Settlement and Migrants' Immigration Status
Grants of settlement are at their highest since 2011, with about 1.6 million more expected by 2030, and EU settled status covers far more people still. [1][3][2][4][5]
Grants of settlement
Every grant of indefinite leave to remain outside the EU Settlement Scheme in each calendar year, split by the kind of leave the person held immediately before settling. The parts add up to the total in every year. The 2012 policy change named in the observations lengthened the family route from two years to five.
People granted settlement that year, by year
Every grant of indefinite leave to remain outside the EU Settlement Scheme in each calendar year, split by the kind of leave the person held immediately before settling. The parts add up to the total in every year. The 2012 policy change named in the observations lengthened the family route from two years to five. Read as grants of settlement: People granted settlement that year. Dashed segments cross 3 definitional breaks in the source, explained in Method Changes below this graph. Use the Table switch to see every value.
- All settlement grants
- Work
- Family
- Refugee and protection
- Other (including BN(O))
Vertical dashed lines mark measurement changes. See method changes.
Source: Home Office [104]
Observations 5
2010: a one-off peak from clearing a backlog
2012–2016: the family route lengthened from two years to five
The fall from 2010 to 2016 was partly due to the July 2012 change that raised the family route's qualifying period from two to five years, delaying grants that would otherwise have come earlier. 11 The Home Office's cohort data show people arriving on family routes after the change typically took longer to settle. 52
2017–2026: rising again, now led by work and Hong Kong BN(O)
Grants have risen since 2017, mostly to people whose last leave was on a work route: 80,409 in the year to June 2026, up 36%. 7 Grants to Hong Kong BN(O) visa holders, whose route opened in January 2021, rose to 38,373 as the first cohorts completed five years. 8 Grants to refugees fell 40% to 22,799, reflecting fewer protection decisions during the pandemic in 2020. 9
About 1.6 million are expected to qualify in 2026–30
The Home Office forecasts that between 1.3 million and 2.2 million people will settle in 2026–2030 (central estimate 1.6m), peaking at 359,000 to 620,000 in 2028 (central estimate 450,000). 3 It assumes people settle at historical rates; the range reflects uncertainty about that. 14 It names three drivers: 154,000 visas granted to Hong Kong BN(O) holders in 2021–22 (an extra 92,000 applications in 2026 and 54,000 in 2027); 616,000 Health and Care entry visas in 2022–24 (384,000 extra applications in 2027–29, peaking at 210,000 in 2028); and 344,000 Skilled Worker entry visas in 2022–24 (around 222,000 applications). 12 13 The forecast is under current rules, before any of the proposed changes, and excludes the EU Settlement Scheme.
The Centre for Policy Studies' 801,000 and £234 billion
A Centre for Policy Studies projection covering visas issued from January 2021 to June 2024 found more than 801,000 recent migrants would receive indefinite leave in its base case, and as many as 1.24 million in an alternative. 15 It put the lifetime net fiscal cost at £234 billion. 16 After the Office for Budget Responsibility revised the data it used, the CPS said the cost estimates "should no longer be used"; it stands by the visa analysis and the numbers projected to settle. 17 The £234 billion was a lifetime net cost of people settling, not a benefits bill or a saving from removing existing settlement.
Method Changes
2019: Immediate settlement on arrival drops out
Home Office: "From May 2019, the data excludes people admitted to the UK with an immediate settlement visa. This was due to the Governments decision to remove the requirement for passengers to complete a landing card." [104]
2020: New caseworking system
Home Office: "Due to data quality issues associated with the transition from the Home Office’s Case Information Database (CID) to a newer caseworking system, Atlas, data from 2020 onwards cannot be provided at the same level of detail as previous years." [104]
2021: EEA and Swiss nationals enter the count
Home Office: the table "Excludes EEA and Swiss nationals before 2021 with nationals of EU accession countries included or excluded according to their accession date." [104]
About this data
Full published range: 2010–2025. Every plotted line runs the whole of it – Table Se_02 in the year-ending-June-2026 release publishes calendar years 2010 to 2025 plus rolling years to June 2025 and June 2026; the rolling years are left out so every point is a calendar year. Older releases carried a series from 2004 that is not in the current table. EU Settlement Scheme status is counted separately and is not in these figures.
Cumulative compensation paid
Total paid out by the Windrush Compensation Scheme since it opened on 3 April 2019, in pounds, at the end of each quarter to June 2020 and each month after that.
Pounds paid since the scheme opened, by end of quarter or month
Total paid out by the Windrush Compensation Scheme since it opened on 3 April 2019, in pounds, at the end of each quarter to June 2020 and each month after that. Read as cumulative compensation paid: Pounds paid since the scheme opened. Use the Table switch to see every value.
- Cumulative amount paid (£)
Source: Home Office [105]
Observations 1
Windrush: people with a lawful right to stay were treated as if they had none
The Windrush Lessons Learned Review found the scandal "foreseeable and avoidable": the government removed and detained people, and denied others work, housing and services, even though they were lawfully entitled to them. 93 94 The Home Office identified 164 people in the UK before 1973 who had been detained or removed since 2002. 95 By August 2026 the compensation scheme had paid £133,475,539.07 on 4,221 claims; of 11,690 final decisions, 4,009 were value offers and 6,741 found zero entitlement. 97 96 The Windrush victims were entitled to stay under the law as it stood; the current proposal leaves Windrush grants out of scope. 55
About this data
Full published range: 2019-06–2026-08. Every plotted line runs the whole of it – The table reports quarters from Q2 2019 to Q2 2020 and months from July 2020 to August 2026; each quarter is plotted at its last month. The data come from a live operational system, and earlier months are revised between releases.
Who holds settlement, and who is on a path to it
Three different measures, each the best available: EU Settlement Scheme settled-status grants since 2018, the estimated stock of non-EU citizens with indefinite leave at the end of 2024 (lower and upper estimates), and people on temporary visas with a five-year path to settlement at the end of 2024.
People
- EU Settlement Scheme: settled-status grants since 20184,592,322
- On a temporary visa with a five-year path to settlement (end of 2024)2,200,000
- Non-EU citizens holding indefinite leave, upper estimate (end of 2024)820,000
- Non-EU citizens holding indefinite leave, lower estimate (end of 2024)621,000
Source: Home Office [2]; The Migration Observatory, University of Oxford [4]; The Migration Observatory, University of Oxford [5]; The Migration Observatory, University of Oxford [6]
Observations 3
EU Settlement Scheme holders far outnumber non-EU holders of indefinite leave
Just under 4.6 million settled-status grants have been made under the EU Settlement Scheme since 2018. 2 The Migration Observatory estimates that 621,000 to 820,000 non-EU citizens held indefinite leave at the end of 2024 (the summary of the same piece gives the lower figure as 622,000). 4 5 EU scheme status is outside the government's proposed reforms, under the Withdrawal Agreement. 55
No official count of holders exists
The non-EU estimate combines the 2021 Census for England and Wales with visa data. It leaves out Scotland and Northern Ireland, and some people counted will have left the UK or become British citizens since. 18
About 2.2 million are on a five-year path
Around 2.2 million people — 53% of everyone on a temporary visa at the end of 2024 — held visas with a five-year path to settlement. 6 About 4.2 million held a temporary visa in all, around 3.6 million of whom had arrived since 2021. 21 Not all will apply: some will leave first. The Migration Observatory puts the number of children on a path at 430,000 to 520,000. 22
About this data
No official count of people holding indefinite leave exists: the Home Office publishes grants, not holders. The EU figure is grants, so it counts people who have since left or naturalised; it is the 4,476,552 applications concluded as settled in table EUSS_QTR plus 115,770 automated grants, which the Home Office describes as "just under 4.6 million". The non-EU range is the Migration Observatory's estimate from the 2021 Census (England and Wales only) and visa data. The path-to-settlement figure is the Migration Observatory's rounded "around 2.2 million". The bars measure different things and should not be added together.
People on a five-year path to settlement, by visa group, end of 2024
The Migration Observatory's breakdown of the roughly 2.2 million temporary-visa holders on a five-year path, by the visa they held at the end of 2024.
People holding the visa
- Worker visa main applicants756,000
- Dependants of worker visa holders645,000
- Family visa holders352,000
- Refugees and humanitarian protection230,000
- Hong Kong BN(O) visa holders189,000
Source: The Migration Observatory, University of Oxford [20]; The Migration Observatory, University of Oxford [19]
Observations 1
Dependants and family visa holders are the groups least often in work
HMRC data for 2023/24 show around half of adult Skilled Worker dependants were not working, and a third of Health and Care dependants. About a third of adults on family visas were not working by their fifth year, around 45% of refugees, and 30% of adult BN(O) visa holders. On current circumstances, hundreds of thousands would fail the proposed employment requirement. 19
About this data
These five groups are the ones the Migration Observatory names; together they come to 2,172,000 against its rounded total of "around 2.2 million". The worker figure includes some people on visas that do not lead to settlement, such as intra-company transfers.
Where the 2020 arrivals were five years on, by route of entry
Everyone who began a "migrant journey" in 2020, by the route they entered on, and their status at the end of 2025: indefinite leave, still on temporary leave, or leave expired (expected to have left). Ranked by size of route.
Indefinite leave to remain · People
- Work30,397
- Family15,566
- Dependants joining or accompanying2,056
- Asylum (granted protection or other leave)652
- Study282
- Safe and legal routes147
Show all breakdowns
| Category | Indefinite leave to remain | Still on temporary leave | Leave expired | Total |
|---|---|---|---|---|
| Study | 282 | 72,605 | 106,274 | 179,161 |
| Work | 30,397 | 27,623 | 41,665 | 99,685 |
| Family | 15,566 | 13,306 | 4,631 | 33,503 |
| Asylum (granted protection or other leave) | 652 | 22,596 | 237 | 23,485 |
| Dependants joining or accompanying | 2,056 | 2,365 | 3,040 | 7,461 |
| Safe and legal routes | 147 | 379 | 237 | 763 |
Source: Home Office [30]
Observations 2
Settling is common on family routes and rare from study
Of the 344,058 people who began a migrant journey in 2020, 55% still held leave five years later. 23 Of those who came on a work route, 30% had indefinite leave and 28% were still on temporary leave. 24 On family routes, 86% still held leave and 46% had indefinite leave. 25 Less than 1% of those who came to study had settled within five years. 26 Most people granted protection go on to settle: 89% of those who claimed asylum in 2015 had indefinite leave within ten years. 28
More recent work arrivals are settling faster
Among people who started on a work route in 2015, 20% had settled after ten years — fewer than the 30% of the 2020 work cohort who had settled after five. 27 24 Settlement grants recorded in the migrant-journey data fell 9% to 153,204 in 2025, which the Home Office attributes to fewer arrivals in 2020. 29
About this data
From Home Office table MJ_03. The six routes are the table's complete set and add up to its total of 344,058. Asylum covers claims made in 2020 that ended in a grant of protection or other leave; refused claims are not in the data. Visitors are excluded.
People on Universal Credit by immigration status, July 2025
Great Britain, July 2025: the share of the 8.0 million people on Universal Credit in each immigration status group the Department for Work and Pensions records.
Share of people on Universal Credit
- UK, Irish or right of abode83.8%
- EU Settlement Scheme9.6%
- Indefinite leave to remain (not EU scheme)2.7%
- Refugee1.5%
- Limited leave to remain, including family reunion0.9%
- Humanitarian0.7%
- Other0.4%
- No immigration status recorded0.4%
Source: Department for Work and Pensions [31]; Department for Work and Pensions [32]; Department for Work and Pensions [33]
Observations 3
No official data on what indefinite-leave holders earn or claim
No published series reports the employment, earnings or benefit receipt of people with indefinite leave by route. The closest measure is Universal Credit by recorded status: 2.7% of people on Universal Credit in July 2025 were in the indefinite-leave group (not the EU scheme), against 9.6% in the EU Settlement Scheme group. 31 The command paper cites the Department for Work and Pensions as reporting 213,000 migrants with settlement claiming Universal Credit in June 2025. 37 The department's employment rate for the indefinite-leave group on Universal Credit was 33%, the same as for British claimants. 34
The Universal Credit count overstates indefinite-leave holders
Status is recorded at the claim and the department is not usually told when someone becomes a citizen, so the indefinite-leave group includes some British citizens; the Migration Observatory says its estimates of holders cannot be compared with it. 36 These are "statistics in development". 35 Dividing the 213,000 claimants by the 621,000 to 820,000 estimated holders gives no reliable claim rate, for the same reason.
About this data
Every group the Department for Work and Pensions publishes; they sum to 100.0%. These are "statistics in development". Status is recorded when someone claims or their circumstances change, and the department is not usually told when someone with indefinite leave becomes a British citizen, so the indefinite-leave group includes some citizens.
Home Office fees for main applications, against its own estimated unit cost
The fee from 8 October 2026 for the main application on each major route, with the Home Office's estimated cost of processing it in the label. Two fees are below their unit cost.
Fee per applicant (£)
- Indefinite leave to remain (unit cost £310)£3,226
- Family or other route to settlement, from overseas (unit cost £639)£2,064
- Naturalisation as a British citizen (table shows a unit cost of £1.23)£1,709
- Skilled Worker, over three years, from overseas (unit cost £153)£1,618
- Graduate route (unit cost £110)£937
- Student, from overseas (unit cost £176)£558
- Health and Care Worker, up to three years, from overseas (unit cost £153)£324
- Global Talent with an approval letter, from overseas (unit cost £488)£205
- Visit visa, up to six months (unit cost £159)£135
Source: Home Office [73]; Home Office [74]; Home Office [79]; Home Office [82]; Home Office [75]; Home Office [78]; Home Office [77]; Home Office [76]; Home Office [81]; Home Office [80]
Observations 3
Indefinite leave costs ten times its processing cost
The fee for indefinite leave is £3,226 against a Home Office estimated unit cost of £310. 74 A Skilled Worker visa of over three years from overseas is £1,618 against £153. 75 Across UK Visas and Immigration, fees recovered 256% of cost in 2024/25. 83 Not every fee is above cost: a short visit visa is £135 against £159, and Global Talent with an approval letter £205 against £488. 80 81
The health surcharge is set at expected average use
Most adults pay a surcharge of £1,035 per year of their visa. 84 The Home Office sets it on "how much healthcare an 'average' Health Charge payer is expected to use", not on each person's use. 85 A Lords committee found the calculation "unconvincing" and slightly high: £1,036 per person where it should have been £1,013. 86 The surcharge is paid on top of tax and national insurance. For a single Skilled Worker, fees before settlement come to around £9,900 over five years and would be £16,900 over ten, mostly because the surcharge is paid every year. 87
No recourse to public funds: council costs are measured, numbers are not
People on temporary visas are usually barred from most benefits until they settle. 41 The 91 councils that reported to the NRPF Network spent £94 million supporting households with no recourse in 2024/25. 91 No official count exists of how many people, or how many children, are subject to the condition; the Home Affairs Committee expects longer routes to increase child poverty. 92
About this data
The table lists more than 150 fees. Shown here is the standard main-applicant fee for settlement, citizenship, and each main work, study, family and visit route, including the two below cost; extensions, priority services and sponsor fees are left out. The naturalisation unit cost of £1.23 is as printed and is almost certainly an error in the table. The Immigration Health Surcharge is paid on top of most temporary visas and is not included.
Cost of applying for permanent residence, UK and European science nations, 2025
The applicant fee for permanent residence (or the nearest equivalent for researchers) in every European country in the Royal Society's comparison, 2025, in pounds at nominal exchange rates.
Applicant cost (£)
- Switzerland – settlement for skilled workers£3,871
- UK – Global Talent visa settlement£3,029
- Denmark – residence permit for researchers£812
- Netherlands – settlement for dedicated researchers£207
- France – settlement for dedicated researchers£192
- Germany – settlement for dedicated researchers£170
- Italy – EU Blue Card£152
- Sweden – settlement for dedicated researchers£117
- Spain – settlement for dedicated researchers£37
Source: The Royal Society [90]; The Royal Society [88]
Observations 1
The UK charges more for settlement than most European comparators
About this data
All nine countries in the Royal Society's Table 12, which compares European countries with dedicated researcher or skilled-worker settlement routes; non-European countries in the study are not in this table. The UK figure is the 2025 fee; the Home Office fee table from 8 October 2026 puts it at £3,226. Adjusted for purchasing power the UK ranks first.
Support for ending and for removing indefinite leave, September 2025
YouGov, Great Britain adults, September 2025: support and opposition for ending new grants of indefinite leave, and for removing it from people who already hold it.
Share of respondents
- End new grants of indefinite leave: support44%
- End new grants of indefinite leave: oppose43%
- Remove it from current holders: support29%
- Remove it from current holders: oppose58%
Source: YouGov [98]; YouGov [99]; YouGov [100]
Observations 2
Removing existing indefinite leave is opposed 58–29
In September 2025, 58% opposed removing indefinite leave from people who already hold it and 29% supported it. 100 99 Even among those who supported ending new grants, only 41% backed removing it from current holders. 99 Reform UK voters supported removal by 54%; Conservative voters split 44% to 42%; Labour, Liberal Democrat and Green voters opposed it by 71-80%. 101 102
Ending it for new arrivals splits evenly
About this data
One poll by one pollster. The article does not give fieldwork dates, sample size or the "don't know" shares, so the bars for each question do not add up to 100. No second pollster asking both questions was found.
Indefinite leave to remain, also called settlement, lets a person live in the UK permanently, claim benefits on the same terms as British citizens, and later apply for citizenship. 41 This report covers how many people are granted it, how many hold it, how many are on a path to it, what the rules have said and may say, what it costs, and what the public thinks about ending or removing it. Several of these are records rather than numbers that change year to year — the law on revocation, what route guidance promised, the status of the government's proposal — and are set out as tables rather than charts.
Two things are often run together. Grants are a flow: 199,628 people were granted settlement in the year to June 2026, the most since 2011. 1 Holders are a stock, and no official count of them exists; the best estimate for non-EU citizens is 621,000 to 820,000 at the end of 2024, against just under 4.6 million settled-status grants under the separate EU Settlement Scheme. 4 5 2
The rules on settlement: a record
This is a record of texts and rulings, not a measurement, so it has no chart.
| Date | Text or ruling | What it says |
|---|---|---|
| 2002 | Nationality, Immigration and Asylum Act 2002, s.76 | Indefinite leave may be revoked where the person is liable to deportation but cannot be deported for legal reasons, where it was obtained by deception, or where a refugee ceases to be one through their own acts. 45 46 |
| 2008 | R (HSMP Forum Ltd) v Secretary of State (High Court) | Applying tougher 2006 extension rules to migrants already on the Highly Skilled Migrant Programme was "conspicuous unfairness and an abuse of power", because the scheme promised the terms "prevailing at the date he joined". 47 48 |
| 2012 | Family route change | The qualifying period for family settlement rose from two to five years. 11 52 |
| 2020 | Hong Kong BN(O) policy statement | After five years, holders who have "stayed free of criminality" and "supported themselves financially" can apply for settled status; the route reflects "the UK's historic and moral commitment to BN(O) citizens". 43 44 |
| current | Skilled Worker visa guidance | "After 5 years, you may be able to apply to settle permanently in the UK". 42 |
| Nov 2025 | A Fairer Pathway to Settlement (CP 1448) | Proposes applying the changes "to everyone in the country today who has not already received indefinite leave to remain", and says the government "would never" take away settled status already granted. 53 54 |
| Mar 2026 | Home Affairs Committee report | Calls applying the changes to people already here "not unprecedented", but sees no justification for applying them to pre-2021 arrivals. 51 61 |
| Sep 2026 | Home Secretary to the Home Affairs Committee | The new policy, including any transitional arrangements, will be set out "later this year"; a large group who arrived in 2022 would otherwise qualify in February 2027. 64 |
Observations
Guidance said "may be able to apply"
The High Court struck down a mid-route change in 2008
In HSMP Forum, the minister had argued that migrants could not expect the rules at their first grant to apply for the rest of their stay. 49 The court held that the scheme's terms and guidance made "a clear representation" that migrants would keep the terms in force when they joined, and found no public interest outweighing the unfairness. 47 48 The ruling turned on what that scheme's documents said; whether a court would read today's "may be able to apply" the same way has not been tested.
