Immigration, Housing and Public Services
Migration drives about half of projected household growth but only a small part of rising house prices, and UK public investment has long lagged other rich countries. [1][3][8][26][29][32][39][43][46][48][40][41]
Net additional dwellings
The net change in England's housing stock each financial year (April to March): new homes, conversions and changes of use, minus demolitions. Each point is labelled by the year in which the financial year ends.
Net additional dwellings in the financial year, by financial year ending March
The net change in England's housing stock each financial year (April to March): new homes, conversions and changes of use, minus demolitions. Each point is labelled by the year in which the financial year ends. Read as net additional dwellings: Net additional dwellings in the financial year. Dashed segments cross 2 definitional breaks in the source, explained in Method Changes below this graph. Use the Table switch to see every value.
- Net additional dwellings
Vertical dashed lines mark measurement changes. See method changes.
Source: Ministry of Housing, Communities and Local Government [47]
Observations 2
Building has run below projected household growth
England added 208,600 net dwellings in 2024-25. The ONS projects an average of 242,000 additional households a year over 2022–2032, up from 158,000 a year in its 2018-based projections for the same period. 6 2 A household is not a dwelling — some homes stand empty or are second homes — so the two numbers are not an exact measure of shortfall, and the ONS says its projections are not a forecast of how many homes should be built. 5
Building peaked before migration did
Method Changes
2001: Local authority returns replace stock-estimate differences
MHCLG: "From 2000-01 all local authorities submitted data to the Department through the Housing Flows Reconciliation form. Figures from 1990-91 to 1999-2000 are annual differences from the Department’s Dwelling Stock Estimates Live Table 104." Earlier figures are also rounded to the nearest thousand. [47]
2012: Figures recalibrated to the 2021 Census
MHCLG: "Figures for 2011-12 to 2020-21 have been previously revised, as scheduled, to calibrate to the Census 2021 dwelling count." [47]
About this data
Full published range: 1992–2025. Every plotted line runs the whole of it – This is the whole of MHCLG's Table 1, which starts at 1991-92. The 2025-26 figure is due in November 2026. The chart shows homes, not households: for comparison, the ONS projects household growth of an average 242,000 a year in England over 2022–2032 (see the variant chart below). There is no annual series of past household growth on the same basis to draw beside it, so the projection is given as a number rather than as a line.
Annual change in average private rent
Annual change in the average private rent paid in the UK, covering new and existing tenancies, each month. Net migration peaked at 944,000 in the year to March 2023 and fell to 171,000 in 2025; that series is in the UK Immigration Trends data.
Change on the same month a year earlier, by month
Annual change in the average private rent paid in the UK, covering new and existing tenancies, each month. Net migration peaked at 944,000 in the year to March 2023 and fell to 171,000 in 2025; that series is in the UK Immigration Trends data. Read as annual change in average private rent: Change on the same month a year earlier. Use the Table switch to see every value.
- United Kingdom
Source: Office for National Statistics [48]
Observations 2
Rent growth fell from its 2024 peak as migration fell
Annual private rent growth peaked in March 2024 and stayed near that level through 2024, then fell through 2025 to 3.8% in the year to September 2026 — less than half its peak. Over roughly the same period net migration fell from 944,000 in the year to March 2023 to 171,000 in 2025. 26 28 Rent growth turned about a year after net migration did.
Subtleties
The timing does not isolate migration's effect
The two series moving together fits migration having pushed rents up, but the data do not separate it from other influences on rents over the same years. The Migration Observatory says research provides "limited insight into the magnitude" of migration's effect on private rents. 21
About this data
Full published range: 2016-01–2026-09. Every plotted line runs the whole of it – The Price Index of Private Rents starts in January 2015, so its annual change starts in January 2016. ONS publishes a chain-linked historical series back to 2005 but advises caution across the January 2015 method change, so it is not joined on. August and September 2026 are provisional. Values are rounded here to one decimal place.
Pupils by phase
Headcount of pupils at each January school census, by phase. Independent schools are not included.
Pupils on the January census, by January school census
Headcount of pupils at each January school census, by phase. Independent schools are not included. Read as pupils by phase: Pupils on the January census. Use the Table switch to see every value.
