace. However, the effect of mail-ballot load also declined over time. ... In 2020, seventeen states prohibited processing of mail ballots before Election Day. In 2024, that number declined to seven.”
In the statistical analysis performed in the MEDSL report, the failure to pre-process did slow down the count, on average, but by a small amount. Within four hours of the polls closing, the average state with no pre-processing had reported 63% of its votes, compared to 78% that didn’t restrict pre-processing. At the twenty-four-hour point, the gap between states had essentially disappeared. In a later academic paper written by me and two MEDSL colleagues, we also found that states with more mail ballots reported at a slower pace. However, the effect of mail-ballot load also declined over time. ... In 2020, seventeen states prohibited processing of mail ballots before Election Day. In 2024, that number declined to seven.
- Electoral Integrity Global Report 2025 (PEI 11.0)
Electoral Integrity Project, 2025-07 · supports
“There were noticeable declines in electoral integrity scores in the United States during the 2024 Presidential election, after some improvements in the 2022 midterms. ... The Perceptions of Electoral Integrity dataset suggests that the counting, results and procedural aspects of the election were strong (see Figure 19), a notable rebound in light of the challenges that occurred surrounding Trump’s failure to accept the results of the 2020 election. The main areas of weakness were electoral boundaries, media and finance.”
There were noticeable declines in electoral integrity scores in the United States during the 2024 Presidential election, after some improvements in the 2022 midterms. ... The Perceptions of Electoral Integrity dataset suggests that the counting, results and procedural aspects of the election were strong (see Figure 19), a notable rebound in light of the challenges that occurred surrounding Trump’s failure to accept the results of the 2020 election. The main areas of weakness were electoral boundaries, media and finance.
- Nevada prepares for Supreme Court ruling on mail ballots
Pahrump Valley Times, 2026-04-22 · supports
“Ballots received by Clark and Washoe counties after that day represented about 2 percent of the overall mail ballots processed.”
Ballots received by Clark and Washoe counties after that day represented about 2 percent of the overall mail ballots processed.
- Evolution of Absentee/Mail Voting Laws, 2016–2026 (Table 5)
National Conference of State Legislatures, 2026-08-26 · supports
“Many states enacted policies allowing ballots to be received after Election Day during the pandemic, but since then, states have slowly moved in the opposite direction of requiring Election Day receipt for most absentee/mail ballots. As a result, the count of states requiring Election Day receipt for the November 2026 election is expected to be roughly the same as it was in November 2016, despite a dip in that count around the peak of the pandemic. ... Date/Election Election Day receipt Post-Election Day receipt November 2016 37 states and D.C. 13 states January 2020 35 states 15 states and D.C. November 2020 29 states 21 states and D.C. November 2022 31 states 19 states and D.C. November 2024 32 states 18 states and D.C. November 2026 (expected) 35 states 15 states and D.C.”
Many states enacted policies allowing ballots to be received after Election Day during the pandemic, but since then, states have slowly moved in the opposite direction of requiring Election Day receipt for most absentee/mail ballots. As a result, the count of states requiring Election Day receipt for the November 2026 election is expected to be roughly the same as it was in November 2016, despite a dip in that count around the peak of the pandemic. ... Date/Election Election Day receipt Post-Election Day receipt November 2016 37 states and D.C. 13 states January 2020 35 states 15 states and D.C. November 2020 29 states 21 states and D.C. November 2022 31 states 19 states and D.C. November 2024 32 states 18 states and D.C. November 2026 (expected) 35 states 15 states and D.C.
- Election Administration and Voting Survey 2024 Comprehensive Report (Table 1)
U.S. Election Assistance Commission, 2025-06-30 · supports
“Table 1. Most Common Reason For Mail Ballot Rejection Was a Non-Matching Or Incomplete Signature ... Ballot envelope had a non-matching or incomplete signature 40.7% ... Other reason not listed 18.1% ... Ballot was not received on time/missed the deadline 17.8% ... Voter already cast another ballot that was accepted 11.1% ... Ballot envelope did not have a voter signature 10% ... Casewise deletion was used at the state level in calculating national percentages, and because of this, percentages do not total 100%.”
Table 1. Most Common Reason For Mail Ballot Rejection Was a Non-Matching Or Incomplete Signature ... Ballot envelope had a non-matching or incomplete signature 40.7% ... Other reason not listed 18.1% ... Ballot was not received on time/missed the deadline 17.8% ... Voter already cast another ballot that was accepted 11.1% ... Ballot envelope did not have a voter signature 10% ... Casewise deletion was used at the state level in calculating national percentages, and because of this, percentages do not total 100%.