Applying changes to people already here has precedent both ways
The Home Affairs Committee found it "common" for the Home Office to give transitional protection, "but there is also precedent" for applying rule changes to people already in the UK. 50 It accepted that extending routes for at least some people already here is "essential" to the government's aim. 62
Removing settlement already granted would need new law
The earned-settlement proposal and its status
| Element | Proposal (CP 1448, November 2025) |
|---|---|
| Standard wait | Ten years instead of five; five for family members of British citizens and BN(O) holders; three for Innovator Founder and Global Talent. 57 |
| Longer baselines | Fifteen years for Skilled Workers in jobs below degree level, including care; twenty for refugees. 57 |
| Reductions and additions | Five years off for taxable income of at least £50,270 and seven off for £125,140; five or ten years added for receiving public funds; up to 20 added for illegal entry, to a maximum of 30 years. 58 |
| New minimum conditions | B2 English, and national insurance contributions for at least three years, in effect earnings of at least £12,570 a year. 59 |
| Benefits after settlement | Asks whether benefits should be reserved for British citizens. 56 |
| Who is out of scope | EU Settlement Scheme status, Windrush Scheme grants, and anyone already settled. 55 |
Observations
A year on, the core changes are not in the rules
The consultation closed on 12 February 2026. 60 The tougher English requirement was laid on 5 March 2026, to take effect on 26 March 2027. 63 In September 2026 the Home Secretary said the new settlement policy would be set out "later this year", and that transitional options ranged from "passporting certain cohorts through" on five years to other arrangements. 64 65 The most recent statement of changes to the Immigration Rules listed by the Home Office is HC 584 of 3 September 2026, before those remarks. 66
Most work dependants would face the longer route
Employed Skilled Worker dependants had median earnings of £30,200 in 2023/24 and Health and Care dependants £22,100, well below the £50,270 needed for a five-year route, so most would face ten years. 67
Waits for permanent residence elsewhere
No source found sets out standard waits for every high-income country from official rules, so there is no chart. What the sources say:
| Country or group | Rule | Source |
|---|---|---|
| Most high-income countries | Standard settlement period "usually five years" | Home Affairs Committee 68 |
| Switzerland and Japan | Ten-year routes to settlement | Home Affairs Committee; Migration Observatory 68 69 |
| Denmark, Sweden, Italy | Minimum employment requirements for permanent residence | Migration Observatory 69 |
| Singapore (Work Permit holders) | No route described here; holders may not marry a citizen or permanent resident without approval, or give birth in Singapore | Ministry of Manpower 70 |
Observations
A ten-year baseline would make the UK an outlier
The Home Affairs Committee says the changes would make the UK "an outlier among most high-income countries, where the standard settlement period is usually five years", although Switzerland and Japan have ten-year routes. 68 The Migration Observatory says waits of 15 to 30 years "would be unusual among high-income countries". 69
Whether waits change behaviour is not established
The Migration Observatory finds "limited evidence" on how longer paths affect migration, citing one survey-based study that found no significant effect on prospective migrants' decisions. 71 On integration the evidence points both ways: a Swedish reform making permanent residence easier was followed by more unemployment, while a Danish study found stricter employment and language conditions reduced employment. 72
Related Data
Immigration, the Economy and the Public Finances
GDP per head has barely grown since 2019, and migration's effect on the public finances depends on who comes: skilled workers are a large gain, care workers a cost. [1][6][8][17][21][22][62][55][57]
GDP per head
Real gross domestic product divided by the UK population, at 2023 prices, for every year the ONS series publishes. It is output per person, not income per person or how that output is shared.
£ per person, 2023 prices, by year
Real gross domestic product divided by the UK population, at 2023 prices, for every year the ONS series publishes. It is output per person, not income per person or how that output is shared. Read as GDP per head: £ per person, 2023 prices. Use the Table switch to see every value.
- UK GDP per head
Source: Office for National Statistics [79]
Observations 2
GDP per head has barely grown since 2019
In pounds per person at 2023 prices, UK GDP per head was 40,125 in 2019 and 40,546 in 2025. It fell to 36,033 in 2020, recovered to 40,554 in 2022, then slipped to 40,126 in 2023 and 40,153 in 2024. Between 2007 and 2019 it had risen from 37,625 to 40,125, with the 2009 recession in between. 1
The series shows timing, not cause
The 2019–2025 window contains the 2020 pandemic fall in output as well as other shocks. A series of GDP per head cannot by itself say how much of the stall, if any, is due to migration; that needs a model, and the OBR's scenarios are further down. No study attributing the stall among its causes was found. 1 8
About this data
Full published range: 1955–2025. Every plotted line runs the whole of it – The ONS annual series IHXW starts in 1955 (earlier cells are blank or zero) and ends in 2025; quarterly values run to 2026 Q2. Values are from the release of 13 August 2026, the latest the ONS series page returned on 29 October 2026.
Total GDP
Real gross domestic product for the whole economy at 2023 prices, in £ billion. Shown beside GDP per head because a larger population raises total output even when output per person does not change.
£ billion, 2023 prices, by year
Real gross domestic product for the whole economy at 2023 prices, in £ billion. Shown beside GDP per head because a larger population raises total output even when output per person does not change. Read as total GDP: £ billion, 2023 prices. Use the Table switch to see every value.
- UK GDP
Source: Office for National Statistics [80]
Observations 1
Total GDP kept growing while GDP per head stalled
About this data
Full published range: 1948–2025. Every plotted line runs the whole of it – ONS series ABMI, chained volume measure, published in £ million and shown here divided by 1,000. The annual series starts in 1948. Release of 13 August 2026.
GDP per head, G7
Real GDP per person in each G7 country, in US dollars at 2015 prices and market exchange rates, from the World Bank. All seven G7 members are shown; the UK is the subject.
US$ per person, 2015 prices, by year
Real GDP per person in each G7 country, in US dollars at 2015 prices and market exchange rates, from the World Bank. All seven G7 members are shown; the UK is the subject. Read as GDP per head, G7: US$ per person, 2015 prices. Use the Table switch to see every value.
- United Kingdom
- United States
- Germany
- France
- Italy
- Japan
- Canada
Source: World Bank [81]
Observations 1
Read changes within each country, not levels across them
The World Bank series uses market exchange rates, so the gaps between countries' levels move with currencies. The ranking of growth since 2019 is in the bar chart below. 81
About this data
Full published range: 1960–2025. Every plotted line runs the whole of it – World Bank World Development Indicators, NY.GDP.PCAP.KD, last updated 8 October 2026. The series starts in 1960 for all seven countries. Market exchange rates, not purchasing-power parities, so levels across countries are only roughly comparable; changes within a country are the more reliable reading.
Change in GDP per head, 2019 to 2025, G7
Cumulative change in real GDP per person between 2019 and 2025, all seven G7 countries, ranked. The UK is highlighted.
% change in GDP per head, 2019–2025
- United States11.3%
- Italy7.9%
- Japan4.8%
- France3.1%
- United Kingdom1.2%
- Canada0.7%
- Germany−0.2%
Source: World Bank [81]
Observations 1
The UK was fifth of the seven G7 countries for growth in GDP per head after 2019
On the World Bank series, GDP per head rose more between 2019 and 2025 in the United States, Italy, Japan and France than in the UK; Canada grew less and Germany shrank slightly. The UK's stall was shared by other large economies, so on its own it is not evidence about migration. Net migration per head for these countries over the same years is not shown here (see Data still needed). 81
About this data
Derived from the World Bank series charted above: 2025 value divided by 2019 value, minus one. Not published as a growth rate by the World Bank. Net migration per head over the same years is not shown here.
OBR: GDP per person if net migration were 200,000 a year higher
Difference from the OBR central forecast in 2028-29, March 2024 scenarios. The lower-migration scenario is the mirror image.
GDP per person, % difference from central forecast
- Migrants work like residents; nearly all adults on work visas (about 90% participation)0.8%
- Migrants as productive as residents; capital keeps pace0%
- Capital stock does not adjust−0.4%
Source: Office for Budget Responsibility [3]; Office for Budget Responsibility [4]; Office for Budget Responsibility [5]
Observations 2
The OBR finds the per-head effect small and of uncertain sign
In the OBR's March 2024 scenarios, 200,000 more net migrants a year leave GDP per person "largely unchanged" if they are as productive as residents, 0.4 per cent lower if the capital stock does not adjust, and 0.8 per cent higher if nearly all adults arrive on work visas. The lower-migration scenario is the mirror image. 3 4 5
In March 2026 the OBR summarised the literature: the effects on real GDP per person "are relatively small in either a positive or negative direction". It adds that migration is likely to raise participation, because migrants are younger, but that the effect on productivity "is much more uncertain". 8 11
March 2026: a lower migration forecast left output per person unchanged
After the ONS revised up emigration by British nationals, the OBR cut its net migration forecast by around 60,000 people a year, lowering the adult population in 2030 by around 200,000. Because the extra emigrants were assumed to be younger and lower-paid, the change left potential output per person "broadly unchanged". 9 10
About this data
The OBR describes the first case as "largely unchanged" and gives no number; it is plotted at zero. All three cases assume net migration 200,000 a year higher, settling at 515,000 in 2028-29.
OBR: total GDP if net migration were 200,000 a year higher
Difference from the OBR central forecast in 2028-29, same three cases, March 2024.
Total GDP, % difference from central forecast
- Nearly all adults on work visas (about 90% participation)2.2%
- Migrants as productive as residents; capital keeps pace1.5%
- Capital stock does not adjust1%
Source: Office for Budget Responsibility [3]; Office for Budget Responsibility [4]; Office for Budget Responsibility [5]
OBR: borrowing in 2028-29 under higher or lower net migration
Change in public sector net borrowing against the central forecast, March 2024 scenarios with net migration 200,000 a year higher or lower. Negative means less borrowing.
Change in borrowing in 2028-29
- Lower migration, spending left as planned£19,900,000,000
- Lower migration, spending per person held£13,100,000,000
- Higher migration, spending per person held−£13,100,000,000
- Higher migration, spending left as planned−£19,900,000,000
Source: Office for Budget Responsibility [6]; Office for Budget Responsibility [7]
Observations 3
Lower migration raises borrowing in the OBR's five-year scenarios
With departmental spending left as planned, 200,000 more net migrants a year cut borrowing in 2028-29 by £19.9 billion, and 200,000 fewer raise it by the same amount. If spending is raised to keep services per person unchanged — about £6.1 billion extra in the higher scenario — the effect is £13.1 billion either way. 6 7
The five-year window leaves out later costs
The Migration Observatory notes that short-term forecasts "are particularly likely to find a positive impact from migration, because they do not account for the costs that come later as migrants age". Over fifty years the OBR's 2023 projection had higher net migration lowering the primary deficit by 1.1% of GDP by 2072/73, without stopping debt rising towards 300 percent of GDP. In 2013 the OBR described higher migration as "delaying some of the fiscal challenges of an ageing population rather than a way of resolving them permanently". 12 13 14
In its 2024 long-run scenarios, a shorter average stay lowered debt by about 23 per cent of GDP by 2073-74 and higher migrant earnings by about 40 per cent of GDP; in neither case did debt stop rising. Migrants earning half the average instead raised debt to 351 per cent of GDP, 76 per cent of GDP above the baseline. 35 36
An independent forecaster puts a similar figure on lower migration
Oxford Economics, expecting net migration to stay low, estimated in February 2026 that if the OBR followed its forecast, borrowing would be £19bn (0.5% of GDP) higher. That is a private forecast, not an OBR figure. 15
About this data
Two spending assumptions: departmental spending left as planned, or raised to keep spending per person unchanged (about £6.1 billion extra in the higher scenario). Five-year horizon only; later pension and health costs of an ageing cohort fall outside it.
Modelled lifetime net fiscal contribution, by visa route and against UK residents
Present value of taxes paid minus public spending received over the rest of each person's life, from 2022/23. Migrant groups are the 2022/23 Skilled Worker and Partner-route cohorts; UK resident rows are the MAC's comparators.
Mean lifetime net contribution per person (present value)
- Skilled Worker main applicants (outside health and care)£689,000
- Other health and care occupations (mainly nurses and doctors)£166,000
- Age-matched UK resident (comparator, mean)£117,000
- Health and Care main applicants (all)£54,000
- Skilled Worker adult dependants£3,000
- Care workers (Health and Care visa)−£36,000
- All UK residents (comparator, mean)−£39,000
- Health and Care adult dependants−£67,000
- Partner route (2022/23 cohort)−£109,000
- All UK residents (comparator, median)−£145,000
Source: Migration Advisory Committee [18]; Migration Advisory Committee [21]; Migration Advisory Committee [20]; Migration Advisory Committee [22]; Migration Advisory Committee [23]; Migration Advisory Committee [28]
Observations 5
Skilled Workers are a large net gain; care workers and Health and Care dependants are net costs
The Migration Advisory Committee models the 329,200 people who arrived on the Skilled Worker route in 2022/23, including Health and Care visas and dependants, at a net £47.1bn over their lifetimes, or +£143,000 each. Main applicants outside health and care average +£689,000; Health and Care main applicants +£54,000, split between care workers at −£36,000 and other health and care occupations at +£166,000. Adult dependants average +£3,000 on the Skilled Worker route and −£67,000 on the Health and Care route. 17 18 20 21 22
The MAC calls the route "clearly fiscally positive", which it says is "almost inevitable" given the salary thresholds. 16
The average UK resident is a lifetime net cost too
On the same method the whole UK resident population has a mean lifetime contribution of −£39,000 and a median of −£145,000. Residents with the same starting ages as Skilled Worker main applicants average +£117,000 (median −£47,000). Care workers are "broadly similar to the UK median for the age group". Health and Care dependants fall short of their own age-matched comparator of +£84,000. 23 21 22
Partners of British citizens and settled residents arriving on the Partner route in 2022/23 are modelled at −£109,000 each. 28
Most of the gain comes from top earners and from those who stay
The top 10% of earners outside health and care (salary at least £131,000) account for 39% of that group's contribution. Main applicants who stay are modelled at +£931,000 and those who leave at +£174,000. The MAC concludes that for lower earners temporary migration is fiscally better than permanent, and for higher earners the reverse. 24 19 27
Discounting can change the sign
The MAC uses a 3.0% real discount rate, "broadly in line with HMT Green Book". Without discounting, the future contribution of a 25-year-old UK resident would be −£186,000 rather than +£184,000, because old-age costs fall late in life. Any lifetime figure has to state its discount rate to be compared with another. 26 25
Most routes have not been modelled
The MAC has not estimated lifetime effects for refugees, students or other routes; the Migration Observatory expects refugees to be more negative because of lower employment and greater need for support. 29
About this data
MAC baseline: 3.0% real discount rate and 1.8% real growth in taxes and spending. "Age-matched UK resident" has the same starting-age mix as Skilled Worker main applicants outside health and care. The Partner route (partners of British citizens and settled residents) comes from the MAC annual report. Students, Graduate route, refugees and other family routes have not been modelled. All values are means except the UK resident median, shown because most residents are below the mean.
OBR: cumulative fiscal impact by age 66
Stylised OBR profiles: a migrant worker arriving at 25 on three wage levels, and a representative UK resident counted from birth, cumulative to age 66. Not discounted.
Cumulative taxes minus spending to age 66
- High-wage migrant (30% above average pay)£1,247,000
- Average-wage migrant£722,000
- Representative UK resident£309,000
- Low-wage migrant (half of average pay)−£198,000
Source: Office for Budget Responsibility [37]; Office for Budget Responsibility [30]; Office for Budget Responsibility [33]
Observations 1
Earnings and age at arrival decide the result
In the OBR's stylised profiles, a migrant arriving at 25 on average pay is a net contributor "by their second year", while a resident of the same age becomes one only in their 40s, because the migrant's childhood education and health were paid for elsewhere. A migrant earning 30 per cent above average stays a net benefit even living to 100; one on half the average falls behind the average resident in their early 40s. 30 31 32
About this data
Read from the OBR's published chart data (sheet C4.13, as corrected on 14 November 2024), in £ thousand and rounded here to the nearest £1,000. Cumulative tax paid minus public spending received, from birth for the resident and from arrival at 25 for the migrants. The migrant lines include visa fees and the health surcharge, no welfare for five years, and £20,000 of public investment per arrival; they exclude dependants. The OBR presents this as a stylised illustration, not a forecast for any real cohort.
OBR: cumulative fiscal impact by age 82
Stylised OBR profiles: a migrant worker arriving at 25 on three wage levels, and a representative UK resident counted from birth, cumulative to age 82. Not discounted.
Cumulative taxes minus spending to age 82
- High-wage migrant (30% above average pay)£1,010,000
- Average-wage migrant£405,000
- Representative UK resident−£7,000
- Low-wage migrant (half of average pay)−£653,000
Source: Office for Budget Responsibility [37]; Office for Budget Responsibility [30]; Office for Budget Responsibility [33]
About this data
Read from the OBR's published chart data (sheet C4.13, as corrected on 14 November 2024), in £ thousand and rounded here to the nearest £1,000. Cumulative tax paid minus public spending received, from birth for the resident and from arrival at 25 for the migrants. The migrant lines include visa fees and the health surcharge, no welfare for five years, and £20,000 of public investment per arrival; they exclude dependants. The OBR presents this as a stylised illustration, not a forecast for any real cohort.
OBR: cumulative fiscal impact by age 100
Stylised OBR profiles: a migrant worker arriving at 25 on three wage levels, and a representative UK resident counted from birth, cumulative to age 100. Not discounted.
Cumulative taxes minus spending to age 100
- High-wage migrant (30% above average pay)£252,000
- Average-wage migrant−£405,000
- Representative UK resident−£818,000
- Low-wage migrant (half of average pay)−£1,555,000
Source: Office for Budget Responsibility [37]; Office for Budget Responsibility [30]; Office for Budget Responsibility [33]
Observations 1
Old age reverses most of the gains
Every line falls after state pension age as health, care and pension costs mount. The correction of November 2024 made the low-wage migrant "significantly less fiscally beneficial, and substantially so at older ages". The OBR's representative migrant has no dependants; the OBR says it chose "a more typical migrant on a work visa and no dependants". 33 34 37
About this data
Read from the OBR's published chart data (sheet C4.13, as corrected on 14 November 2024), in £ thousand and rounded here to the nearest £1,000. Cumulative tax paid minus public spending received, from birth for the resident and from arrival at 25 for the migrants. The migrant lines include visa fees and the health surcharge, no welfare for five years, and £20,000 of public investment per arrival; they exclude dependants. The OBR presents this as a stylised illustration, not a forecast for any real cohort.