- All state-funded schools
- Primary
- Secondary
- Nursery, special and alternative provision
Source: Department for Education [49]
Observations 3
Pupil numbers are falling nationally
There were 112,200 fewer pupils in England's schools in January 2026 than a year earlier. DfE attributes the fall to fewer births since a 2012 peak and projects primary and secondary numbers to keep falling to 2030. 29 30 In the state-funded chart, primary numbers peaked in 2019 and the total in 2024.
GP numbers are rising
Patients per GP over time was not obtained
The number of GPs rising does not show that GPs kept pace with patients. Patients per GP varies by area, from 2,566 in North East London to 1,798 in Bristol, North Somerset and South Gloucestershire after adjusting for need. 34 The national trend in patients per GP is listed under data still needed.
Subtleties
English as an additional language is not a migration measure
21.6% of pupils have a first language other than English, but DfE says this is "not a measure of English language proficiency or a good proxy for recent immigration". 31
National totals can hide local pressure
A falling national roll does not rule out pressure in areas where migrants settle; no local figures were gathered. The MAC's 2018 review found no evidence that migration had reduced parental choice of school or UK-born children's attainment. 25
About this data
Full published range: 2016–2026. Every plotted line runs the whole of it – The data set published with the 2025/26 release covers 2015/16 to 2025/26 (census years 2016 to 2026). "Nursery, special and alternative provision" is the published state-funded total minus primary and secondary, and covers state-funded nursery, special and alternative provision schools and non-maintained special schools. The 112,200 fall quoted by DfE includes independent schools.
Completions by tenure
Gross new affordable homes (new build and acquisitions) each financial year, and the social rent homes among them. Losses through Right to Buy and demolition are not subtracted. Labelled by the year in which the financial year ends.
Homes completed or acquired in the financial year, by financial year ending March
Gross new affordable homes (new build and acquisitions) each financial year, and the social rent homes among them. Losses through Right to Buy and demolition are not subtracted. Labelled by the year in which the financial year ends. Read as completions by tenure: Homes completed or acquired in the financial year. Dashed segments cross 1 definitional break in the source, explained in Method Changes below this graph. Use the Table switch to see every value.
- All affordable homes
- Social rent
Vertical dashed lines mark measurement changes. See method changes.
Source: Ministry of Housing, Communities and Local Government [50]
Observations 2
Method Changes
2012: Affordable rent introduced
MHCLG: "Up to 2011-12, social rent was the most common affordable housing tenure for new supply, but affordable rent has become the most common since 2023-14, following its introduction in 2011-12." [50]
About this data
Full published range: 1992–2025. Every plotted line runs the whole of it – Live Table 1000 as revised on 25 June 2026, which starts at 1991-92. The revision raised 2024-25 social rent completions from the 12,198 in the November 2025 release to 12,267. From 2020-21, some London Affordable Rent homes that cannot be separated are counted as social rent. Affordable rent, a tenure at up to about 80% of market rent, was introduced in 2011-12 and is in the total but has no line of its own here because it has no earlier values.
Real funding per pupil, change since 2010-11
Revenue funding for 5–16 year olds in state-funded schools per pupil, after inflation (GDP deflator, 2025-26 prices), shown as the change since 2010-11. Labelled by the year in which the financial year ends.
Cumulative change since 2010-11, 2025-26 prices, by financial year ending March
Revenue funding for 5–16 year olds in state-funded schools per pupil, after inflation (GDP deflator, 2025-26 prices), shown as the change since 2010-11. Labelled by the year in which the financial year ends. Read as real funding per pupil, change since 2010-11: Cumulative change since 2010-11, 2025-26 prices. Use the Table switch to see every value.