Median earnings by visa route, 2023/24
Median annual adjusted PAYE earnings in financial year 2023/24 of people granted entry clearance visas from April 2019 to March 2023, aged 18–65, with the UK full-time median beside them for reference.
Median annual earnings
- Skilled Worker main applicants£56,600
- Senior or Specialist Worker main applicants£47,900
- UK full-time employees (ASHE, reference)£37,430
- Health and Care main applicants£30,900
- Skilled Worker dependants£30,200
- Senior care workers£25,800
- Care workers and home carers£23,100
- Health and Care dependants£22,100
- Family-route visa holders£20,200
Source: Home Office [38]; Home Office [39]; Home Office [40]; Office for National Statistics [43]
Observations 2
Earnings differ widely by route
In 2023/24 median annual earnings were £56,600 for Skilled Worker main applicants, £47,900 for Senior or Specialist Workers and £30,900 for Health and Care main applicants; care workers and home carers earned £23,100. Dependants earned £30,200 (Skilled Worker) and £22,100 (Health and Care); family-route visa holders £20,200. The ONS median for full-time employees was £37,430 in April 2024, a different measure shown only for reference. 38 39 40 43
At least 75% of Skilled Worker main applicants and at least 45% of their dependants had PAYE earnings; the Home Office counts these as minimums because self-employment is not included. It also advises caution in comparing routes, because work eligibility differs. 41 42
Recent non-EU cohorts caught up quickly; the 2024 and 2025 cohorts started lower
HMRC payroll data show each non-EU cohort from 2021 to 2023 earning around 95% of the UK median after one full year, falling to 90% for the 2024 cohort. The 2021 and 2023 entrants passed the overall median within two years; 2015 entrants took about six. Entry-year pay fell sharply in 2025. The Migration Observatory says faster catch-up may reflect lower earners leaving the payroll, and the data mix full-time and part-time work. 44 45 46 47
Of non-EU migrants first on payroll in 2015, 60% were still there in 2025; of EU migrants, 45%. These data are by nationality, not by visa route. 48
About this data
Home Office–HMRC linked data, 93% of records matched. "Adjusted" scales part-year earnings to a full year; part-time work is included, and self-employment is not. The UK figure is the ONS ASHE median for full-time employees in April 2024, a different measure, shown only as a reference point. Care workers and senior care workers are occupations within the Health and Care route.
Implied effect of EU immigration on UK-born wages, 1993–2017, by wage level
MAC update of Dustmann, Frattini and Preston: the total effect implied by the 6.7-point rise in the EU-born share of the working-age population, at each point of the UK-born wage distribution. Ordered from lowest to highest paid.
% change in UK-born nominal wages
- 5th percentile (lowest paid)−5.2%
- 10th percentile−4.9%
- 25th percentile−1.6%
- Median1.6%
- 75th percentile2.2%
- 90th percentile4.4%
- 95th percentile (highest paid)3.1%
Source: Migration Advisory Committee [66]
Observations 2
Average wage effects are small; slightly negative at the bottom, positive further up
The MAC found migration "is not a major determinate of the wages of UK-born workers", with some evidence of a negative effect on lower-skilled and a positive one on higher-skilled workers. Its update implies EU immigration over 1993–2017 lowered UK-born wages by 5.2 per cent at the 5th percentile and raised them by 1.6 per cent at the median and by 4.4 and 3.1 per cent at the 90th and 95th percentiles, as short-run estimates. 65 66
Expressed per year, a 2022 study found immigration over 1994–2016 cut the hourly wage at the 5th percentile by about half a penny a year and raised it by 1.7p a year at the 90th. In low-wage service jobs, a one-point rise in the migrant share lowered average occupational wages by about 0.2%. An earlier estimate for semi- and unskilled services, a 1.9 per cent fall per 10-point rise, revised down an even earlier 5.2 per cent. 68 69 67
About this data
The MAC says this kind of exercise "should be interpreted with caution as the model only estimates the short-run response to migration". It covers EU free movement before 2018, not the post-Brexit system. Spread over 24 years, the effects are small per year.
Who pays UK universities' course fees, 2024/25
Higher-education course fees received by UK providers in 2024/25, by where the student is domiciled.
Course fee income, 2024/25
- Students domiciled in the UK£14,364,460,000 · 53.7%
- Students domiciled outside the UK£12,396,906,000 · 46.3%
Source: HESA / Office for Students [74]
Observations 2
A third of English universities are in deficit
About this data
HESA DT031 Table 6, total row, in £000s. Non-UK is the sum of the "Total Non-UK fees" column (providers that report only a UK/non-UK split) and the EU and non-EU columns (providers that report them separately); together with UK fees it equals the published total of HE course fees exactly. Excludes research training grants, non-credit-bearing courses and further education. Fees are not total income, so this is not a share of university income.
This collection covers what is measured about immigration's effect on output, on the public finances and on wages: GDP and GDP per head over time and across the G7, the OBR's migration scenarios, modelled lifetime fiscal contributions by visa route, earnings by route, the record of headline cost estimates, wage effects by pay level, universities' reliance on international fees, and founders of fast-growing firms. Fiscal figures are model estimates resting on stated assumptions; the assumptions are given beside each one.
Observations
The £234bn was withdrawn by its author
The Centre for Policy Studies' February 2025 report put "the lifetime net fiscal cost to the state" of settling recent migrants at £234 billion, or £8,200 per household. Its research page now says "the overall cost estimates should no longer be used" because the OBR fiscal data it relied on are disputed; its projections of how many will settle stand. 53 55 56
Full Fact found the figure was a net lifetime cost, not a benefits bill, and that the Daily Mail corrected an article describing it as benefits. 57
The CPS says the OBR revised its data after the report was published; the OBR's correction slip to its migrant profiles is dated 14 November 2024, before the report. Which revision the CPS means is not stated. 56 33
Reform UK's £622.5bn is undiscounted; its own discounted figure is £154bn
Reform UK's April 2026 report puts the lifetime cost of 2021–2025 arrivals expected to settle in 2026–2030 at £622.5 bn undiscounted and £154 bn discounted at 3.5%; the £20,000-per-household figure goes with the undiscounted total. It maps migrants onto ONS income quintiles as "a proxy", which it says "likely understates heterogeneity within groups". 58 59
Reform argues that discounting understates long-run costs. Madeleine Sumption (Migration Observatory) said the absence of discounting is "the main reason the headline figures are so high"; Jonathan Portes said Reform "invented their own numbers for migrant earnings" instead of using the MAC's HMRC data. Reform called its assumptions "entirely defensible". 60 61 63 64
There is no estimate for the whole post-Brexit system
The record of estimates, side by side
| Estimate | Covers | Figure | Status |
|---|---|---|---|
| Centre for Policy Studies (2025) | Lifetime cost of settling recent migrants, from OBR profiles | £234 billion cost (£8,200 per household) | Withdrawn by the CPS |
| Reform UK (2026) | 2021–2025 arrivals settling in 2026–2030, to old age | £622.5 bn undiscounted; £154 bn discounted | Reform's own figures; method disputed |
| MAC (2025) | 2022/23 Skilled Worker cohort, lifetime, discounted | +£47.1bn | Current |
| MAC (2025) | 2022/23 Partner-route cohort, lifetime, discounted | −£109,000 per applicant | Current |
| Oxford Economics (2018) | One year, 2016/17: EEA, non-EEA, UK-born | +£4.7b, −£9.0b, −£41.4b | Static, pre-Brexit |
| Dustmann and Frattini (2014) | 1995–2011: EEA, non-EEA, UK-born | +£4.4b, −£118b, −£591b | Static, pre-Brexit |
| Migration Watch (2014) | 1995–2011: EEA, non-EEA, UK-born | −£13.6b, −£134.9b, −£565b | Static, pre-Brexit |
Static estimates count one period's taxes and spending; lifetime estimates project and discount. The two kinds are not comparable. 53 58 17 28 51 52
Observations
Foreign-born founders are over-represented among the fastest-growing firms
The Entrepreneurs Network found that 54 of the UK's 100 fastest-growing companies had a foreign-born founder or co-founder, and 91 of 219 founders (42%) were born overseas, against a foreign-born population of around 16%. The sample is 100 companies selected on valuation growth between June 2024 and May 2025; it says nothing about migrants on most visa routes. No UK measure of foreign-born inventors was found. 75 76 77 78
Data still needed
- An official count of people holding indefinite leave to remain, by route, nationality and year grantedThe Home Office and ONS publish grants, not holders, so every statement about how many people a change to existing indefinite leave would reach rests on one research estimate with a range of 621,000 to 820,000.
- Employment, earnings, benefit receipt and social-housing tenancy of people with indefinite leave, by route and years since settlementThe fiscal case for and against changing settlement turns on what happens after settlement; only proxies exist (Universal Credit by recorded status, new social lettings by nationality), and neither isolates indefinite-leave holders reliably.
- The Home Office settlement forecast for 2025–2030 by year and route, as dataThe command paper publishes the totals and the 2028 peak in text, but the year-by-year and route-by-route forecast appears only as a chart image, so it cannot be plotted here.
- How many people are subject to no recourse to public funds, and how many of them are childrenNo official count exists; council spending on families with no recourse is measured only among councils that report to the NRPF Network.
- A comparison of standard waits for permanent residence across high-income countries from official sourcesThe statement that a ten-year baseline would make the UK an outlier comes from a parliamentary committee and a research group; a country-by-country table from each government's rules would let a reader check it.
- Evidence on whether longer waits for settlement change where skilled workers choose to go, or prompt people already in the UK to leaveThe available studies are of refugees and family migrants once in a country; the Migration Observatory says the effect on migration decisions is "impossible to predict".
Sources
Settlement and Migrants' Immigration Status
- How many Indefinite Leave (Settlement and EUSS settled status) grants have been issued in the UK?
Home Office, 2026-08-27 · supports
“In the YE June 2026, there were 199,628 settlement grants, up 24% from the 161,585 issued in the YE June 2025 and the highest annual total since the YE June 2011.”
In the YE June 2026, there were 199,628 settlement grants, up 24% from the 161,585 issued in the YE June 2025 and the highest annual total since the YE June 2011.
- How many Indefinite Leave (Settlement and EUSS settled status) grants have been issued in the UK?
Home Office, 2026-08-27 · supports
“Since the scheme was launched in 2018, just under 4.6 million settled status grants have been issued.”
Since the scheme was launched in 2018, just under 4.6 million settled status grants have been issued.
- A Fairer Pathway to Settlement: a statement and accompanying consultation on earned settlement (CP 1448)
Home Office, 2025-11-20 · supports
“While significant uncertainty exists over the future behaviour of potential applicants, the Home Office estimates that between 1.3 million and 2.2 million people will settle in the UK between 2026 and 2030 (central estimate 1.6m), peaking at between 359,000 and 620,000 in 2028 (central estimate 450,000).”
While significant uncertainty exists over the future behaviour of potential applicants, the Home Office estimates that between 1.3 million and 2.2 million people will settle in the UK between 2026 and 2030 (central estimate 1.6m), peaking at between 359,000 and 620,000 in 2028 (central estimate 450,000).
- How many migrants in the UK have settlement?
The Migration Observatory, University of Oxford, 2025-11-10 · supports
“The precise number of non-EU citizens with settlement is not known, but our estimates suggest it was likely to have been between 622,000 and 820,000 at the end of 2024. These estimates do not include the approximately 4 million EU citizens who were living in the UK before January 2021 and hold settled or pre-settled status under the EU Settlement Scheme.”
The precise number of non-EU citizens with settlement is not known, but our estimates suggest it was likely to have been between 622,000 and 820,000 at the end of 2024. These estimates do not include the approximately 4 million EU citizens who were living in the UK before January 2021 and hold settled or pre-settled status under the EU Settlement Scheme.
- How many migrants in the UK have settlement?
The Migration Observatory, University of Oxford, 2025-11-10 · complicates
“A more conservative estimate can be reached by combining the number of people who arrived before the end of 2000 with non-EU passports in 2021 (191,000, according to the Census), with the number who arrived from 2005 and had acquired settlement by the end of 2024 (430,000, from visa data). This results in a total of 621,000 people, although this estimate excludes non-EU citizens who first entered the UK between 2001 and 2004.”
A more conservative estimate can be reached by combining the number of people who arrived before the end of 2000 with non-EU passports in 2021 (191,000, according to the Census), with the number who arrived from 2005 and had acquired settlement by the end of 2024 (430,000, from visa data). This results in a total of 621,000 people, although this estimate excludes non-EU citizens who first entered the UK between 2001 and 2004.
- Changes to settlement: what do they mean?
The Migration Observatory, University of Oxford, 2026-02-10 · supports
“Around 2.2 million people – 53% of all those on temporary visas at the end of 2024 – held temporary visas that currently have a 5-year path to settlement.”
Around 2.2 million people – 53% of all those on temporary visas at the end of 2024 – held temporary visas that currently have a 5-year path to settlement.
- How many Indefinite Leave (Settlement and EUSS settled status) grants have been issued in the UK?
Home Office, 2026-08-27 · supports
“In the YE June 2026, settlement granted to individuals whose most recent leave was on a work route, increased by 36% to 80,409.”
In the YE June 2026, settlement granted to individuals whose most recent leave was on a work route, increased by 36% to 80,409.
- How many Indefinite Leave (Settlement and EUSS settled status) grants have been issued in the UK?
Home Office, 2026-08-27 · supports
“Settlement grants to individuals whose most recent grant of leave was in the ‘Other’ category more than tripled, increasing from 18,183 in the YE June 2025 to 57,433 in the YE June 2026. This increase primarily reflected grants to BN(O) visa holders, rising from 587 to 38,373. Introduced in January 2021, the BN(O) route has now reached the point where many of the earliest cohorts entering the UK on the route have completed the qualifying period of continuous residence required for settlement.”
Settlement grants to individuals whose most recent grant of leave was in the ‘Other’ category more than tripled, increasing from 18,183 in the YE June 2025 to 57,433 in the YE June 2026. This increase primarily reflected grants to BN(O) visa holders, rising from 587 to 38,373. Introduced in January 2021, the BN(O) route has now reached the point where many of the earliest cohorts entering the UK on the route have completed the qualifying period of continuous residence required for settlement.
- How many Indefinite Leave (Settlement and EUSS settled status) grants have been issued in the UK?
Home Office, 2026-08-27 · complicates
“In contrast settlement granted to individuals with Refugee status (or other protection-based leave) declined by 40% to 22,799 in YE June 2026. This reflects lower numbers of protection grants made in 2020, when disruption during the COVID 19 pandemic led to fewer decisions.”
In contrast settlement granted to individuals with Refugee status (or other protection-based leave) declined by 40% to 22,799 in YE June 2026. This reflects lower numbers of protection grants made in 2020, when disruption during the COVID 19 pandemic led to fewer decisions.
- A Fairer Pathway to Settlement: a statement and accompanying consultation on earned settlement (CP 1448)
Home Office, 2025-11-20 · supports
“The number of people granted settlement peaked in 2010 at almost 250,000, but has remained below 200,000 in every subsequent year, averaging 111,000 per year from 2011 to 2024.”
The number of people granted settlement peaked in 2010 at almost 250,000, but has remained below 200,000 in every subsequent year, averaging 111,000 per year from 2011 to 2024.
- A Fairer Pathway to Settlement: a statement and accompanying consultation on earned settlement (CP 1448)
Home Office, 2025-11-20 · complicates
“The spike in settlement in 2010 was due to a large number of grants on a discretionary basis (82,295 grants in 2010), mainly under measures aimed at clearing the backlog of outstanding unresolved cases. 4 The fall in settlement grants from 2010 to 2016 was in part due to a 2012 policy change that increased the residence requirement for Family visas from 2 to 5 years, delaying some grants that would otherwise have been made earlier.”
The spike in settlement in 2010 was due to a large number of grants on a discretionary basis (82,295 grants in 2010), mainly under measures aimed at clearing the backlog of outstanding unresolved cases. 4 The fall in settlement grants from 2010 to 2016 was in part due to a 2012 policy change that increased the residence requirement for Family visas from 2 to 5 years, delaying some grants that would otherwise have been made earlier.
- A Fairer Pathway to Settlement: a statement and accompanying consultation on earned settlement (CP 1448)
Home Office, 2025-11-20 · supports
“First, the 154,000 people granted a Hong Kong BN(O) LTE or LTR visa in 2021 and 2022 will become eligible to settle in 2026 and 2027 18. The Home Office forecasts 92,000 additional settlement applications from this cohort in 2026 and 54,000 in 2027. 19 • Second, the significant increase in people granted a Health and Care entry clearance visa, including a significant cohort working in the care sector, totalling 616,000 between 2022 and 2024 will become eligible for settlement between 2027 and 2029. 20 The Home Office estimates that the UK will see 384,000 additional settlement applications from this cohort over this period, with a peak at 210,000 in 2028.”
First, the 154,000 people granted a Hong Kong BN(O) LTE or LTR visa in 2021 and 2022 will become eligible to settle in 2026 and 2027 18. The Home Office forecasts 92,000 additional settlement applications from this cohort in 2026 and 54,000 in 2027. 19 • Second, the significant increase in people granted a Health and Care entry clearance visa, including a significant cohort working in the care sector, totalling 616,000 between 2022 and 2024 will become eligible for settlement between 2027 and 2029. 20 The Home Office estimates that the UK will see 384,000 additional settlement applications from this cohort over this period, with a peak at 210,000 in 2028.
- A Fairer Pathway to Settlement: a statement and accompanying consultation on earned settlement (CP 1448)
Home Office, 2025-11-20 · supports
“Finally, the number of granted Skilled Worker entry clearance visas also spiked between 2022 and 2024, totalling 344,000. 21 These visas will also become eligible for settlement between 2027 and 2029, and the Home Office estimates that this cohort will account for around 222,000 settlement applications over this period.”
Finally, the number of granted Skilled Worker entry clearance visas also spiked between 2022 and 2024, totalling 344,000. 21 These visas will also become eligible for settlement between 2027 and 2029, and the Home Office estimates that this cohort will account for around 222,000 settlement applications over this period.
- A Fairer Pathway to Settlement: a statement and accompanying consultation on earned settlement (CP 1448)
Home Office, 2025-11-20 · complicates
“These estimates are based on published Home Office data on migrant inflows to the UK through to 2024, and a set of assumptions on the propensity of these individuals to choose to settle in the UK. In essence, the central scenario assumes settlement behaviour in line with historical patterns, with a range modelled around it to reflect uncertainty in the propensity to settle.”
These estimates are based on published Home Office data on migrant inflows to the UK through to 2024, and a set of assumptions on the propensity of these individuals to choose to settle in the UK. In essence, the central scenario assumes settlement behaviour in line with historical patterns, with a range modelled around it to reflect uncertainty in the propensity to settle.
- Here to Stay? Estimating the Scale and Cost of Long-Term Migration
Centre for Policy Studies, 2025-02 · complicates
“In our base case scenario, more than 801,000 recent migrants would receive ILR, the vast majority before 2030. In our alternative scenario, adjusted to take account of early evidence on the behaviour of the post-2021 immigration wave, it could be as high as 1.24 million.”
In our base case scenario, more than 801,000 recent migrants would receive ILR, the vast majority before 2030. In our alternative scenario, adjusted to take account of early evidence on the behaviour of the post-2021 immigration wave, it could be as high as 1.24 million.