- Funding per pupil
Source: Department for Education [51]
Observations 2
Day-to-day spending per head is above its 2010 level, after a dip in schools
Real school funding per pupil was flat at around £7,700 from 2010-11 to 2015-16, fell 3.6% to 2018-19, then rose, to £8,390 in 2026-27 in 2025-26 prices. 46 Real health spending per person was almost £3,500 in 2022, almost double its level at the turn of the century, though still below the average of 19 advanced economies. 43
Lower migration raises spending per person
The OBR projects real day-to-day departmental spending per person to reach its highest level in two decades outside the pandemic, around £7,800 in 2028-29. It attributes the rise from about £7,700 in the June 2025 Spending Review plans to a lower population forecast, "largely due to lower projected net migration". 44
About this data
Full published range: 2011–2027. Every plotted line runs the whole of it – The whole DfE time series, which starts at 2010-11. 2026-27 is based on allocations and the 2025 Spending Review rather than outturn, and excludes SEND reform funding not yet announced. This is funding allocated, not money spent. 2010-11 is the base year, so its value is zero by definition.
Government investment, % of GDP
General government gross fixed capital formation as a percentage of GDP, for the UK and for the median OECD member with data that year.
General government investment as a share of GDP, by year
General government gross fixed capital formation as a percentage of GDP, for the UK and for the median OECD member with data that year. Read as government investment, % of GDP: General government investment as a share of GDP. Use the Table switch to see every value.
- United Kingdom
- OECD median
Source: OECD [52]
Observations 3
Public investment has been low by OECD standards
UK government investment as a share of GDP was below the OECD median in every year from 1995 to 2024. In the decade to 2017, the OBR ranked the UK between 23rd and 27th of 30 OECD countries. 40 41 39 UK investment has been higher as a share of GDP since 2020 than in most of the 2010s, but the OECD median rose too.
Health capital spending is below the OECD average
In 2021–2024 the UK invested 0.4–0.5% of GDP a year in health capital, below the OECD average, after a clear decline through the mid-2010s and a rise since. 42
Investment does not adjust quickly to population
The OBR notes that much public investment is fixed in cash terms for each Spending Review period, so it "does not respond immediately to changes in the size of the population"; whether it catches up later is uncertain. 45
About this data
Full published range: 1995–2024. Every plotted line runs the whole of it – Calculated here from OECD national accounts: general government gross fixed capital formation (Table 0200) divided by GDP (Table 0102), both at current prices in national currency. Before 1995 only a handful of countries report; 2025 is missing for nine members, so the chart stops at 2024. The median covers the OECD members with data each year: 31 in 1995, 36 or 37 from 2005. Chile and Türkiye have no general government investment series in 2024. This is the internationally comparable general government measure, not the UK's own public sector net investment.
Projected household growth in England by migration assumption
Projected increase in households in England between mid-2022 and mid-2032 under each of the ONS's 2022-based variant projections, ranked. The ONS recommends the migration category variant as its main projection.
Additional households, 2022 to 2032
- High international migration3,104,773
- Five-year migration2,692,232
- Ten-year migration2,692,232
- Migration category variant (ONS main projection)2,417,584
- Low international migration2,203,892
- Household formation rates projected throughout2,018,723
- Zero net migration1,129,832
Source: Office for National Statistics [3]; Office for National Statistics [4]
Observations 2
The projections follow past trends, not a target
About this data
Each bar is the variant's mid-2032 household total from ONS Table 430a minus the mid-2022 base of 23,540,824 households, which every variant shares. The full set of seven published variants is shown. The difference between the zero net migration variant and the main projection, 1,287,752 households, is published by the ONS; as a share of the main projection's 2,417,584 rise it is 53%, calculated here. The household formation rates variant changes how many households a given population forms, not migration.
How much house prices and rents rise per point of immigrant share
Median estimated percentage rise in house prices or rents for a one-percentage-point rise in the immigrant share of the population, from the MAC-commissioned review of international studies, by study group.
Median effect of a 1-point rise in immigrant share
- House prices: less comparable countries1.42%
- Rents: UK-like countries0.81%
- House prices: UK-like countries0.65%
- Rents: all studies0.64%
- Rents: less comparable countries0.42%
- House prices: all causal studies0.36%
Source: Migration Advisory Committee [11]; Migration Advisory Committee [12]; Migration Advisory Committee [13]
Observations 5
Immigration explains about 4–6% of the real house-price rise
In housing markets most like the UK's, the median study finds a one-point rise in the immigrant share raises house prices by 0.65%. Applied to the UK's foreign-born share, the review says this "can explain approximately 4-6%" of the three-decade rise in real house prices. It calls immigration "unlikely to be a dominant driver" of UK housing costs, while finding the effect positive. 8 13 9
Rent effects per person are at least as large as price effects
Effects are larger where building is constrained, and UK local studies find falls
Prices respond more where planning limits construction. Studies of small areas find weaker or negative effects because existing residents move away; in the UK, Sá (2015) finds a 1.7% fall in local house prices per point of immigrant share. 10 14 Migration also supplies the building workforce in London, where migrants are around 46% of construction employment. 15
Recent migrants rent privately; settled migrants own homes at UK-born rates
About this data
Every median the review reports. "All causal studies" for house prices is 45 estimates from 22 studies using modern causal methods; "all studies" for rents is 33 estimates from 17 studies. The UK-like and less comparable groups regroup estimates across methods by how similar each country's housing market is to the UK's. UK studies alone are not shown because the review gives no median for them; it says they "tend to be negative" at local level.
Government investment across the OECD in 2024
General government gross fixed capital formation as a percentage of GDP, 2024, for every OECD member with data. The UK is highlighted.
Government investment as a share of GDP
- Estonia6.15%
- Latvia5.78%
- Sweden5.48%
- Norway5.25%
- Slovenia5.18%
- Israel5.13%
- New Zealand4.85%
- Poland4.81%
- Czechia4.71%
- Luxembourg4.61%
- Korea4.59%
- Lithuania4.51%
- Finland4.47%
- France4.34%
- Hungary4.33%
- Greece4.24%
- Iceland4.02%
- Australia3.99%
- Canada3.94%
- Austria3.89%
- Japan3.79%
- Italy3.61%
- Slovak Republic3.5%
- United States3.36%
- Netherlands3.29%
- Germany3.18%
- United Kingdom3.17%
- Denmark3.13%
- Switzerland3.13%
- Belgium3.13%
- Spain2.71%
- Portugal2.68%
- Ireland2.61%
- Colombia2.37%
- Mexico1.85%
- Costa Rica1.59%
About this data
Calculated here from OECD national accounts (Table 0200 gross fixed capital formation of general government, divided by Table 0102 GDP, both at current prices in national currency). 36 of the 38 OECD members have 2024 data; Chile and Türkiye do not. The UK ranks 27th. Ireland's GDP is inflated by multinational accounting, which lowers its ratio.
Building in England has run below the number of new households the ONS projects. With zero net migration, the ONS projects 1,287,752 fewer households in England by 2032 than in its main projection — 5.0% of the projected total, and just over half of the 2.4 million projected increase. 1 3 Prices, however, have risen far more than migration explains: a review commissioned by the Migration Advisory Committee puts immigration at roughly 4–6% of the rise in real UK house prices over three decades. 8
On public services, the national figures cut against a simple population-pressure story. Pupil numbers in England are falling, GP numbers are rising, real school funding per pupil is above its 2010-11 level and real health spending per person roughly doubled between 2000 and 2022. 29 32 46 43 Investment tells a different story: social rent building collapsed after 2010-11 and UK government investment has been below the OECD median in every year since 1995. 36 39
Observations
Migrants staff health services as well as use them
The MAC's 2018 review of EEA migration found that EEA migrants contributed more to the health service and social care, in money and work, than they used, and found no evidence that migration had reduced the quality of healthcare. It covered EEA migration before 2018, not the post-2021 arrivals. 24
Non-UK citizens head about a fifth of homeless households
Of households in England assessed as homeless or at risk in 2024/25, 22% (71,580) were headed by a non-UK citizen, including 7% by EEA citizens and 6% by people granted refugee status. People subject to the no recourse to public funds condition are not eligible and are not counted. 22
Related Data
UK Migration and Population Over the Long Run
Immigration is still far above its historical level after falling since 2023, and migration now supplies almost all UK population growth. [1][46][29]
UK Migration Over Time
Annual long-term arrivals, departures and their difference, from 1964 to 2025. A long-term move means a stay of at least a year.