- Here to Stay? Estimating the Scale and Cost of Long-Term Migration
Centre for Policy Studies, 2025-02 · complicates
“In our central model, using the OBR’s extremely optimistic assumptions about migrant earnings, the lifetime net fiscal cost to the state would be £234 billion – equivalent to a bill of £8,200 for every UK household, albeit spread out over decades.”
In our central model, using the OBR’s extremely optimistic assumptions about migrant earnings, the lifetime net fiscal cost to the state would be £234 billion – equivalent to a bill of £8,200 for every UK household, albeit spread out over decades.
- Centre for Policy Studies issues clarification on Indefinite Leave to Remain statistics
Centre for Policy Studies, 2025-09-22 · contests
“After the CPS’ report was published, the Office for Budget Responsibility revised their definitions of some of the fiscal data contained within our report, meaning that the overall cost estimates should no longer be used. The CPS has been in communication with the OBR and other experts for clarity and will be publishing an updated estimate in due course. The changes do not impact our analysis of the visa data or projections for the numbers likely to gain ILR on different visa routes.”
After the CPS’ report was published, the Office for Budget Responsibility revised their definitions of some of the fiscal data contained within our report, meaning that the overall cost estimates should no longer be used. The CPS has been in communication with the OBR and other experts for clarity and will be publishing an updated estimate in due course. The changes do not impact our analysis of the visa data or projections for the numbers likely to gain ILR on different visa routes.
- How many migrants in the UK have settlement?
The Migration Observatory, University of Oxford, 2025-11-10 · complicates
“Both data sources have limitations. A (likely small) number of non-EU passport holders who arrived before 2010 will have had a temporary immigration status at the end of 2024, while others may have emigrated between 2021 and 2024. In addition, some individuals who either had temporary leave or settlement in 2021 will have since become British citizens. The Census figures do not include migrants living in Scotland or Northern Ireland.”
Both data sources have limitations. A (likely small) number of non-EU passport holders who arrived before 2010 will have had a temporary immigration status at the end of 2024, while others may have emigrated between 2021 and 2024. In addition, some individuals who either had temporary leave or settlement in 2021 will have since become British citizens. The Census figures do not include migrants living in Scotland or Northern Ireland.
- Changes to settlement: what do they mean?
The Migration Observatory, University of Oxford, 2026-02-10 · supports
“Dependants of people holding worker visas (645,000, of which 328,000 adults). HMRC data from 2023/24 show that around half of adult Skilled Worker dependants were not working, and a third of dependants on Health & Care visas. Family visa holders (352,000, of which 318,000 adults). The Migration Advisory Committee (MAC) found in 2025 that around a third of adults on family visas were not working by their fifth year in the UK. Many more are likely to earn below £12,570 or not have the required period of continued employment. Refugees and other holders of humanitarian protection (230,000, of which 165,000 adults). A Home Office analysis showed that around 45% of refugees granted protection or resettled between 2015 and 2023 were not working by their fifth year in the UK. BN(O)s from Hong Kong (189,000, of which 145,000 adults). Survey data from 2025 indicated that 30% of adult BN(O)s were not in employment. Hundreds of thousands of migrants would therefore currently not be eligible for settlement under the proposed mandatory employment rule.”
Dependants of people holding worker visas (645,000, of which 328,000 adults). HMRC data from 2023/24 show that around half of adult Skilled Worker dependants were not working, and a third of dependants on Health & Care visas. Family visa holders (352,000, of which 318,000 adults). The Migration Advisory Committee (MAC) found in 2025 that around a third of adults on family visas were not working by their fifth year in the UK. Many more are likely to earn below £12,570 or not have the required period of continued employment. Refugees and other holders of humanitarian protection (230,000, of which 165,000 adults). A Home Office analysis showed that around 45% of refugees granted protection or resettled between 2015 and 2023 were not working by their fifth year in the UK. BN(O)s from Hong Kong (189,000, of which 145,000 adults). Survey data from 2025 indicated that 30% of adult BN(O)s were not in employment. Hundreds of thousands of migrants would therefore currently not be eligible for settlement under the proposed mandatory employment rule.
- Changes to settlement: what do they mean?
The Migration Observatory, University of Oxford, 2026-02-10 · supports
“Worker visa main applicants (756,000), depending on their earnings. Most long-term work visa holders are currently eligible for settlement after five years, though the figure includes some people on ineligible visas, such as intra-company transfers, which made up 10% of all new worker visas granted in 2024.”
Worker visa main applicants (756,000), depending on their earnings. Most long-term work visa holders are currently eligible for settlement after five years, though the figure includes some people on ineligible visas, such as intra-company transfers, which made up 10% of all new worker visas granted in 2024.
- Changes to settlement: what do they mean?
The Migration Observatory, University of Oxford, 2026-02-10 · supports
“Around 4.2 million people held a valid temporary visa at the end of 2024. Most of them — around 3.6 million — arrived starting in 2021, under the post-Brexit immigration system.”
Around 4.2 million people held a valid temporary visa at the end of 2024. Most of them — around 3.6 million — arrived starting in 2021, under the post-Brexit immigration system.
- Changes to settlement: what do they mean?
The Migration Observatory, University of Oxford, 2026-02-10 · supports
“Roughly 430,000 to 520,000 children held temporary visas with a path to settlement at the end of 2024.”
Roughly 430,000 to 520,000 children held temporary visas with a path to settlement at the end of 2024.
- Migrant journey: 2025 report
Home Office, 2026-05-21 · supports
“Of the 344,058 individuals who began their journey in 2020, 55% still held valid leave to remain in the UK 5 years later, at the end of 2025.”
Of the 344,058 individuals who began their journey in 2020, 55% still held valid leave to remain in the UK 5 years later, at the end of 2025.
- Migrant journey: 2025 report
Home Office, 2026-05-21 · supports
“By the end of 2025, 58% of those who had started their journey on a Work route 5 years earlier were still holding some form of leave, with 28% holding a temporary permission to stay and 30% who had obtained ILR.”
By the end of 2025, 58% of those who had started their journey on a Work route 5 years earlier were still holding some form of leave, with 28% holding a temporary permission to stay and 30% who had obtained ILR.
- Migrant journey: 2025 report
Home Office, 2026-05-21 · supports
“Of the 33,503 journeys that began on Family routes in 2020, 86% still held leave to remain after 5 years, with just under half (46%) having obtained indefinite leave to remain (ILR).”
Of the 33,503 journeys that began on Family routes in 2020, 86% still held leave to remain after 5 years, with just under half (46%) having obtained indefinite leave to remain (ILR).
- Migrant journey: 2025 report
Home Office, 2026-05-21 · supports
“Less than 1% of those whose initial journey was a ‘study’ route obtained indefinite leave to remain after 5 years”
Less than 1% of those whose initial journey was a ‘study’ route obtained indefinite leave to remain after 5 years
- Migrant journey: 2025 report
Home Office, 2026-05-21 · complicates
“Among those who began their journey 10 years earlier (in 2015), 20% had obtained ILR by the end of 2025”
Among those who began their journey 10 years earlier (in 2015), 20% had obtained ILR by the end of 2025
- Migrant journey: 2025 report
Home Office, 2026-05-21 · supports
“Among individuals granted asylum or other forms of protection following an asylum claim in 2019, 33% had obtained indefinite leave to remain (ILR) by the end of 2025, 6 years later. This period includes both time spent awaiting a decision and time holding leave. The likelihood of securing settlement increases substantially over time: among those granted leave following asylum claims made in 2015, 89% had obtained ILR within 10 years.”
Among individuals granted asylum or other forms of protection following an asylum claim in 2019, 33% had obtained indefinite leave to remain (ILR) by the end of 2025, 6 years later. This period includes both time spent awaiting a decision and time holding leave. The likelihood of securing settlement increases substantially over time: among those granted leave following asylum claims made in 2015, 89% had obtained ILR within 10 years.
- Migrant journey: 2025 report
Home Office, 2026-05-21 · supports
“In 2025, 153,204 journeys resulted in a grant of settlement, representing a 9% decrease compared with the previous year. This decline largely reflects the effects of COVID-19, as fewer individuals entered the UK in 2020, when application volumes and decision making were disrupted, which have fed through to lower numbers reaching settlement at the 5 year eligibility point.”
In 2025, 153,204 journeys resulted in a grant of settlement, representing a 9% decrease compared with the previous year. This decline largely reflects the effects of COVID-19, as fewer individuals entered the UK in 2020, when application volumes and decision making were disrupted, which have fed through to lower numbers reaching settlement at the 5 year eligibility point.
- Migrant journey: 2025 report, summary tables (MJ_03)
Home Office, 2026-05-21 · supports
“Initial leave type | Expired | Indefinite leave to remain | Valid leave to remain | Total || All leave types | 156084 | 49100 | 138874 | 344058”
Initial leave type | Expired | Indefinite leave to remain | Valid leave to remain | Total || All leave types | 156084 | 49100 | 138874 | 344058
- Universal Credit statistics, 29 April 2013 to 10 July 2025
Department for Work and Pensions, 2025-12-08 · supports
“In July 2025, 9.6% of people on UC were in the “EU Settlement Scheme” group. 2.7% of people on UC were in the “Indefinite Leave to Remain (not EU Settlement Scheme)” group. 1.5% of people on UC were in the “Refugee” group.”
In July 2025, 9.6% of people on UC were in the “EU Settlement Scheme” group. 2.7% of people on UC were in the “Indefinite Leave to Remain (not EU Settlement Scheme)” group. 1.5% of people on UC were in the “Refugee” group.
- Universal Credit statistics, 29 April 2013 to 10 July 2025
Department for Work and Pensions, 2025-12-08 · supports
“There were 8.0 million people on Universal Credit in July 2025, up from 6.9 million people on Universal Credit in July 2024”
There were 8.0 million people on Universal Credit in July 2025, up from 6.9 million people on Universal Credit in July 2024
- Universal Credit statistics, 29 April 2013 to 10 July 2025
Department for Work and Pensions, 2025-12-08 · complicates
““CTA – UK, Ireland, Right of Abode”, “EU Settlement Scheme”, and “Indefinite Leave to Remain (not EU Settlement Scheme)” together account for 96% of the UC caseload, with the remaining 4% being people with other types of immigration status. This is in line with the general principle that only people who are settled in the UK or protected by the EU Exit Withdrawal Agreement should be able to claim Universal Credit.”
“CTA – UK, Ireland, Right of Abode”, “EU Settlement Scheme”, and “Indefinite Leave to Remain (not EU Settlement Scheme)” together account for 96% of the UC caseload, with the remaining 4% being people with other types of immigration status. This is in line with the general principle that only people who are settled in the UK or protected by the EU Exit Withdrawal Agreement should be able to claim Universal Credit.
- Universal Credit statistics, 29 April 2013 to 10 July 2025
Department for Work and Pensions, 2025-12-08 · complicates
“Overall, the employment rate on the UC caseload for June 2025 is 34%. This is broadly consistent with the employment rate for “CTA - UK, Ireland, Right of Abode” at 33%. Similarly, the employment rate for “Indefinite Leave to Remain (not EU Settlement Scheme)”, “Limited Leave to Remain (not EU Settlement Scheme) including family reunion”, and “Other” is 33%, 33%, and 34% respectively. “EU Settlement Scheme” has the highest rate in employment at 47%. “Refugee” has the lowest rate of employment at 23%.”
Overall, the employment rate on the UC caseload for June 2025 is 34%. This is broadly consistent with the employment rate for “CTA - UK, Ireland, Right of Abode” at 33%. Similarly, the employment rate for “Indefinite Leave to Remain (not EU Settlement Scheme)”, “Limited Leave to Remain (not EU Settlement Scheme) including family reunion”, and “Other” is 33%, 33%, and 34% respectively. “EU Settlement Scheme” has the highest rate in employment at 47%. “Refugee” has the lowest rate of employment at 23%.
- Universal Credit statistics, 29 April 2013 to 10 July 2025
Department for Work and Pensions, 2025-12-08 · complicates
“The Immigration and Nationality section of these statistics is being released as statistics in development.”
The Immigration and Nationality section of these statistics is being released as statistics in development.
- How many migrants in the UK have settlement?
The Migration Observatory, University of Oxford, 2025-11-10 · complicates
“Our estimates of non-EU migrants with ILR cannot be compared to Department for Work and Pensions data on Universal Credit (UC) recipients by immigration status. In the UC dataset, immigration status is recorded when an individual makes an initial claim or when their circumstances change. However, the DWP is not usually notified if somebody with settlement acquires British citizenship. As a result, the UC figures for ILR will also include people with citizenship and thus will be higher than in reality.”
Our estimates of non-EU migrants with ILR cannot be compared to Department for Work and Pensions data on Universal Credit (UC) recipients by immigration status. In the UC dataset, immigration status is recorded when an individual makes an initial claim or when their circumstances change. However, the DWP is not usually notified if somebody with settlement acquires British citizenship. As a result, the UC figures for ILR will also include people with citizenship and thus will be higher than in reality.
- A Fairer Pathway to Settlement: a statement and accompanying consultation on earned settlement (CP 1448)
Home Office, 2025-11-20 · supports
“Department for Work and Pensions (DWP) reported that 213,000 migrants with settlement were claiming Universal Credit.”
Department for Work and Pensions (DWP) reported that 213,000 migrants with settlement were claiming Universal Credit.
- Social housing lettings in England, tenants: April 2024 to March 2025
Ministry of Housing, Communities and Local Government, 2025-11-13 · supports
“Most lead tenants of households with a new social letting in 2024/25 were UK nationals (89%, or 233,000 lead tenants). European nationals comprised 4% of lead tenants (10,000) with the remaining 8% from nations outside the European Economic Area (EEA) (20,000).”
Most lead tenants of households with a new social letting in 2024/25 were UK nationals (89%, or 233,000 lead tenants). European nationals comprised 4% of lead tenants (10,000) with the remaining 8% from nations outside the European Economic Area (EEA) (20,000).
- Social housing lettings in England, tenants: April 2024 to March 2025
Ministry of Housing, Communities and Local Government, 2025-11-13 · supports
“Lead tenants with nationality from outside the EEA was broadly stable around 3-4% in 2008/09 to 2020/21, after which it rose to 9% in 2023/24, then fell slightly to 8% in 2024/25.”
Lead tenants with nationality from outside the EEA was broadly stable around 3-4% in 2008/09 to 2020/21, after which it rose to 9% in 2023/24, then fell slightly to 8% in 2024/25.
- Social housing lettings in England, tenants: April 2024 to March 2025
Ministry of Housing, Communities and Local Government, 2025-11-13 · complicates
“3% of households on a housing register had a lead tenant subject to immigration control. Equivalent information is not collected in CORE for new lets.”
3% of households on a housing register had a lead tenant subject to immigration control. Equivalent information is not collected in CORE for new lets.
- Earned Settlement: Examining the Government's proposed reforms (Sixth Report of Session 2024–26)
House of Commons Home Affairs Committee, 2026-03-13 · supports
“Immigrants with temporary permission to be in the UK are usually subject to the No Recourse to Public Funds (NRPF) condition, which means they are not eligible for most benefits. Once an immigrant is granted Indefinite Leave to Remain, they become eligible for accessing benefits on the same terms as British citizens.”
Immigrants with temporary permission to be in the UK are usually subject to the No Recourse to Public Funds (NRPF) condition, which means they are not eligible for most benefits. Once an immigrant is granted Indefinite Leave to Remain, they become eligible for accessing benefits on the same terms as British citizens.
- Skilled Worker visa
GOV.UK (UK Visas and Immigration), 2026-10-29 · complicates
“After 5 years, you may be able to apply to settle permanently in the UK (also known as ‘indefinite leave to remain’). This gives you the right to live, work and study here for as long as you like, and apply for benefits if you’re eligible.”
After 5 years, you may be able to apply to settle permanently in the UK (also known as ‘indefinite leave to remain’). This gives you the right to live, work and study here for as long as you like, and apply for benefits if you’re eligible.
- Hong Kong British National (Overseas) Visa: policy statement
Home Office, 2020-07-22 · supports
“The United Kingdom will create a new bespoke immigration route for British Nationals (Overseas) (BN(O) citizens) from Hong Kong, reflecting the unique and unprecedented circumstances in Hong Kong and the UK’s historic and moral commitment to BN(O) citizens.”
The United Kingdom will create a new bespoke immigration route for British Nationals (Overseas) (BN(O) citizens) from Hong Kong, reflecting the unique and unprecedented circumstances in Hong Kong and the UK’s historic and moral commitment to BN(O) citizens.
- Hong Kong British National (Overseas) Visa: policy statement
Home Office, 2020-07-22 · supports
“After 5 years in the UK and, provided they have stayed free of criminality, have supported themselves financially and otherwise complied with the terms of the visa, they will be able to apply for settled status; after a further year they may apply to naturalise as a British citizen.”
After 5 years in the UK and, provided they have stayed free of criminality, have supported themselves financially and otherwise complied with the terms of the visa, they will be able to apply for settled status; after a further year they may apply to naturalise as a British citizen.
- Nationality, Immigration and Asylum Act 2002, section 76: Revocation of leave to enter or remain
legislation.gov.uk, 2002-11-07 · supports
“(1)The Secretary of State may revoke a person’s indefinite leave to enter or remain in the United Kingdom if the person— (a)is liable to deportation, but (b)cannot be deported for legal reasons. (2)The Secretary of State may revoke a person’s indefinite leave to enter or remain in the United Kingdom if— (a)the leave was obtained by deception,”
(1)The Secretary of State may revoke a person’s indefinite leave to enter or remain in the United Kingdom if the person— (a)is liable to deportation, but (b)cannot be deported for legal reasons. (2)The Secretary of State may revoke a person’s indefinite leave to enter or remain in the United Kingdom if— (a)the leave was obtained by deception,
- Nationality, Immigration and Asylum Act 2002, section 76: Revocation of leave to enter or remain
legislation.gov.uk, 2002-11-07 · supports
“(3)The Secretary of State may revoke a person’s indefinite leave to enter or remain in the United Kingdom if the person, or someone of whom he is a dependant, ceases to be a refugee as a result of—”
(3)The Secretary of State may revoke a person’s indefinite leave to enter or remain in the United Kingdom if the person, or someone of whom he is a dependant, ceases to be a refugee as a result of—
- R (HSMP Forum Ltd) v Secretary of State for the Home Department [2008] EWHC 664 (Admin)
High Court of Justice (The National Archives, Find Case Law), 2008-04-08 · supports
“I find that the terms of the scheme, properly interpreted in context and read with the guidance and the rules, contain a clear representation, made by the defendant, that once a migrant had embarked on the scheme he would enjoy the benefits of the scheme according to the terms prevailing at the date he joined.”
I find that the terms of the scheme, properly interpreted in context and read with the guidance and the rules, contain a clear representation, made by the defendant, that once a migrant had embarked on the scheme he would enjoy the benefits of the scheme according to the terms prevailing at the date he joined.
- R (HSMP Forum Ltd) v Secretary of State for the Home Department [2008] EWHC 664 (Admin)
High Court of Justice (The National Archives, Find Case Law), 2008-04-08 · supports
“I am unable to see a sufficient public interest which outweighs the unfairness, which I am satisfied the changes visit upon those already admitted under the programme. In the circumstances, I am satisfied that the terms of the original scheme should be honoured and that there is no good reason why those already on the scheme shall not enjoy the benefits of it as originally offered to them. Good administration and straightforward dealing with the public require it. Not to restrain the impact of the changes would, in my judgment, give rise to conspicuous unfairness and an abuse of power.”