People moving to or from the UK for a year or more, by year
Annual long-term arrivals, departures and their difference, from 1964 to 2025. A long-term move means a stay of at least a year. Read as UK Migration Over Time: People moving to or from the UK for a year or more. Dashed segments cross 3 definitional breaks in the source, explained in Method Changes below this graph. Use the Table switch to see every value.
- Emigration
Vertical dashed lines mark measurement changes. See method changes.
Source: Office for National Statistics [46]
Observations 10
Gross immigration is far above any historical norm, even after two years of falling
Net migration has fallen by about four-fifths from its peak
Net migration fell from its peak of 944,000 in the year to March 2023 to 171,000 in 2025: 171,000 is 18.1% of 944,000. The Migration Observatory puts the 2025 level below the levels of the 2010s, while gross arrivals remained high. The peak is a rolling year ending in March; the annual chart shows calendar years, so its highest point is lower. 1 6
Over four years, about 4.8 million arrived and net migration was about 2.5 million
Adding the chart's calendar-year values for 2021 to 2024 gives about 4.8 million long-term arrivals and about 2.5 million net migration; for 2022 to 2025 the totals are about 4.7 million and 2.2 million. The two measures answer different questions. Gross arrivals count every person who came, including British nationals returning and students who later left. Net migration counts what was added to the population once departures are subtracted. 46 22
The years of negative net migration came from emigration, at much lower levels of arrivals
Net migration was negative in every year from 1964 to 1978, in 1980 to 1982, and in 1988, 1992 and 1993. In each of those years immigration was below a third of its 2025 level, and more people left than arrived. British nationals have had negative net migration in every year since 1964 except 1985, so those years mainly reflect British emigration outweighing a smaller inflow. 3 27 46
Late 1990s: non-EU migration rose as labour demand strengthened
The sustained rise is clearer after 1997 than at 1990. ONS identifies an increase in non-EU net migration after 1997. The Migration Observatory links the wider rise to a growing economy and low unemployment from the late 1990s, followed by a more open non-EU work-permit system and efforts to attract international students in the early 2000s. These changes developed over several years; the graph cannot attribute the turn to a single election or policy. The dashed line near 1991 instead marks a measurement change. 9 10
2004: EU enlargement added a further increase
The earlier rise began before eastern European countries joined the EU. In 2004 the UK, unlike most existing members, opened its labour market immediately to workers from the new accession countries. This helped produce the subsequent increase in migration from eastern Europe. It explains a later step, not the beginning of the late-1990s rise. 9 10
2020: the pandemic interrupted migration
The dip in net migration in 2020 reflects the disruption caused by COVID-19. It is an exceptional baseline for judging the subsequent rise. 21
2021–2023: more students, care workers and humanitarian arrivals
The surge was driven by non-EU arrivals. The government restored a post-study work route, opened routes for people from Ukraine and Hong Kong, and made care workers eligible for work visas. Universities recruited overseas as their finances deteriorated, while care employers recruited to fill vacancies. The route chart below shows how much each contributed. 6
Late 2023–2024: recruitment slowed and visa rules tightened
Work visas began falling in late 2023, especially in care. The Home Office says closer scrutiny of sponsoring employers and enforcement against non-compliance likely contributed to the initial decline. The decline began before the 2024 rule changes, so those changes cannot explain its start. 7
Restrictions on bringing family members for care workers and most international students then helped reduce arrivals. Further restrictions introduced in the second half of 2025 are not yet fully reflected in this chart. 6
2025: fewer work arrivals drove the latest fall
Non-EU+ work-related arrivals fell by 47% in 2025, the main reason net migration continued falling. Overall emigration fell slightly that year, so the latest fall came from fewer arrivals rather than more departures. Departures had risen between 2022 and 2024, so the explanation differs across the decline. 20
Subtleties
Recent years have been revised, and the latest are provisional
ONS changed how it estimates EU and British migration in 2025 and 2026. The May 2026 release cut net migration for 2024 by 100,000 (23%) compared with the first estimate a year earlier, and the 2024 figure now stands at 331,000. The last four rolling years in the chart are provisional and will be revised again. 28 21
Method Changes
1991: LTIM replaces IPS-alone estimates
ONS: "Annual LTIM estimates from 1991 onwards can be directly compared with one another. However, annual estimates before 1991 use a different methodology and cannot be directly compared with more recent figures." [46]
2012: Administrative data replaces the survey, backdated to here
ONS: "These official statistics in development based on administrative data provide a more accurate picture of international migration over this period than our previously published estimates based on the International Passenger Survey (IPS), which underestimated migration of some groups." [46]
2021-06: Administrative data replaces the IPS outright
ONS: "Due to changes in methodology, comparisons between pre-June 2021 and post-June 2021 estimates should be treated with caution." [46]
About this data
Full published range: 1964–2025. Every plotted line runs the whole of it – 1964 is where the series starts because it is where the ONS method starts — before it there is no continuous annual series to show.