I am unable to see a sufficient public interest which outweighs the unfairness, which I am satisfied the changes visit upon those already admitted under the programme. In the circumstances, I am satisfied that the terms of the original scheme should be honoured and that there is no good reason why those already on the scheme shall not enjoy the benefits of it as originally offered to them. Good administration and straightforward dealing with the public require it. Not to restrain the impact of the changes would, in my judgment, give rise to conspicuous unfairness and an abuse of power.
- R (HSMP Forum Ltd) v Secretary of State for the Home Department [2008] EWHC 664 (Admin)
High Court of Justice (The National Archives, Find Case Law), 2008-04-08 · complicates
““I do not accept that those who receive a grant of leave in a category have a legitimate expectation that the rules for further grants of leave within that category which existed at the time of their first grant of leave will apply to them for the rest of the time that they spend in the UK.”
“I do not accept that those who receive a grant of leave in a category have a legitimate expectation that the rules for further grants of leave within that category which existed at the time of their first grant of leave will apply to them for the rest of the time that they spend in the UK.
- Earned Settlement: Examining the Government's proposed reforms (Sixth Report of Session 2024–26)
House of Commons Home Affairs Committee, 2026-03-13 · complicates
“It is common for the Home Office to apply transitional protections when making changes to the Immigration Rules—so that immigrants are covered by the rules that were in place at the time they received their visa, with regards to both settlement and other aspects of immigration policy189—but there is also precedent for changes to Immigration Rules being applied to people already in the UK.”
It is common for the Home Office to apply transitional protections when making changes to the Immigration Rules—so that immigrants are covered by the rules that were in place at the time they received their visa, with regards to both settlement and other aspects of immigration policy189—but there is also precedent for changes to Immigration Rules being applied to people already in the UK.
- Earned Settlement: Examining the Government's proposed reforms (Sixth Report of Session 2024–26)
House of Commons Home Affairs Committee, 2026-03-13 · complicates
“It is not unprecedented to apply changes to people who are already in the immigration system.”
It is not unprecedented to apply changes to people who are already in the immigration system.
- Migrant journey: 2025 report
Home Office, 2026-05-21 · complicates
“Changes introduced in 2012, which extended the qualifying period for settlement from 2 to 5 years, mean that individuals who arrived for Family reasons after this policy change typically take longer to reach settlement than those who arrived beforehand.”
Changes introduced in 2012, which extended the qualifying period for settlement from 2 to 5 years, mean that individuals who arrived for Family reasons after this policy change typically take longer to reach settlement than those who arrived beforehand.
- A Fairer Pathway to Settlement: a statement and accompanying consultation on earned settlement (CP 1448)
Home Office, 2025-11-20 · supports
“Crucially, for these and every other group mentioned here, we propose to apply these changes to everyone in the country today who has not already received indefinite leave to remain. This would mean that those who are due to reach settlement in the coming months and years would be subject to the new requirements for earned settlement, as soon as our immigration rules have changed.”
Crucially, for these and every other group mentioned here, we propose to apply these changes to everyone in the country today who has not already received indefinite leave to remain. This would mean that those who are due to reach settlement in the coming months and years would be subject to the new requirements for earned settlement, as soon as our immigration rules have changed.
- A Fairer Pathway to Settlement: a statement and accompanying consultation on earned settlement (CP 1448)
Home Office, 2025-11-20 · supports
“We will not, and would never, take away settled status from those who have already been granted it. These are people who have been in our country for years, even decades. They have families here. They have contributed to our society. Fairness is the most fundamental of British values. We made these people a promise when we gave them settlement.”
We will not, and would never, take away settled status from those who have already been granted it. These are people who have been in our country for years, even decades. They have families here. They have contributed to our society. Fairness is the most fundamental of British values. We made these people a promise when we gave them settlement.
- A Fairer Pathway to Settlement: a statement and accompanying consultation on earned settlement (CP 1448)
Home Office, 2025-11-20 · supports
“In line with the UK’s obligations under the Withdrawal Agreement, settled status under the EU Settlement Scheme (EUSS) is out of scope for both this consultation and the planned reforms. Grants of settlement related to the Windrush Scheme are also out of scope for both this consultation and the planned reforms. There will be no changes implemented for either scheme in relation to the settlement reforms.”
In line with the UK’s obligations under the Withdrawal Agreement, settled status under the EU Settlement Scheme (EUSS) is out of scope for both this consultation and the planned reforms. Grants of settlement related to the Windrush Scheme are also out of scope for both this consultation and the planned reforms. There will be no changes implemented for either scheme in relation to the settlement reforms.
- A Fairer Pathway to Settlement: a statement and accompanying consultation on earned settlement (CP 1448)
Home Office, 2025-11-20 · supports
“Specifically, it proposes that benefits should not be available to those who have settled status, and asks whether they should instead be reserved for those who have achieved British citizenship.”
Specifically, it proposes that benefits should not be available to those who have settled status, and asks whether they should instead be reserved for those who have achieved British citizenship.
- Changes to settlement: what do they mean?
The Migration Observatory, University of Oxford, 2026-02-10 · supports
“Second, the standard waiting period before a migrant becomes eligible for settlement would increase from five to ten years, with important exceptions. Family members of British citizens would continue to be eligible for settlement after five years, as would holders of BN(O) visas under the UK’s humanitarian route for Hong Kongers. Migrants with Innovator Founder or Global Talent visas would continue to be able to obtain settlement after three years. EU citizens and others holding status under the EU Settlement Scheme would also be unaffected by any changes (including those on minimum requirements). Other groups would face longer baseline waiting periods. Migrants on the Skilled Worker route in low or middle-skilled occupations (below RQF level 6) would have to wait fifteen years before applying for settlement. Refugees would face a baseline wait of twenty years, though shorter waits would be available for those who switch onto a separate work and study protection route, details of which remain unclear.”
Second, the standard waiting period before a migrant becomes eligible for settlement would increase from five to ten years, with important exceptions. Family members of British citizens would continue to be eligible for settlement after five years, as would holders of BN(O) visas under the UK’s humanitarian route for Hong Kongers. Migrants with Innovator Founder or Global Talent visas would continue to be able to obtain settlement after three years. EU citizens and others holding status under the EU Settlement Scheme would also be unaffected by any changes (including those on minimum requirements). Other groups would face longer baseline waiting periods. Migrants on the Skilled Worker route in low or middle-skilled occupations (below RQF level 6) would have to wait fifteen years before applying for settlement. Refugees would face a baseline wait of twenty years, though shorter waits would be available for those who switch onto a separate work and study protection route, details of which remain unclear.
- Changes to settlement: what do they mean?
The Migration Observatory, University of Oxford, 2026-02-10 · supports
“5 years less for migrants with taxable income of at least £50,270 a year 7 years less for migrants with taxable income of at least £125,140 a year 5 years less for migrants in specified public service occupations (such as those working in education or the NHS, though a list is to be confirmed) 3 to 5 years less for migrants working in their community, such as through volunteering (details remain unclear) The following factors would result in longer waiting periods would also apply (only the largest): 5 years longer if the applicant has received public funds for less than 12 months 10 years longer if the applicant has received public funds for more than 12 months Up to 20 years longer for people who entered the UK illegally, first arrived on a visitor visa, or overstayed a visa for more than 6 months (up to a maximum total of 30 years)”
5 years less for migrants with taxable income of at least £50,270 a year 7 years less for migrants with taxable income of at least £125,140 a year 5 years less for migrants in specified public service occupations (such as those working in education or the NHS, though a list is to be confirmed) 3 to 5 years less for migrants working in their community, such as through volunteering (details remain unclear) The following factors would result in longer waiting periods would also apply (only the largest): 5 years longer if the applicant has received public funds for less than 12 months 10 years longer if the applicant has received public funds for more than 12 months Up to 20 years longer for people who entered the UK illegally, first arrived on a visitor visa, or overstayed a visa for more than 6 months (up to a maximum total of 30 years)
- Changes to settlement: what do they mean?
The Migration Observatory, University of Oxford, 2026-02-10 · supports
“It would also require migrants to have made national insurance contributions for at least three years – in effect, to have been employed with earnings of at least £12,570 a year for this period. This is equivalent to a part-time job (19 hours per week) at the 2026-7 minimum wage.”
It would also require migrants to have made national insurance contributions for at least three years – in effect, to have been employed with earnings of at least £12,570 a year for this period. This is equivalent to a part-time job (19 hours per week) at the 2026-7 minimum wage.
- Earned Settlement: Examining the Government's proposed reforms (Sixth Report of Session 2024–26)
House of Commons Home Affairs Committee, 2026-03-13 · supports
“The Home Office recently held a consultation on its proposed changes, which closed on 12 February.”
The Home Office recently held a consultation on its proposed changes, which closed on 12 February.
- Earned Settlement: Examining the Government's proposed reforms (Sixth Report of Session 2024–26)
House of Commons Home Affairs Committee, 2026-03-13 · complicates
“It is not clear that applying these changes to people who arrived prior to introduction of new immigration rules in 2021—after the UK’s exit from the EU—is necessary for the Government to achieve its stated policy aims, and so it is difficult to see a justification for applying the changes to this cohort.”
It is not clear that applying these changes to people who arrived prior to introduction of new immigration rules in 2021—after the UK’s exit from the EU—is necessary for the Government to achieve its stated policy aims, and so it is difficult to see a justification for applying the changes to this cohort.
- Earned Settlement: Examining the Government's proposed reforms (Sixth Report of Session 2024–26)
House of Commons Home Affairs Committee, 2026-03-13 · supports
“understand that extending routes to settlement for at least some people already in the UK is essential for the Government to be able to meet its objective of reducing the impact of the large number of immigrants who arrived to the UK in recent years.”
understand that extending routes to settlement for at least some people already in the UK is essential for the Government to be able to meet its objective of reducing the impact of the large number of immigrants who arrived to the UK in recent years.
- Earned Settlement: Examining the Government's proposed reforms (Sixth Report of Session 2024–26)
House of Commons Home Affairs Committee, 2026-03-13 · supports
“Changes to English language requirements for settlement, which were not under consultation, were introduced through changes to the immigration rules on 5 March 2026 and will come into force on 26 March 2027.”
Changes to English language requirements for settlement, which were not under consultation, were introduced through changes to the immigration rules on 5 March 2026 and will come into force on 26 March 2027.
- Home Secretary tells MPs that earned settlement policy will be set out later this year
Electronic Immigration Network, 2026-09-24 · supports
“"I am very aware that a large group of people who arrived in 2022, absent any change, would qualify in February 2027. We have to give certainty to the system. It remains the case that the rules that apply to you are the rules in force at the point of your application, not when you arrived in the country. That will continue to apply in the normal way. Later this year we will set out the new policy on settlement, taking into account all the consultation responses we have had, as well as any transitional arrangements we might decide to implement."”
"I am very aware that a large group of people who arrived in 2022, absent any change, would qualify in February 2027. We have to give certainty to the system. It remains the case that the rules that apply to you are the rules in force at the point of your application, not when you arrived in the country. That will continue to apply in the normal way. Later this year we will set out the new policy on settlement, taking into account all the consultation responses we have had, as well as any transitional arrangements we might decide to implement."
- Home Secretary tells MPs that earned settlement policy will be set out later this year
Electronic Immigration Network, 2026-09-24 · supports
“It is everything from passporting certain cohorts through—so no change, and they still qualify at five years—to different options for what you might do with other cohorts over a longer period.”
It is everything from passporting certain cohorts through—so no change, and they still qualify at five years—to different options for what you might do with other cohorts over a longer period.
- Immigration Rules: statement of changes
UK Visas and Immigration, 2026-09-03 · supports
“Added a link to the statement of changes to the Immigration Rules: HC 584, 3 September 2026.”
Added a link to the statement of changes to the Immigration Rules: HC 584, 3 September 2026.
- Changes to settlement: what do they mean?
The Migration Observatory, University of Oxford, 2026-02-10 · complicates
“Median earnings were £30,200 among employed Skilled Worker dependants in 2023/4, and £22,100 for Health & Care dependants. Most would thus be expected to face a ten-year route.”
Median earnings were £30,200 among employed Skilled Worker dependants in 2023/4, and £22,100 for Health & Care dependants. Most would thus be expected to face a ten-year route.
- Earned Settlement: Examining the Government's proposed reforms (Sixth Report of Session 2024–26)
House of Commons Home Affairs Committee, 2026-03-13 · supports
“The changes will make the UK an outlier among most high-income countries, where the standard settlement period is usually five years for those who have a path to settlement, although Switzerland and Japan both have 10-year routes to settlement.”
The changes will make the UK an outlier among most high-income countries, where the standard settlement period is usually five years for those who have a path to settlement, although Switzerland and Japan both have 10-year routes to settlement.
- Changes to settlement: what do they mean?
The Migration Observatory, University of Oxford, 2026-02-10 · supports
“Several other European countries impose minimum employment requirements for migrants seeking to obtain permanent residence, including Denmark, Sweden, and Italy. In practice, this means some non-working migrants have no route to permanent status. For those who do have a path to permanent status, a ten-year standard route to settlement for most migrants would make the UK more restrictive than most other high-income countries, though comparable to Switzerland and Japan. Longer waiting periods of 15 to 30 years would be unusual among high-income countries.”
Several other European countries impose minimum employment requirements for migrants seeking to obtain permanent residence, including Denmark, Sweden, and Italy. In practice, this means some non-working migrants have no route to permanent status. For those who do have a path to permanent status, a ten-year standard route to settlement for most migrants would make the UK more restrictive than most other high-income countries, though comparable to Switzerland and Japan. Longer waiting periods of 15 to 30 years would be unusual among high-income countries.
- Work Permit conditions
Ministry of Manpower, Singapore, 2026-10-29 · complicates
“Not marry a Singapore citizen or permanent resident in or outside Singapore without MOM's approval. This applies even after their Work Permits have expired, been cancelled or revoked. Not get pregnant or deliver a child in Singapore during the validity of their Work Permit unless they are already married to a Singapore citizen or permanent resident with MOM's approval.”
Not marry a Singapore citizen or permanent resident in or outside Singapore without MOM's approval. This applies even after their Work Permits have expired, been cancelled or revoked. Not get pregnant or deliver a child in Singapore during the validity of their Work Permit unless they are already married to a Singapore citizen or permanent resident with MOM's approval.
- Changes to settlement: what do they mean?
The Migration Observatory, University of Oxford, 2026-02-10 · complicates
“There is limited evidence on how more stringent requirements and a longer path to ILR may affect immigration and emigration. In theory, some people may be deterred from coming to the UK in the first place. A recent survey-based study found that the length of time for acquiring settlement at destination did not significantly affect prospective migrants’ decisions about whether to migrate, but the evidence is limited.”
There is limited evidence on how more stringent requirements and a longer path to ILR may affect immigration and emigration. In theory, some people may be deterred from coming to the UK in the first place. A recent survey-based study found that the length of time for acquiring settlement at destination did not significantly affect prospective migrants’ decisions about whether to migrate, but the evidence is limited.
- Changes to settlement: what do they mean?
The Migration Observatory, University of Oxford, 2026-02-10 · complicates
“Such incentives seem to work in some contexts – for example, a reform making permanent residence more accessible in Sweden led to more unemployment and lower incomes among those affected. However, other research found no connection between labour market integration and the type of status held by migrants. On the other hand, some studies suggest that longer periods of time without the rights that come with permanent status and citizenship can hinder social and economic integration. Migrants with permanent residence have more bargaining power than those on work visas who are tied to their employers, which can lead to better pay and conditions. Some studies of refugees found that having a permanent or more secure immigration status was associated with better labour market outcomes. In Denmark, one study suggests that imposing more stringent employment and language criteria for settlement led to a decrease rather than an increase in employment.”
Such incentives seem to work in some contexts – for example, a reform making permanent residence more accessible in Sweden led to more unemployment and lower incomes among those affected. However, other research found no connection between labour market integration and the type of status held by migrants. On the other hand, some studies suggest that longer periods of time without the rights that come with permanent status and citizenship can hinder social and economic integration. Migrants with permanent residence have more bargaining power than those on work visas who are tied to their employers, which can lead to better pay and conditions. Some studies of refugees found that having a permanent or more secure immigration status was associated with better labour market outcomes. In Denmark, one study suggests that imposing more stringent employment and language criteria for settlement led to a decrease rather than an increase in employment.
- Fees and Unit Cost Table 08 October 2026 (visa fees transparency data)
Home Office, 2026-10-20 · supports
“Enabling Provision (Fees Order) | Method of Calculation | In-Country/Overseas | Fee Category | Current Fee | Fee from 08 October 2026 | % Change | Estimated Unit Cost | Maxima”
Enabling Provision (Fees Order) | Method of Calculation | In-Country/Overseas | Fee Category | Current Fee | Fee from 08 October 2026 | % Change | Estimated Unit Cost | Maxima
- Fees and Unit Cost Table 08 October 2026 (visa fees transparency data)
Home Office, 2026-10-20 · supports
“In-Country | Indefinite leave to remain - main applicant and dependants | £3,226 | £3,226 | 0% | £310 | £3,635”
In-Country | Indefinite leave to remain - main applicant and dependants | £3,226 | £3,226 | 0% | £310 | £3,635
- Fees and Unit Cost Table 08 October 2026 (visa fees transparency data)
Home Office, 2026-10-20 · supports
“Overseas | Skilled Worker, where a certificate of sponsorship has been issued or approval to sponsor under Sponsor a Worker has been given for over three years [Footnote 2] - main applicant and dependants | £1,618 | £1,618 | 0% | £153 | £2,000”
Overseas | Skilled Worker, where a certificate of sponsorship has been issued or approval to sponsor under Sponsor a Worker has been given for over three years [Footnote 2] - main applicant and dependants | £1,618 | £1,618 | 0% | £153 | £2,000
- Fees and Unit Cost Table 08 October 2026 (visa fees transparency data)
Home Office, 2026-10-20 · supports
“Overseas | Skilled Worker - Health and Care Visa - where a certificate of sponsorship has been issued or approval to sponsor under Sponor a Worker has been given for three years or less [Footnotes 2 and 3] - main applicant and dependants | £324 | £324 | 0% | £153 | £2,000”
Overseas | Skilled Worker - Health and Care Visa - where a certificate of sponsorship has been issued or approval to sponsor under Sponor a Worker has been given for three years or less [Footnotes 2 and 3] - main applicant and dependants | £324 | £324 | 0% | £153 | £2,000
- Fees and Unit Cost Table 08 October 2026 (visa fees transparency data)
Home Office, 2026-10-20 · supports
“Overseas | Student - main applicant and dependants | £558 | £558 | 0% | £176 | £600”
Overseas | Student - main applicant and dependants | £558 | £558 | 0% | £176 | £600
- Fees and Unit Cost Table 08 October 2026 (visa fees transparency data)
Home Office, 2026-10-20 · supports
“In-Country | Graduate Route – main applicant and dependants | £937 | £937 | 0% | £110 | £2,000”
In-Country | Graduate Route – main applicant and dependants | £937 | £937 | 0% | £110 | £2,000
- Fees and Unit Cost Table 08 October 2026 (visa fees transparency data)
Home Office, 2026-10-20 · supports
“Entry clearance or limited leave to remain for any purpose (excluding visits) not referred to in the preceding provisions of this table | Fixed Amount | Overseas | Route to Settlement | £2,064 | £2,064 | 0% | £639 | £3,600”
Entry clearance or limited leave to remain for any purpose (excluding visits) not referred to in the preceding provisions of this table | Fixed Amount | Overseas | Route to Settlement | £2,064 | £2,064 | 0% | £639 | £3,600
- Fees and Unit Cost Table 08 October 2026 (visa fees transparency data)
Home Office, 2026-10-20 · supports
“Entry clearance as a Visitor for a period of six months or less. | Fixed Amount | Overseas | Visit visa – short up to 6 months | £135 | £135 | 0% | £159 | £140”
Entry clearance as a Visitor for a period of six months or less. | Fixed Amount | Overseas | Visit visa – short up to 6 months | £135 | £135 | 0% | £159 | £140
- Fees and Unit Cost Table 08 October 2026 (visa fees transparency data)
Home Office, 2026-10-20 · supports
“Overseas | Global Talent - main applicant - where Approval Letter is required | £205 | £205 | 0% | £488 | £2,000”
Overseas | Global Talent - main applicant - where Approval Letter is required | £205 | £205 | 0% | £488 | £2,000
- Fees and Unit Cost Table 08 October 2026 (visa fees transparency data)
Home Office, 2026-10-20 · complicates
“Naturalisation as a British citizen or a British overseas territories citizen. | Fixed Amount | In-Country | Naturalisation (British citizenship) [Footnote 5] | £1,709 | £1,709 | 0% | £1.23 | £1,709”
Naturalisation as a British citizen or a British overseas territories citizen. | Fixed Amount | In-Country | Naturalisation (British citizenship) [Footnote 5] | £1,709 | £1,709 | 0% | £1.23 | £1,709
- Earned Settlement: Examining the Government's proposed reforms (Sixth Report of Session 2024–26)
House of Commons Home Affairs Committee, 2026-03-13 · supports
“In 2024/25 UK Visas and Immigration had an overall income of around £3 billion and a surplus of £1.8 billion once the cost of delivery is taken into account. The cost recovery rate for visa fees was 256%.”