As a Share of the UK Population
Derived, not published: ONS publishes no share-of-population migration series, so each year's flow here is divided by the ONS mid-year UK population estimate for the same year. Denominators for 1971–2025 are the UKPOP series in its October 2026 vintage, which revised mid-2022 to mid-2024; those for 1964–1970 come from an older ONS vintage that predates the Census 2021 rebasing, and differ from the current one by a few thousand where the two overlap. The denominator is not innocent either: the UK population grew from 54.0 million to 69.5 million across this series and immigration is part of why, so dividing by a population that immigration inflated understates the change slightly. Emigration has no share line because the derivation covers immigration and net migration.
Net migration by route and nationality
Net long-term migration in each rolling year, split into non-EU+ nationals by their original reason for coming, EU+ nationals and British nationals. The parts add to the total, apart from rounding.
Net long-term migration (arrivals minus departures), by year ending
Net long-term migration in each rolling year, split into non-EU+ nationals by their original reason for coming, EU+ nationals and British nationals. The parts add to the total, apart from rounding. Read as net migration by route and nationality: Net long-term migration (arrivals minus departures). Dashed segments cross 1 definitional break in the source, explained in Method Changes below this graph. Use the Table switch to see every value.
- Work
- Study
- Family
- Ukraine scheme
- BN(O) route
- Asylum
- Other non-EU+
- EU+ nationals
- British nationals
- Total net migration
Vertical dashed lines mark measurement changes. See method changes.
Source: Office for National Statistics [49]
Observations 5
The 2022–2023 peak combined work, study and two humanitarian routes
At the peak, work, study, the Ukraine scheme and the BN(O) route for Hong Kongers all added large numbers at once, while EU+ net migration had already turned negative. The Ukraine scheme line jumps in 2022 and has fallen back to around zero since; the BN(O) line is smaller and steadier. A policy aimed only at work or study would not have touched the two humanitarian routes. 48 6
Ukraine contributed a sharp spike in 2022, but not the whole surge
Study adds far less to net migration once students leave
Asylum is now one of the largest net contributors
British and EU+ nationals both leave on net
In 2025 net migration was 350,000 for non-EU+ nationals, negative 136,000 for British nationals and negative 42,000 for EU+ nationals. The British figure grew after 2022 mainly because fewer Britons returned; ONS says British emigration itself has been stable, and the British estimates are particularly uncertain. 22 12 27
Method Changes
2021-06: "EU" becomes "EU+", and the method changes
ONS: "Comparisons between estimates before and after June 2021 should be treated with caution because of changes in methodology." British estimates before this date rest on the International Passenger Survey, which ONS says undercounted British emigration. [48]
About this data
Full published range: 2019-06–2025-12. Every plotted line runs the whole of it – The whole of ONS Table 4b, which splits non-EU+ net migration by reason only from the year ending June 2019, on rolling quarterly years. Earlier years have no reason-for-moving split on this basis.
Net migration by route and nationality
Non-EU+ lines come from Table 4b, by the reason a person originally came, so a student who leaves counts against Study. "Ukraine scheme" and "BN(O) route" are Table 4b's humanitarian sub-columns; "Other non-EU+" combines its resettlement and "other" columns. EU+ and British lines and the total come from Table 1. All values are rounded to the nearest thousand by ONS, so the parts can differ from the total by up to 2,000. Figures for the last four periods are provisional.
Arrivals: EU+, Non-EU+ and British
EU+, non-EU+ and British nationals, shown separately. EU+ includes the EU and EFTA from mid-2021; the earlier definition covers the EU only. Nationality is not ethnicity or the country someone last lived in.
People moving to the UK for a year or more, by year ending
EU+, non-EU+ and British nationals, shown separately. EU+ includes the EU and EFTA from mid-2021; the earlier definition covers the EU only. Nationality is not ethnicity or the country someone last lived in. Read as arrivals: EU+, Non-EU+ and British: People moving to the UK for a year or more. Dashed segments cross 1 definitional break in the source, explained in Method Changes below this graph. Use the Table switch to see every value.
- Non-EU+ nationals
- EU+ nationals
- British nationals
Vertical dashed lines mark measurement changes. See method changes.
Source: Office for National Statistics [50]
Observations 3
2021–2023: Visa Changes, Recruitment and Humanitarian Routes Drove the Surge
Several changes increased non-EU arrivals together: the government restored a post-study work route, care workers became eligible for work visas in early 2022, and new routes admitted people from Hong Kong and Ukraine. Demand reinforced those policy changes: universities recruited more overseas students as their finances deteriorated, while social care employers recruited abroad to fill vacancies linked to low pay and poor working conditions. 6
Immigration Has Shifted from EU to Non-EU Nationals
627,000 of the 813,000 people who moved to the UK long-term in 2025 were non-EU+ nationals, down from 780,000 the year before but still the great majority. 13
EU+ arrivals remain positive, but more EU+ nationals are leaving than arriving: net migration was -42,000 in 2025 and has been negative in every rolling-year estimate since June 2022. Arrivals and net migration measure different things. 12
Method Changes
2021-06: "EU" becomes "EU+", and the method changes
ONS: "For estimates up to YE March 2021 this category includes nationals of the countries of the European Union (EU) for each given time period (excluding British nationals)." From year ending June 2021 the same category also includes Norwegian, Icelandic, Liechtenstein and Swiss nationals, and ONS adds: "Comparisons between estimates before and after June 2021 should be treated with caution because of changes in methodology." [50]
About this data
Full published range: 2012-06–2025-12. Every plotted line runs the whole of it – This is the whole of the ONS series that splits migration by nationality group on the administrative-data method: it begins at year ending June 2012 and runs to year ending December 2025. An older survey-based series carries an EU/non-EU split back to 1975, but it uses a different method and a different definition of the group, so it is not joined on here.
Components of population change
Each year's change in the UK population, split into natural change (births minus deaths) and net migration. Years run to the end of June.
Change in UK population over the year to mid-year, by year to mid-year
Each year's change in the UK population, split into natural change (births minus deaths) and net migration. Years run to the end of June. Read as components of population change: Change in UK population over the year to mid-year. Dashed segments cross 1 definitional break in the source, explained in Method Changes below this graph. Use the Table switch to see every value.
- Net migration and other
- Natural change
- Total change
Vertical dashed lines mark measurement changes. See method changes.
Source: Office for National Statistics [51]
Observations 2
Migration is almost all of recent population growth
In the year to mid-2025 the UK population grew by 227,700. Net international migration was 222,900 and natural change only 4,900, so migration supplied 98% of the growth (222,900 divided by 227,700). The Migration Observatory puts migration's share at 68% of growth from 2005 to 2024 and 99% since 2020. 29 31
Subtleties
The direct share understates migration's effect on population
These components count migrants only when they arrive or leave. Children later born to migrants count as natural change: in 2024, 34% of births in England and Wales were to mothers born outside the UK. 32
Method Changes
2022: Administrative migration data, still being revised
ONS: "Population estimates for mid-2022 onwards for the UK are subject to regular revision as the methods and data used to estimate international and internal migration continue to be developed." Mid-2022 to mid-2024 were revised in October 2026. [51]
About this data
Full published range: 1982–2025. Every plotted line runs the whole of it – The full span ONS publishes with the mid-2025 estimates (Figure 3 of the bulletin).