In 2024/25 UK Visas and Immigration had an overall income of around £3 billion and a surplus of £1.8 billion once the cost of delivery is taken into account. The cost recovery rate for visa fees was 256%.
- Pay for UK healthcare as part of your immigration application: how much you have to pay
GOV.UK (UK Visas and Immigration), 2026-10-29 · supports
“£1,035 per year for all other visa and immigration applications, for example £3,105 for a 3-year visa”
£1,035 per year for all other visa and immigration applications, for example £3,105 for a 3-year visa
- 66% increase in Immigration Health Surcharge to be implemented on 6 February 2024
Electronic Immigration Network, 2024-01-18 · complicates
“As the equality impact assessment explains, the IHS is set at a fixed amount which takes no account of an individual's usage: "The charge is based on how much healthcare an 'average' Health Charge payer is expected to use and not directly linked to the healthcare usage of each individual payee."”
As the equality impact assessment explains, the IHS is set at a fixed amount which takes no account of an individual's usage: "The charge is based on how much healthcare an 'average' Health Charge payer is expected to use and not directly linked to the healthcare usage of each individual payee."
- 66% increase in Immigration Health Surcharge to be implemented on 6 February 2024
Electronic Immigration Network, 2024-01-18 · complicates
“The Committee also found that the Home Office's calculations had overstated the current per capita cost for NHS spending when compared to all spending, which meant the IHS was set higher than it otherwise would be. While the difference was only minor (£1,013 instead of £1,036), the Committee called the calculations "unconvincing" and said it was "worrying that the Home Office should use such a questionable methodology and it may cast doubt on the accuracy of other underlying calculations that we have not scrutinised."”
The Committee also found that the Home Office's calculations had overstated the current per capita cost for NHS spending when compared to all spending, which meant the IHS was set higher than it otherwise would be. While the difference was only minor (£1,013 instead of £1,036), the Committee called the calculations "unconvincing" and said it was "worrying that the Home Office should use such a questionable methodology and it may cast doubt on the accuracy of other underlying calculations that we have not scrutinised."
- Changes to settlement: what do they mean?
The Migration Observatory, University of Oxford, 2026-02-10 · supports
“For example, a migrant with no dependants who comes to the UK on a three-year Skilled Worker visa currently pays a total of around £9,900 in fees before obtaining settlement in five years, not including the employer’s Immigration Skills Charge. If the same person instead waited for ten years, fees would increase to a total of £16,900, mostly because the Immigration Health Surcharge is paid for every year of residence.”
For example, a migrant with no dependants who comes to the UK on a three-year Skilled Worker visa currently pays a total of around £9,900 in fees before obtaining settlement in five years, not including the employer’s Immigration Skills Charge. If the same person instead waited for ten years, fees would increase to a total of £16,900, mostly because the Immigration Health Surcharge is paid for every year of residence.
- UK immigration costs: an international comparison of skilled worker, researcher and student visas in 2025
The Royal Society, 2025-10 · supports
“The UK required the highest settlement fees skilled worker visas in other leading science nations. compared to other European nations in 2025 when controlling for PPP – without PPP adjustment, it ranked second to Switzerland, which topped the list at £3,871.”
The UK required the highest settlement fees skilled worker visas in other leading science nations. compared to other European nations in 2025 when controlling for PPP – without PPP adjustment, it ranked second to Switzerland, which topped the list at £3,871.
- UK immigration costs: an international comparison of skilled worker, researcher and student visas in 2025
The Royal Society, 2025-10 · supports
“In 2025, visa holders incur 336% (404% when adjusting to rise in the UK increasing to £3,029 by 5% in 2024 – for PPP) higher costs to apply for settlement in the UK as 2025 and by 27% in 2021 – 2025, equivalent to 2% in compared to the average costs for permanent residence in real terms after adjusting for inflation. Figure 6 shows a other European countries, and 217% (248% when adjusting comparison of 2025 settlement costs between the UK for PPP) higher if the UK are included in the international”
In 2025, visa holders incur 336% (404% when adjusting to rise in the UK increasing to £3,029 by 5% in 2024 – for PPP) higher costs to apply for settlement in the UK as 2025 and by 27% in 2021 – 2025, equivalent to 2% in compared to the average costs for permanent residence in real terms after adjusting for inflation. Figure 6 shows a other European countries, and 217% (248% when adjusting comparison of 2025 settlement costs between the UK for PPP) higher if the UK are included in the international
- UK immigration costs: an international comparison of skilled worker, researcher and student visas in 2025
The Royal Society, 2025-10 · supports
“Costs of settlement across leading European science nations, 2024 and 2025”
Costs of settlement across leading European science nations, 2024 and 2025
- Earned Settlement: Examining the Government's proposed reforms (Sixth Report of Session 2024–26)
House of Commons Home Affairs Committee, 2026-03-13 · supports
“In 2024/25, the 91 local authorities that provided data to the NRPF Network spent £94 million on support to NRPF households.”
In 2024/25, the 91 local authorities that provided data to the NRPF Network spent £94 million on support to NRPF households.
- Earned Settlement: Examining the Government's proposed reforms (Sixth Report of Session 2024–26)
House of Commons Home Affairs Committee, 2026-03-13 · complicates
“While there is considerable uncertainty about how the Government’s policy will apply to children, it appears likely that no matter how the policy is applied it will lead to more child poverty.”
While there is considerable uncertainty about how the Government’s policy will apply to children, it appears likely that no matter how the policy is applied it will lead to more child poverty.
- Windrush Lessons Learned Review (HC 93)
Home Office (independent review by Wendy Williams), 2020-03-19 · supports
“However, despite the scandal taking the Home Office by surprise my report sets out that what happened to those affected by the Windrush scandal was foreseeable and avoidable.”
However, despite the scandal taking the Home Office by surprise my report sets out that what happened to those affected by the Windrush scandal was foreseeable and avoidable.
- Windrush Lessons Learned Review (HC 93)
Home Office (independent review by Wendy Williams), 2020-03-19 · supports
“It removed and detained others. And through policies designed to combat illegal migration, it denied people access to work, housing and services, even though they were here lawfully and therefore lawfully entitled to access them. Some lost their jobs, their homes, and in many cases their sense of identity and wellbeing.”
It removed and detained others. And through policies designed to combat illegal migration, it denied people access to work, housing and services, even though they were here lawfully and therefore lawfully entitled to access them. Some lost their jobs, their homes, and in many cases their sense of identity and wellbeing.
- Windrush Lessons Learned Review (HC 93)
Home Office (independent review by Wendy Williams), 2020-03-19 · supports
“It identified 164 people in the country before 1973 who’d either been detained or removed – or both – since 2002”
It identified 164 people in the country before 1973 who’d either been detained or removed – or both – since 2002
- Windrush Compensation Scheme data: August 2026 (data tables)
Home Office, 2026-10-29 · supports
“Quarter/Month | Total intake | Total WIP | Total Final Decisions* | Of which | Value offers | No. of zero entitlement claims | Eligibility refused / withdrawn | Suspended | Total Cases Fully Closed** | Of which | Value offers (includes zero entitlement claims that have had a payment on review) | No. of zero entitlement claims | Eligibility refused / withdrawn || Total | 12,414 | 591 | 11,690 | 4,009 | 6,741 | 940 | 133 | 10,068 | 3,438 | 5,690 | 940”
Quarter/Month | Total intake | Total WIP | Total Final Decisions* | Of which | Value offers | No. of zero entitlement claims | Eligibility refused / withdrawn | Suspended | Total Cases Fully Closed** | Of which | Value offers (includes zero entitlement claims that have had a payment on review) | No. of zero entitlement claims | Eligibility refused / withdrawn || Total | 12,414 | 591 | 11,690 | 4,009 | 6,741 | 940 | 133 | 10,068 | 3,438 | 5,690 | 940
- Windrush Compensation Scheme data: August 2026 (data tables)
Home Office, 2026-10-29 · supports
“Quarter/Month | Cumulative amount paid | Cumulative Number of Preliminary claims paid8 | Cumulative number of claims receiving payment* | Cumulative Number of Primary claims receiving payment | Cumulative Number of Estate claims receiving payment | Cumulative Number of Close Family claims receiving payment | Cumulative amount Offered | Cumulative Number of Preliminary offers made | Cumulative number claims receiving value offer | Cumulative No. of Primary claims receiving value offer | Cumulative No. of Estate claims receiving value offer | Cumulative No. of Close Family claims receiving value offer | Cumulative number claims receiving value offer or a zero entitlement | Cumulative No. of Primary claims receiving value offer or a zero entitlement | Cumulative No. of Estate claims receiving value offer or a zero entitlement | Cumulative No. of Close Family claims receiving value offer or a zero entitlement || Aug-2026 | £133,475,539.07 | 2,048 | 4,221 | 2,289 | 238 | 1,694 | £138,849,799.48 | 1,947 | 4,294 | 2,316 | 246 | 1,732 | 10,756 | 6,044 | 1,145 | 3,567”
Quarter/Month | Cumulative amount paid | Cumulative Number of Preliminary claims paid8 | Cumulative number of claims receiving payment* | Cumulative Number of Primary claims receiving payment | Cumulative Number of Estate claims receiving payment | Cumulative Number of Close Family claims receiving payment | Cumulative amount Offered | Cumulative Number of Preliminary offers made | Cumulative number claims receiving value offer | Cumulative No. of Primary claims receiving value offer | Cumulative No. of Estate claims receiving value offer | Cumulative No. of Close Family claims receiving value offer | Cumulative number claims receiving value offer or a zero entitlement | Cumulative No. of Primary claims receiving value offer or a zero entitlement | Cumulative No. of Estate claims receiving value offer or a zero entitlement | Cumulative No. of Close Family claims receiving value offer or a zero entitlement || Aug-2026 | £133,475,539.07 | 2,048 | 4,221 | 2,289 | 238 | 1,694 | £138,849,799.48 | 1,947 | 4,294 | 2,316 | 246 | 1,732 | 10,756 | 6,044 | 1,145 | 3,567
- What do Britons really think about scrapping indefinite leave to remain?
YouGov, 2025-09-27 · supports
“a new YouGov survey finds that the prospect of ending the granting of ILR divides the public: 44% say they support doing so, while 43% are opposed.”
a new YouGov survey finds that the prospect of ending the granting of ILR divides the public: 44% say they support doing so, while 43% are opposed.
- What do Britons really think about scrapping indefinite leave to remain?
YouGov, 2025-09-27 · supports
“If ending the granting of ILR is divisive, removing it from current holders is downright unpopular. Support for removing ILR from those who have already been given permission to reside permanently in the UK falls to 29% – even among those who support ending the granting of ILR, only a minority (41%) agree with stripping permanent residency rights from those already granted them.”
If ending the granting of ILR is divisive, removing it from current holders is downright unpopular. Support for removing ILR from those who have already been given permission to reside permanently in the UK falls to 29% – even among those who support ending the granting of ILR, only a minority (41%) agree with stripping permanent residency rights from those already granted them.
- What do Britons really think about scrapping indefinite leave to remain?
YouGov, 2025-09-27 · supports
“The majority of Britons (58%) are opposed to removing indefinite leave to remain status from those who already hold it.”
The majority of Britons (58%) are opposed to removing indefinite leave to remain status from those who already hold it.
- What do Britons really think about scrapping indefinite leave to remain?
YouGov, 2025-09-27 · complicates
“Two thirds (64%) support ending the granting of ILR, while 54% back removing it from those who already have it. While Conservative voters back no longer granting ILR (51%), they are divided on removing it from those who already hold it, with 44% in favour of doing so and 42% against.”
Two thirds (64%) support ending the granting of ILR, while 54% back removing it from those who already have it. While Conservative voters back no longer granting ILR (51%), they are divided on removing it from those who already hold it, with 44% in favour of doing so and 42% against.
- What do Britons really think about scrapping indefinite leave to remain?
YouGov, 2025-09-27 · complicates
“When it comes to ending the granting of ILR, sizeable minorities of Labour (40%), Lib Dem (37%) and Green (35%) voters are also in favour – but in each case are outnumbered by those opposed (50-57%). However the large majority are opposed to removing the status from those who already have it (71-80%).”
When it comes to ending the granting of ILR, sizeable minorities of Labour (40%), Lib Dem (37%) and Green (35%) voters are also in favour – but in each case are outnumbered by those opposed (50-57%). However the large majority are opposed to removing the status from those who already have it (71-80%).
- What do Britons really think about scrapping indefinite leave to remain?
YouGov, 2025-09-27 · complicates
“In a three-way choice on whether certain groups of current ILR recipients should a) continue to be allowed to stay permanently, b) have to apply for a temporary visa or c) be made to leave the UK, the majority of the public want to continue allowing permanent residency for: those who have lived in Britain for over 10 years; those in full time work and paying taxes; NHS workers; those married to a British citizen, or those with children who are citizens; and those who have set up businesses in the UK.”
In a three-way choice on whether certain groups of current ILR recipients should a) continue to be allowed to stay permanently, b) have to apply for a temporary visa or c) be made to leave the UK, the majority of the public want to continue allowing permanent residency for: those who have lived in Britain for over 10 years; those in full time work and paying taxes; NHS workers; those married to a British citizen, or those with children who are citizens; and those who have set up businesses in the UK.
- Immigration system statistics, year ending June 2026: settlement summary tables (Se_02)
Home Office, 2026-08-27 · supports
“Se_02: Grants of settlement by category of grant, type of applicant and refusals, 2010 to the year ending June 2026 [Notes 1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 6, 7, 8, 9, 10, 13, 15, 16, 17]”
Se_02: Grants of settlement by category of grant, type of applicant and refusals, 2010 to the year ending June 2026 [Notes 1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 6, 7, 8, 9, 10, 13, 15, 16, 17]
- Windrush Compensation Scheme data: August 2026 (data tables)
Home Office, 2026-10-29 · supports
“WCS_03: Value of Windrush Compensation Scheme payments made7-11”
WCS_03: Value of Windrush Compensation Scheme payments made7-11
Immigration, the Economy and the Public Finances
- Gross domestic product (Average) per head, CVM market prices (reference year = 2023), series IHXW, dataset PN2 (rows 2007–2025)
Office for National Statistics, 2026-08-13 · supports
“"2007","37625" "2008","37300" "2009","35339" "2010","35850" "2011","35856" "2012","36160" "2013","36537" "2014","37411" "2015","37937" "2016","38467" "2017","39415" "2018","39831" "2019","40125" "2020","36033" "2021","38972" "2022","40554" "2023","40126" "2024","40153" "2025","40546"”
"2007","37625" "2008","37300" "2009","35339" "2010","35850" "2011","35856" "2012","36160" "2013","36537" "2014","37411" "2015","37937" "2016","38467" "2017","39415" "2018","39831" "2019","40125" "2020","36033" "2021","38972" "2022","40554" "2023","40126" "2024","40153" "2025","40546"
- Gross Domestic Product: chained volume measures: Seasonally adjusted £m, series ABMI, dataset PN2 (rows 2019–2025)
Office for National Statistics, 2026-08-13 · supports
“"2019","2673465" "2020","2404838" "2021","2610286" "2022","2744708" "2023","2752164" "2024","2780853" "2025","2817414"”
"2019","2673465" "2020","2404838" "2021","2610286" "2022","2744708" "2023","2752164" "2024","2780853" "2025","2817414"
- Economic and fiscal outlook – March 2024 (CP 1027), Box 2.3
Office for Budget Responsibility, 2024-03-06 · supports
“Based on these assumptions, GDP is 1.5 per cent higher in 2028-29, but GDP per person is largely unchanged.”
Based on these assumptions, GDP is 1.5 per cent higher in 2028-29, but GDP per person is largely unchanged.
- Economic and fiscal outlook – March 2024 (CP 1027), Box 2.3
Office for Budget Responsibility, 2024-03-06 · supports
“The yellow triangles show what would happen if the capital stock did not adjust at all in response to higher migration, making less capital available per worker and reducing overall productivity. GDP in 2028-29 is still higher but by a smaller amount (1 per cent), but GDP per person is then 0.4 per cent below our central forecast.”
The yellow triangles show what would happen if the capital stock did not adjust at all in response to higher migration, making less capital available per worker and reducing overall productivity. GDP in 2028-29 is still higher but by a smaller amount (1 per cent), but GDP per person is then 0.4 per cent below our central forecast.
- Economic and fiscal outlook – March 2024 (CP 1027), Box 2.3
Office for Budget Responsibility, 2024-03-06 · supports
“This boosts the impact on GDP to 2.2 per cent in 2028-29 and raises GDP per person 0.8 per cent above our forecast. The impacts in the lower migration scenario, in which net migration settles at 115,000 in 2028-29, are symmetric.”
This boosts the impact on GDP to 2.2 per cent in 2028-29 and raises GDP per person 0.8 per cent above our forecast. The impacts in the lower migration scenario, in which net migration settles at 115,000 in 2028-29, are symmetric.
- Economic and fiscal outlook – March 2024 (CP 1027), Box 4.5
Office for Budget Responsibility, 2024-03-06 · supports
“Overall, borrowing is estimated to be £19.9 billion lower and debt 3.1 per cent of GDP lower in 2028-29. The lower migration scenario is symmetric to this, with lower receipts and spending, meaning that borrowing is £19.9 billion higher and debt 3.1 per cent of GDP higher in 2028-29.”
Overall, borrowing is estimated to be £19.9 billion lower and debt 3.1 per cent of GDP lower in 2028-29. The lower migration scenario is symmetric to this, with lower receipts and spending, meaning that borrowing is £19.9 billion higher and debt 3.1 per cent of GDP higher in 2028-29.
- Economic and fiscal outlook – March 2024 (CP 1027), Box 4.5
Office for Budget Responsibility, 2024-03-06 · complicates
“Adjusting for this we estimate that providing equivalent service provision to the additional migrants in the high scenario would require an additional £6.1 billion in 2028-29. On this basis, in this scenario a portion of the higher receipts generated by the additional migrants is offset by higher spending, so that while migration still improves the public finances it does so by less than in the unadjusted DEL scenario, with borrowing £13.1 billion lower and debt 2.5 per cent of GDP lower by 2028-29. The lower migration scenario has the opposite effect with borrowing and debt £13.1 billion and 2.5 per cent of GDP higher.”
Adjusting for this we estimate that providing equivalent service provision to the additional migrants in the high scenario would require an additional £6.1 billion in 2028-29. On this basis, in this scenario a portion of the higher receipts generated by the additional migrants is offset by higher spending, so that while migration still improves the public finances it does so by less than in the unadjusted DEL scenario, with borrowing £13.1 billion lower and debt 2.5 per cent of GDP lower by 2028-29. The lower migration scenario has the opposite effect with borrowing and debt £13.1 billion and 2.5 per cent of GDP higher.
- Economic and fiscal outlook – March 2026, Box 2.1
Office for Budget Responsibility, 2026-03 · supports
“While the level of net migration has a significant impact on the level of real GDP, the size and direction of the impact on real GDP per person, an indicator of living standards, is much more uncertain. Estimates in the economics literature tend to suggest that the impacts of different levels of net inward migration on real GDP per person are relatively small in either a positive or negative direction and depend on a number of uncertain factors.”
While the level of net migration has a significant impact on the level of real GDP, the size and direction of the impact on real GDP per person, an indicator of living standards, is much more uncertain. Estimates in the economics literature tend to suggest that the impacts of different levels of net inward migration on real GDP per person are relatively small in either a positive or negative direction and depend on a number of uncertain factors.
- Economic and fiscal outlook – March 2026, paragraph 2.12
Office for Budget Responsibility, 2026-03 · supports
“Reflecting this revision, we have lowered our central forecast for overall net inward migration by around 60,000 people (50,000 adults) a year on average (Chart 2.6, right panel). This is driven entirely by a more negative assumption for net migration by British nationals. By 2030, this change reduces the adult population by around 200,000 relative to the November forecast.”
Reflecting this revision, we have lowered our central forecast for overall net inward migration by around 60,000 people (50,000 adults) a year on average (Chart 2.6, right panel). This is driven entirely by a more negative assumption for net migration by British nationals. By 2030, this change reduces the adult population by around 200,000 relative to the November forecast.
- Economic and fiscal outlook – March 2026, paragraph 2.14
Office for Budget Responsibility, 2026-03 · supports
“The productivity and participation rate effects largely offset each other, so the change to the net migration forecast results in broadly unchanged potential output per person.”
The productivity and participation rate effects largely offset each other, so the change to the net migration forecast results in broadly unchanged potential output per person.
- Economic and fiscal outlook – March 2026, Box 2.1
Office for Budget Responsibility, 2026-03 · complicates
“Overall, in the medium term, net inward migration is likely to boost participation given migrants’ younger age composition. But the impact on productivity is much more uncertain.”
Overall, in the medium term, net inward migration is likely to boost participation given migrants’ younger age composition. But the impact on productivity is much more uncertain.
- The Fiscal Impact of Immigration in the UK
The Migration Observatory, University of Oxford, 2026-06-23 · complicates
“Short-term forecasts like these are particularly likely to find a positive impact from migration, because they do not account for the costs that come later as migrants age.”
Short-term forecasts like these are particularly likely to find a positive impact from migration, because they do not account for the costs that come later as migrants age.
- The Fiscal Impact of Immigration in the UK
The Migration Observatory, University of Oxford, 2026-06-23 · complicates
“In 2023, for example, it projected that by 2072/73 the primary budget deficit (i.e. excluding interest payments on debt) would be 1.1% of GDP lower in a scenario where annual net migration was 245,000 rather than 129,000. It projected that higher net migration would reduce debt as a share of GDP by 30 percentage points by 2072/73, but would not prevent debt from rising from around 100 to 300 percent of GDP.”
In 2023, for example, it projected that by 2072/73 the primary budget deficit (i.e. excluding interest payments on debt) would be 1.1% of GDP lower in a scenario where annual net migration was 245,000 rather than 129,000. It projected that higher net migration would reduce debt as a share of GDP by 30 percentage points by 2072/73, but would not prevent debt from rising from around 100 to 300 percent of GDP.
- The Fiscal Impact of Immigration in the UK
The Migration Observatory, University of Oxford, 2026-06-23 · complicates
“It concluded that “higher migration could be seen as delaying some of the fiscal challenges of an ageing population rather than a way of resolving them permanently”.”
It concluded that “higher migration could be seen as delaying some of the fiscal challenges of an ageing population rather than a way of resolving them permanently”.
- Lower immigration will hit UK growth and raise borrowing
Oxford Economics, 2026-02-11 · supports
“If the official forecast from the Office for Budget Responsibility moves into line with ours, that would cut its projection for the level of potential output in 2029-2030 by 1ppt. This implies that government borrowing would be £19bn (0.5% of GDP) higher, wiping out most of the Chancellor’s headroom.”
If the official forecast from the Office for Budget Responsibility moves into line with ours, that would cut its projection for the level of potential output in 2029-2030 by 1ppt. This implies that government borrowing would be £19bn (0.5% of GDP) higher, wiping out most of the Chancellor’s headroom.
- The Fiscal Impact of Immigration: Static and Dynamic Estimates for the UK
Migration Advisory Committee, 2025-12-11 · supports
“Overall, the SW visa route is clearly fiscally positive for the UK. This is almost inevitable given that main applicants on the route must have a job offer paying above a set of salary thresholds.”
Overall, the SW visa route is clearly fiscally positive for the UK. This is almost inevitable given that main applicants on the route must have a job offer paying above a set of salary thresholds.
- The Fiscal Impact of Immigration: Static and Dynamic Estimates for the UK
Migration Advisory Committee, 2025-12-11 · supports
“For the entire cohort of 329,200 arrivals, we estimate that they will contribute a net £47.1bn over their lifetime – or +£143,000”
For the entire cohort of 329,200 arrivals, we estimate that they will contribute a net £47.1bn over their lifetime – or +£143,000
- The Fiscal Impact of Immigration: Static and Dynamic Estimates for the UK
Migration Advisory Committee, 2025-12-11 · supports
“For SW (excl. H&C) main applicants (Fig 16), the average lifetime contribution is a substantial +£689,000 in present value (the cumulative total of £47.7bn divided by 69,200 main applicants).”
For SW (excl. H&C) main applicants (Fig 16), the average lifetime contribution is a substantial +£689,000 in present value (the cumulative total of £47.7bn divided by 69,200 main applicants).
- The Fiscal Impact of Immigration: Static and Dynamic Estimates for the UK
Migration Advisory Committee, 2025-12-11 · supports
“The lifetime net contribution of those who remain in the UK is +£931,000, whilst it is only +£174,000 for those who leave.”
The lifetime net contribution of those who remain in the UK is +£931,000, whilst it is only +£174,000 for those who leave.
- The Fiscal Impact of Immigration: Static and Dynamic Estimates for the UK
Migration Advisory Committee, 2025-12-11 · supports
“For the H&C main applicants (Figure 17), the lifetime fiscal contribution is positive (£54,000) but much smaller than for SW (excl. H&C) main applicants.”
For the H&C main applicants (Figure 17), the lifetime fiscal contribution is positive (£54,000) but much smaller than for SW (excl. H&C) main applicants.
- The Fiscal Impact of Immigration: Static and Dynamic Estimates for the UK
Migration Advisory Committee, 2025-12-11 · supports
“For care workers, the lifetime contribution is estimated to be -£36,000, whilst for the other occupations it is +£166,000. Care Workers are therefore fiscally negative over their lifetimes and broadly similar to the UK median for the age group.”
For care workers, the lifetime contribution is estimated to be -£36,000, whilst for the other occupations it is +£166,000. Care Workers are therefore fiscally negative over their lifetimes and broadly similar to the UK median for the age group.
- The Fiscal Impact of Immigration: Static and Dynamic Estimates for the UK
Migration Advisory Committee, 2025-12-11 · supports
“There average lifetime contributions are +£3,000 and -£67,000 respectively. This is in spite of being younger than the average UK resident – the age-adjusted UK comparators are +£107,000 (median of -£55,000) and +£84,000 (median of -£71,000) respectively.”
There average lifetime contributions are +£3,000 and -£67,000 respectively. This is in spite of being younger than the average UK resident – the age-adjusted UK comparators are +£107,000 (median of -£55,000) and +£84,000 (median of -£71,000) respectively.
- The Fiscal Impact of Immigration: Static and Dynamic Estimates for the UK
Migration Advisory Committee, 2025-12-11 · complicates
“Recall that the UK resident population has a mean of -£39,000 overall lifetime contribution and a median of -£145,000. We can adjust the UK comparator group to have the same age distribution as the SW (excl. H&C) main applicants. This in effect compares the contribution of a migrant from 2022/23 onwards to that of a native with the same starting age. For this UK comparator group, the mean lifetime contribution is +£117,000 and median of -£47,000.”
Recall that the UK resident population has a mean of -£39,000 overall lifetime contribution and a median of -£145,000. We can adjust the UK comparator group to have the same age distribution as the SW (excl. H&C) main applicants. This in effect compares the contribution of a migrant from 2022/23 onwards to that of a native with the same starting age. For this UK comparator group, the mean lifetime contribution is +£117,000 and median of -£47,000.
- The Fiscal Impact of Immigration: Static and Dynamic Estimates for the UK
Migration Advisory Committee, 2025-12-11 · supports
“We estimate that the top 10% of earners in the SW (excl. H&C) cohort (with a minimum salary in 2022/23 of £131,000) make an average lifetime contribution of £2.7m and account for 39% of the total contribution of”
We estimate that the top 10% of earners in the SW (excl. H&C) cohort (with a minimum salary in 2022/23 of £131,000) make an average lifetime contribution of £2.7m and account for 39% of the total contribution of
- The Fiscal Impact of Immigration: Static and Dynamic Estimates for the UK, footnote 5
Migration Advisory Committee, 2025-12-11 · complicates
“To understand the role of real discounting, note that if we did not discount (i.e. 𝑟 = 0), the future fiscal contribution of a 25-year-old would be -£186,000 rather than +£184,000.”
To understand the role of real discounting, note that if we did not discount (i.e. 𝑟 = 0), the future fiscal contribution of a 25-year-old would be -£186,000 rather than +£184,000.
- The Fiscal Impact of Immigration: Static and Dynamic Estimates for the UK
Migration Advisory Committee, 2025-12-11 · complicates
“a 3.0% real discount rate which is broadly in line with HMT Green Book”
a 3.0% real discount rate which is broadly in line with HMT Green Book
- The Fiscal Impact of Immigration: Static and Dynamic Estimates for the UK
Migration Advisory Committee, 2025-12-11 · complicates
“Among the lower-earning skilled worker groups, temporary migration will be more beneficial than permanent migration from a fiscal perspective. This is not true higher up the earnings distribution, where having migrants stay in the long-term adds to the fiscal benefit they provide.”
Among the lower-earning skilled worker groups, temporary migration will be more beneficial than permanent migration from a fiscal perspective. This is not true higher up the earnings distribution, where having migrants stay in the long-term adds to the fiscal benefit they provide.
- Migration Advisory Committee (MAC) annual report, 2025 (accessible)
Migration Advisory Committee, 2025-12-17 · supports
“Under the current immigration rules, we estimate that the 2022/23 cohort of successful applicants to the Partner route, which consists of the partners of British citizens and settled residents, will incur a net lifetime fiscal deficit of -£5.6bn in present value terms – an average of -£109,000 per applicant.”
Under the current immigration rules, we estimate that the 2022/23 cohort of successful applicants to the Partner route, which consists of the partners of British citizens and settled residents, will incur a net lifetime fiscal deficit of -£5.6bn in present value terms – an average of -£109,000 per applicant.
- The Fiscal Impact of Immigration in the UK
The Migration Observatory, University of Oxford, 2026-06-23 · supports
“At the time of writing, the MAC has not yet evaluated the net lifetime fiscal impact of all migration routes. It has not assessed the impact of refugees, for example, a group that is likely to affect the public finances more negatively than the groups discussed above because they have lower employment rates and often require more support from the state.”
At the time of writing, the MAC has not yet evaluated the net lifetime fiscal impact of all migration routes. It has not assessed the impact of refugees, for example, a group that is likely to affect the public finances more negatively than the groups discussed above because they have lower employment rates and often require more support from the state.
- Fiscal risks and sustainability – September 2024 (CP 1142, corrected 14 November 2024), paragraph 4.33
Office for Budget Responsibility, 2024-09-12 · supports
“An illustrative migrant worker arriving to the UK at this age and earning the average UK salary is a net fiscal contributor (green line) by their second year. By contrast, an average resident of the same age is still a net fiscal recipient and does not become a net fiscal contributor until their 40s. This is because, unlike the UK resident, the migrant has not previously consumed UK public services, particularly education and health in their childhood.”
An illustrative migrant worker arriving to the UK at this age and earning the average UK salary is a net fiscal contributor (green line) by their second year. By contrast, an average resident of the same age is still a net fiscal recipient and does not become a net fiscal contributor until their 40s. This is because, unlike the UK resident, the migrant has not previously consumed UK public services, particularly education and health in their childhood.
- Fiscal risks and sustainability – September 2024 (CP 1142, corrected 14 November 2024), paragraph 4.33
Office for Budget Responsibility, 2024-09-12 · supports
“For example, a high-wage migrant earning 30 per cent more than the UK average would still be a net benefit to the public finances even if they lived to”
For example, a high-wage migrant earning 30 per cent more than the UK average would still be a net benefit to the public finances even if they lived to
- Fiscal risks and sustainability – September 2024 (CP 1142, corrected 14 November 2024), paragraph 4.33
Office for Budget Responsibility, 2024-09-12 · supports
“However, an illustrative low wage migrant worker arriving at 25 and earning half the UK average becomes less fiscally beneficial (yellow line) than the average UK resident in their early 40s.”
However, an illustrative low wage migrant worker arriving at 25 and earning half the UK average becomes less fiscally beneficial (yellow line) than the average UK resident in their early 40s.
- Fiscal risks and sustainability – September 2024 (CP 1142, corrected 14 November 2024), correction slip
Office for Budget Responsibility, 2024-11-14 · complicates
“Average-and high-wage representative migrants are more fiscally beneficial in their mid-life compared to the previous chart but broadly unchanged at older ages. The representative low-wage migrant is significantly less fiscally beneficial, and substantially so at older ages.”
Average-and high-wage representative migrants are more fiscally beneficial in their mid-life compared to the previous chart but broadly unchanged at older ages. The representative low-wage migrant is significantly less fiscally beneficial, and substantially so at older ages.
- Fiscal risks and sustainability – September 2024 (CP 1142, corrected 14 November 2024), paragraph 4.34
Office for Budget Responsibility, 2024-09-12 · complicates
“Given the wide range of possible households we have opted to model a more typical migrant on a work visa and no dependants.”
Given the wide range of possible households we have opted to model a more typical migrant on a work visa and no dependants.
- Fiscal risks and sustainability – September 2024 (CP 1142, corrected 14 November 2024), paragraph 1.29
Office for Budget Responsibility, 2024-09-12 · complicates
“In the shorter length of stay scenario, where half of migrants leave after three years, and so generate savings in areas such as welfare and state pensions, debt ends up about 23 per cent of GDP lower by 2073-74. In the higher earnings scenario, where migrants generate extra tax revenue relative to their consumption of government services and benefits, debt as a share of GDP ends up about 40 per cent of GDP lower. However, in both cases, debt is still projected to be on an unsustainable upward trajectory in the long run.”
In the shorter length of stay scenario, where half of migrants leave after three years, and so generate savings in areas such as welfare and state pensions, debt ends up about 23 per cent of GDP lower by 2073-74. In the higher earnings scenario, where migrants generate extra tax revenue relative to their consumption of government services and benefits, debt as a share of GDP ends up about 40 per cent of GDP lower. However, in both cases, debt is still projected to be on an unsustainable upward trajectory in the long run.
- Fiscal risks and sustainability – September 2024 (CP 1142, corrected 14 November 2024), paragraph 4.42
Office for Budget Responsibility, 2024-09-12 · complicates
“The primary balance worsens by 2.9 per cent of GDP and net debt rises in every year to reach 351 per cent of GDP by the end of the forecast horizon, 76 per cent of GDP above the baseline.”
The primary balance worsens by 2.9 per cent of GDP and net debt rises in every year to reach 351 per cent of GDP by the end of the forecast horizon, 76 per cent of GDP above the baseline.
- Fiscal risks and sustainability – September 2024: chapter 4 charts and tables, sheet C4.13
Office for Budget Responsibility, 2024-11-14 · supports
“Chart 4.13: Cumulative fiscal impact of representative migrants”
Chart 4.13: Cumulative fiscal impact of representative migrants
- Sponsored work and family visa earnings, employment and Income Tax
Home Office, 2025-05-12 · supports
“In financial year 2023 to 2024, median annual adjusted earnings for main applicants granted entry clearance visas were £56,600 for Skilled Workers, £30,900 for Health and Care Workers, and £47,900 for Senior or Specialist Workers (Global Business Mobility). For dependants, median annual adjusted earnings were £30,200, £22,100, and £27,200 for the same visa routes, respectively.”
In financial year 2023 to 2024, median annual adjusted earnings for main applicants granted entry clearance visas were £56,600 for Skilled Workers, £30,900 for Health and Care Workers, and £47,900 for Senior or Specialist Workers (Global Business Mobility). For dependants, median annual adjusted earnings were £30,200, £22,100, and £27,200 for the same visa routes, respectively.
- Sponsored work and family visa earnings, employment and Income Tax, Table 5
Home Office, 2025-05-12 · supports
“6145 Care Workers and Home Carers 32,000 £23,100 84% 6146 Senior Care Workers 16,800 £25,800 78%”
6145 Care Workers and Home Carers 32,000 £23,100 84% 6146 Senior Care Workers 16,800 £25,800 78%
- Sponsored work and family visa earnings, employment and Income Tax
Home Office, 2025-05-12 · supports
“In financial year 2023 to 2024, median annual adjusted earnings were £20,200 for a granted Family-related entry clearance visa.”
In financial year 2023 to 2024, median annual adjusted earnings were £20,200 for a granted Family-related entry clearance visa.
- Sponsored work and family visa earnings, employment and Income Tax
Home Office, 2025-05-12 · complicates
“In financial year 2023 to 2024, at least 75% of main applicants granted a Skilled Worker entry clearance visa had PAYE earnings. This was at least 81% for Health and Care Workers and at least 68% for Senior or Specialist Workers (Global Business Mobility). For dependants, proportions were at least 45%, 67%, and 25%, respectively.”
In financial year 2023 to 2024, at least 75% of main applicants granted a Skilled Worker entry clearance visa had PAYE earnings. This was at least 81% for Health and Care Workers and at least 68% for Senior or Specialist Workers (Global Business Mobility). For dependants, proportions were at least 45%, 67%, and 25%, respectively.
- Sponsored work and family visa earnings, employment and Income Tax
Home Office, 2025-05-12 · complicates
“Caution is advised when comparing median annual adjusted earnings across different visa routes, as work eligibility and requirements vary.”
Caution is advised when comparing median annual adjusted earnings across different visa routes, as work eligibility and requirements vary.
- Employee earnings in the UK: 2024
Office for National Statistics, 2024-10-29 · complicates
“Median gross annual earnings for full-time employees were £37,430 in April 2024, compared with £35,004 in April 2023”
Median gross annual earnings for full-time employees were £37,430 in April 2024, compared with £35,004 in April 2023
- Upward mobility? Earnings trajectories for recent immigrants
The Migration Observatory, University of Oxford, 2026-05-29 · supports
“For the most recent, very large cohorts, we see surprising stability: after one full year in the UK labour market, each cohort from 2021 to 2023 was earning around 95% of the UK average, broadly similar to the pre-Brexit cohorts. However, there was a significant fall for those who arrived in 2024, to 90%.”
For the most recent, very large cohorts, we see surprising stability: after one full year in the UK labour market, each cohort from 2021 to 2023 was earning around 95% of the UK average, broadly similar to the pre-Brexit cohorts. However, there was a significant fall for those who arrived in 2024, to 90%.
- Upward mobility? Earnings trajectories for recent immigrants
The Migration Observatory, University of Oxford, 2026-05-29 · supports
“For example, while 2015 non-EU entrants took around six years to reach the overall median wage, 2021 entrants had already exceeded it after two years. Indeed, even those who entered in 2023 exceeded overall median earnings after two years. This implies that either more recent non-EU arrivals were seeing strong earnings growth relative to the overall workforce, or that lower earners were disproportionately leaving the employee workforce within the first few years (for example, international students working part-time before leaving the country), or some combination of the two.”
For example, while 2015 non-EU entrants took around six years to reach the overall median wage, 2021 entrants had already exceeded it after two years. Indeed, even those who entered in 2023 exceeded overall median earnings after two years. This implies that either more recent non-EU arrivals were seeing strong earnings growth relative to the overall workforce, or that lower earners were disproportionately leaving the employee workforce within the first few years (for example, international students working part-time before leaving the country), or some combination of the two.
- Upward mobility? Earnings trajectories for recent immigrants
The Migration Observatory, University of Oxford, 2026-05-29 · complicates
“Entry-year earnings then settled at a lower level between 2020 and 2023, followed by a modest decline in 2024 and a much sharper fall in 2025.”
Entry-year earnings then settled at a lower level between 2020 and 2023, followed by a modest decline in 2024 and a much sharper fall in 2025.
- Upward mobility? Earnings trajectories for recent immigrants
The Migration Observatory, University of Oxford, 2026-05-29 · complicates
“It includes both full-time and part-time workers, and we cannot distinguish between the two because hours worked are not reported.”
It includes both full-time and part-time workers, and we cannot distinguish between the two because hours worked are not reported.
- Upward mobility? Earnings trajectories for recent immigrants
The Migration Observatory, University of Oxford, 2026-05-29 · complicates
“Of the EU-origin migrants who first appeared in 2015, 45% were still on payroll in 2025 (Figure 3). For non-EU origin migrants, the figure was 60%.”
Of the EU-origin migrants who first appeared in 2015, 45% were still on payroll in 2025 (Figure 3). For non-EU origin migrants, the figure was 60%.
- The Fiscal Impact of Immigration in the UK
The Migration Observatory, University of Oxford, 2026-06-23 · supports
“While there are no fiscal analyses covering the entire post-Brexit immigration system, several cover the entire pre-Brexit system.”
While there are no fiscal analyses covering the entire post-Brexit immigration system, several cover the entire pre-Brexit system.
- The Fiscal Impact of Immigration in the UK
The Migration Observatory, University of Oxford, 2026-06-23 · supports
“Despite differences in methods, some key points emerge consistently. First, in all cases, the impacts were found to be less than +1% or -1% of GDP. Second, recent migrants made a more positive impact than those who had been in the UK for longer.”
Despite differences in methods, some key points emerge consistently. First, in all cases, the impacts were found to be less than +1% or -1% of GDP. Second, recent migrants made a more positive impact than those who had been in the UK for longer.
- The Fiscal Impact of Immigration in the UK, Table 1 (columns: EEA, non-EEA, UK born, then recent EEA and non-EEA migrants)
The Migration Observatory, University of Oxford, 2026-06-23 · supports
“Oxford Economics (2018) FY 2016/17 (1 year) +£4.7b -£9.0b -£41.4b Migration Watch (2016) FY 2014/15 (1 year) -£1.1b -£15.6b -£87.8b £0.0 -£6.2b Dustmann and Frattini (2014) 1995-2011 (17 years) +£4.4b (+£259m pa) -£118b (-£6.9b pa) -£591b (-£34.8b pa)”
Oxford Economics (2018) FY 2016/17 (1 year) +£4.7b -£9.0b -£41.4b Migration Watch (2016) FY 2014/15 (1 year) -£1.1b -£15.6b -£87.8b £0.0 -£6.2b Dustmann and Frattini (2014) 1995-2011 (17 years) +£4.4b (+£259m pa) -£118b (-£6.9b pa) -£591b (-£34.8b pa)
- The Fiscal Impact of Immigration in the UK, Table 1
The Migration Observatory, University of Oxford, 2026-06-23 · supports
“Migration Watch (2014) 1995-2011 (17 years) -£13.6b (-£0.8b pa) -£134.9b (-£7.94b pa) -£565b (-£33.2b pa)”
Migration Watch (2014) 1995-2011 (17 years) -£13.6b (-£0.8b pa) -£134.9b (-£7.94b pa) -£565b (-£33.2b pa)
- Here To Stay? Estimating the Scale and Cost of Long-Term Migration
Centre for Policy Studies, 2025-02-09 · supports
“In our central model, using the OBR’s extremely optimistic assumptions about migrant earnings, the lifetime net fiscal cost to the state would be £234 billion – equivalent to a bill of £8,200 for every UK household, albeit spread out over decades.”
In our central model, using the OBR’s extremely optimistic assumptions about migrant earnings, the lifetime net fiscal cost to the state would be £234 billion – equivalent to a bill of £8,200 for every UK household, albeit spread out over decades.
- Here To Stay? Estimating the Scale and Cost of Long-Term Migration
Centre for Policy Studies, 2025-02-09 · complicates
“For example, as the graph below shows, an ‘average-wage’ migrant who arrives aged 25 will make a net lifetime contribution of around £405,000 if they live to the age of 82.”
For example, as the graph below shows, an ‘average-wage’ migrant who arrives aged 25 will make a net lifetime contribution of around £405,000 if they live to the age of 82.
- Here To Stay? Estimating the Scale and Cost of Long-Term Migration (research page)
Centre for Policy Studies, 2025-09-08 · contests
“NOTE: The Office for Budget Responsibility fiscal data contained within this report is the subject of dispute, meaning that the overall cost estimates should no longer be used. We will be publishing an updated estimate in due course. This does not impact on the visa data or projections for the numbers likely to gain ILR on different visa routes.”
NOTE: The Office for Budget Responsibility fiscal data contained within this report is the subject of dispute, meaning that the overall cost estimates should no longer be used. We will be publishing an updated estimate in due course. This does not impact on the visa data or projections for the numbers likely to gain ILR on different visa routes.
- Centre for Policy Studies issues clarification on Indefinite Leave to Remain statistics
Centre for Policy Studies, 2025-09-22 · contests
“After the CPS’ report was published, the Office for Budget Responsibility revised their definitions of some of the fiscal data contained within our report, meaning that the overall cost estimates should no longer be used.”
After the CPS’ report was published, the Office for Budget Responsibility revised their definitions of some of the fiscal data contained within our report, meaning that the overall cost estimates should no longer be used.
- Daily Mail corrects report about Reform UK’s disputed immigration savings
Full Fact, 2025-10-03 · contests
“This is not what this figure refers to, and we’re grateful to the Daily Mail for correcting its article after we got in touch. The figure is actually Reform UK’s estimate of the overall net savings to taxpayers, not just on benefits—though the figure is disputed and based on a now-withdrawn think tank estimate.”
This is not what this figure refers to, and we’re grateful to the Daily Mail for correcting its article after we got in touch. The figure is actually Reform UK’s estimate of the overall net savings to taxpayers, not just on benefits—though the figure is disputed and based on a now-withdrawn think tank estimate.
- The Cost of the Boriswave
Reform UK, 2026-04 · supports
“The total lifetime cost of the 2021-2025 migrants expected to receive ILR in the years from 2026 to 2030 is roughly £622.5 bn in real terms if undiscounted, and £154 bn if discounted at the 3.5% rate suggested by the HM Treasury Green Book. This total fiscal black hole represents a £20,000 liability for every household in the UK.”
The total lifetime cost of the 2021-2025 migrants expected to receive ILR in the years from 2026 to 2030 is roughly £622.5 bn in real terms if undiscounted, and £154 bn if discounted at the 3.5% rate suggested by the HM Treasury Green Book. This total fiscal black hole represents a £20,000 liability for every household in the UK.
- The Cost of the Boriswave
Reform UK, 2026-04 · complicates
“Due to lack of microdata on migrant fiscal incidence, we map migrants to ONS income quintiles as a proxy. This likely understates heterogeneity within groups.”
Due to lack of microdata on migrant fiscal incidence, we map migrants to ONS income quintiles as a proxy. This likely understates heterogeneity within groups.
- The Cost of the Boriswave
Reform UK, 2026-04 · complicates
“The primary source of difference is the lack of additional discounting that the Migration Advisory Committee and the Government generally applies when considering fiscal impact.”
The primary source of difference is the lack of additional discounting that the Migration Advisory Committee and the Government generally applies when considering fiscal impact.
- Economists Slam Reform UK's 'Fantasy' Claims That 'Boriswave' Migrants Will Cost Households £20,000
Byline Times, 2026-04-16 · contests
““The main reason the headline figures are so high in the Reform estimate is that it does not adopt the standard practice of discounting, i.e. valuing costs and benefits now as more important than costs and benefits in the future,” she said. “This has a big impact on the numbers because many of the costs of migration come decades down the line, while benefits come sooner.””
“The main reason the headline figures are so high in the Reform estimate is that it does not adopt the standard practice of discounting, i.e. valuing costs and benefits now as more important than costs and benefits in the future,” she said. “This has a big impact on the numbers because many of the costs of migration come decades down the line, while benefits come sooner.”
- Economists Slam Reform UK's 'Fantasy' Claims That 'Boriswave' Migrants Will Cost Households £20,000
Byline Times, 2026-04-16 · supports
““There is not yet a high-quality estimate for the total fiscal impact of migration under the post-Brexit immigration system,” Sumption said.”
“There is not yet a high-quality estimate for the total fiscal impact of migration under the post-Brexit immigration system,” Sumption said.
- Economists Slam Reform UK's 'Fantasy' Claims That 'Boriswave' Migrants Will Cost Households £20,000
Byline Times, 2026-04-16 · contests
““Reform have simply invented their own numbers for migrant earnings, ignoring the analysis of the independent Migration Advisory Committee (MAC) which used actual data from HMRC,” he said.”
“Reform have simply invented their own numbers for migrant earnings, ignoring the analysis of the independent Migration Advisory Committee (MAC) which used actual data from HMRC,” he said.
- Economists Slam Reform UK's 'Fantasy' Claims That 'Boriswave' Migrants Will Cost Households £20,000
Byline Times, 2026-04-16 · supports
“A Reform UK spokesperson denied the criticisms and said their assumptions and methodology are “entirely defensible”.”
A Reform UK spokesperson denied the criticisms and said their assumptions and methodology are “entirely defensible”.
- EEA migration in the UK: final report
Migration Advisory Committee, 2018-09 · supports
“In terms of wages the existing evidence and the analysis we present in the report suggests that migration is not a major determinate of the wages of UK-born workers. We found some evidence suggesting that lower-skilled workers face a negative impact while higher-skilled workers benefit, however the magnitude of the impacts are generally small.”
In terms of wages the existing evidence and the analysis we present in the report suggests that migration is not a major determinate of the wages of UK-born workers. We found some evidence suggesting that lower-skilled workers face a negative impact while higher-skilled workers benefit, however the magnitude of the impacts are generally small.
- EEA migration in the UK: final report, paragraph 1.39
Migration Advisory Committee, 2018-09 · supports
“Given the 6.7 percentage point increase in the EU-born working age population ratio between 1993 and 2017 the implied total effect on UK-born nominal wages of EU immigration is of the order of a 5.2 per cent reduction to the 5th percentile a 4.9 per cent reduction at the 10th percentile, a 1.6 per cent reduction to the 25th percentile, a 1.6 per cent increase at the median, a 2.2 per cent increase at the 75th percentile and a 4.4 and 3.1 per cent increase at the 90th and 95th percentiles respectively. As previously stated this type exercise should be interpreted with caution as the model only estimates the short-run response to migration.”
Given the 6.7 percentage point increase in the EU-born working age population ratio between 1993 and 2017 the implied total effect on UK-born nominal wages of EU immigration is of the order of a 5.2 per cent reduction to the 5th percentile a 4.9 per cent reduction at the 10th percentile, a 1.6 per cent reduction to the 25th percentile, a 1.6 per cent increase at the median, a 2.2 per cent increase at the 75th percentile and a 4.4 and 3.1 per cent increase at the 90th and 95th percentiles respectively. As previously stated this type exercise should be interpreted with caution as the model only estimates the short-run response to migration.
- EEA migration in the UK: final report, paragraph 1.33
Migration Advisory Committee, 2018-09 · supports
“The 2015 paper estimated that a 10 percentage point rise in the proportion of migrants in this occupation group leads to a 1.9 per cent reduction in pay, compared to the earlier estimate of a 5.2 per cent fall.”
The 2015 paper estimated that a 10 percentage point rise in the proportion of migrants in this occupation group leads to a 1.9 per cent reduction in pay, compared to the earlier estimate of a 5.2 per cent fall.
- The labour market effects of immigration
The Migration Observatory, University of Oxford, 2026-02-24 · supports
“reduced the hourly wage of UK-born wage earners at the 5 th percentile (i.e. the lowest earners in the labour market) by around half of one pence per year. The gains for top earners were also small: 1.7p per year for people at the 90 th percentile of wage earners.”
reduced the hourly wage of UK-born wage earners at the 5 th percentile (i.e. the lowest earners in the labour market) by around half of one pence per year. The gains for top earners were also small: 1.7p per year for people at the 90 th percentile of wage earners.
- The labour market effects of immigration
The Migration Observatory, University of Oxford, 2026-02-24 · supports
“in low-wage service sector jobs, a 1 percentage point rise in the share of migrants reduced average wages in that occupation by about 0.2%.”
in low-wage service sector jobs, a 1 percentage point rise in the share of migrants reduced average wages in that occupation by about 0.2%.
- The labour market effects of immigration
The Migration Observatory, University of Oxford, 2026-02-24 · complicates
“To our knowledge, there are not yet any similar studies on the impacts of post-Brexit migration.”
To our knowledge, there are not yet any similar studies on the impacts of post-Brexit migration.
- The labour market effects of immigration
The Migration Observatory, University of Oxford, 2026-02-24 · complicates
“one study concludes that the main impact of increased immigration from 1975 to 2005 was on the wages of migrants already in the UK.”
one study concludes that the main impact of increased immigration from 1975 to 2005 was on the wages of migrants already in the UK.
- OfS warns against persistent over-optimism as analysis finds institutions under continued financial pressure
Office for Students, 2026-05-14 · supports
“Data published today shows that more than a third (35.8 per cent) of institutions reported a deficit for 2024-25. While this is lower than expected, this figure is forecast to rise to four in ten institutions (42.7 per cent) for 2025-26.”
Data published today shows that more than a third (35.8 per cent) of institutions reported a deficit for 2024-25. While this is lower than expected, this figure is forecast to rise to four in ten institutions (42.7 per cent) for 2025-26.
- OfS warns against persistent over-optimism as analysis finds institutions under continued financial pressure
Office for Students, 2026-05-14 · complicates
“As well as general recruitment challenges, the report identifies other risks that have persisted for a number of years, such as an overreliance on fee income from international students.”
As well as general recruitment challenges, the report identifies other risks that have persisted for a number of years, such as an overreliance on fee income from international students.
- DT031 Table 6 – Tuition fees and education contracts analysed by HE provider, domicile, mode, level, source, 2024/25 (Total row; £000s; columns: Home, Rest of UK, Total UK, EU, UK and EU, Non-EU, Total Non-UK, Total HE course fees, …)
HESA / Office for Students, 2026 · supports
“"","Total","","784,383","638,072","14,364,460","106,136","1,528,591","1,664,067","10,626,703","26,761,366","433,859","942,152","143,485","28,280,862","438,145"”
"","Total","","784,383","638,072","14,364,460","106,136","1,528,591","1,664,067","10,626,703","26,761,366","433,859","942,152","143,485","28,280,862","438,145"
- Job Creators 2025
The Entrepreneurs Network, 2025 · supports
“Our latest analysis reveals that 54 of the UK’s 100 fastest-growing companies have a foreign-born founder or co-founder.”
Our latest analysis reveals that 54 of the UK’s 100 fastest-growing companies have a foreign-born founder or co-founder.
- Job Creators 2025
The Entrepreneurs Network, 2025 · supports
“Among the 219 founders and co-founders behind this year’s companies, 91 – or 42% – were born overseas.”
Among the 219 founders and co-founders behind this year’s companies, 91 – or 42% – were born overseas.
- Job Creators 2025
The Entrepreneurs Network, 2025 · complicates
“Nevertheless, Migration Observatory analysis of the latest census and Annual Population Survey data shows that the foreign-born population of the United Kingdom stood at around 16% in 2023.”
Nevertheless, Migration Observatory analysis of the latest census and Annual Population Survey data shows that the foreign-born population of the United Kingdom stood at around 16% in 2023.
- Job Creators 2025
The Entrepreneurs Network, 2025 · complicates
“we established a list of the 100 companies which had experienced the greatest growth in reaching a valuation observed between June 2024 and the end of May 2025.”
we established a list of the 100 companies which had experienced the greatest growth in reaching a valuation observed between June 2024 and the end of May 2025.
- Gross domestic product (Average) per head, CVM market prices (reference year = 2023), series IHXW, dataset PN2
Office for National Statistics, 2026-08-13 · supports
“"Title","Gross domestic product (Average) per head, CVM market prices (reference year = 2023) £: SA"”
"Title","Gross domestic product (Average) per head, CVM market prices (reference year = 2023) £: SA"
- Gross Domestic Product: chained volume measures: Seasonally adjusted £m, series ABMI, dataset PN2
Office for National Statistics, 2026-08-13 · supports
“"Title","Gross Domestic Product: chained volume measures: Seasonally adjusted £m"”
"Title","Gross Domestic Product: chained volume measures: Seasonally adjusted £m"
- World Development Indicators: GDP per capita (constant 2015 US$), NY.GDP.PCAP.KD, G7 countries
World Bank, 2026-10-08 · supports
“GDP per capita (constant 2015 US$)”
GDP per capita (constant 2015 US$)