Components of population change
ONS publishes these in thousands to one decimal place; they are shown here in people. "Net migration and other" is ONS's own category: international migration plus changes in armed forces personnel and their dependants and unattributable change. ONS rounds each component separately, so natural change plus net migration can differ from the total by a few hundred people (by 500 in mid-2001).
Projected population
ONS 2024-based national population projections. Each line holds fertility and mortality at the principal assumptions and varies only long-term net migration. Projections are scenarios, not forecasts.
UK population at mid-year, by mid-year
ONS 2024-based national population projections. Each line holds fertility and mortality at the principal assumptions and varies only long-term net migration. Projections are scenarios, not forecasts. Read as projected population: UK population at mid-year. Use the Table switch to see every value.
- Zero net migration
- Low migration (105,000 a year)
- Principal (230,000 a year)
- High migration (455,000 a year)
Source: Office for National Statistics [52]
Observations 2
On ONS's central assumption, migration is the only source of growth
ONS now assumes long-term net migration of 230,000 a year, down from 340,000 in its previous projections. On that basis deaths exceed births from mid-2026, and net migration is the only source of population growth over the next 25 years. The population peaks in the mid-2050s and then declines. 34 33 52
Zero net migration gives a smaller population from now on
People aged 65+ per 1,000 aged 16–64
People aged 65 and over per 1,000 people aged 16 to 64, by mid-year
ONS 2024-based national population projections. Each line holds fertility and mortality at the principal assumptions and varies only long-term net migration. Projections are scenarios, not forecasts. Read as people aged 65+ per 1,000 aged 16–64: People aged 65 and over per 1,000 people aged 16 to 64. Use the Table switch to see every value.
- Zero net migration
- Low migration (105,000 a year)
- Principal (230,000 a year)
- High migration (455,000 a year)
Source: Office for National Statistics [52]
Observations 2
Every assumption ages the population; migration changes how fast
On this chart's fixed-age measure there were about 302 people aged 65 and over per 1,000 aged 16 to 64 in 2024. By 2074 the ratio reaches about 457 with high migration, 525 on the principal assumption, 580 with low migration and 641 with zero net migration. Higher migration slows the rise but does not stop it, and it does so by making the population larger. On ONS's own pension-age measure, the principal projection goes from 280 in mid-2024 to 329 by mid-2049. 52 35
Projections are scenarios, not forecasts
ONS says its long-term migration assumption "should not be viewed as a forecast". Each line shows what a migration level implies if it is sustained, not how likely it is. 36
About this data
Full published range: 2024–2124. Every plotted line runs the whole of it – The full 100-year horizon ONS publishes for the 2024-based projections. The further from 2024, the more the lines show the arithmetic of the assumptions rather than a likely future.
Projected population
Sum of every single-year age and both sexes in each file's Population sheet. The zero variant also sets migration between the four UK nations to zero; at UK level this makes no difference.
People aged 65+ per 1,000 aged 16–64
Derived, not published: people aged 65 and over divided by people aged 16 to 64, times 1,000, from the same files. This fixed-age ratio is not the ONS old-age-dependency ratio, which uses the legislated State Pension age (rising to 67 and then 68) and so starts lower, at 280 in mid-2024. A fixed age is used here so that every year and every variant is measured against the same line.
Permanent-type migration per head, OECD countries, 2024
New permanent-type migrants of foreign nationality in 2024 as a share of each country's population. All 37 countries in the OECD's chart; Türkiye is not included. The UK is 21st of 37.
New permanent-type migrants as % of population, 2024
- Luxembourg3.94%
- Iceland3.79%
- Switzerland1.52%
- Ireland1.38%
- Portugal1.32%
- Slovenia1.25%
- Canada1.22%
- Austria1.12%
- New Zealand1.02%
- Netherlands1.01%
- Poland0.96%
- Denmark0.91%
- Belgium0.91%
- Australia0.9%
- Spain0.77%
- Sweden0.71%
- Germany0.69%
- Estonia0.65%
- Norway0.64%
- Greece0.64%
- United Kingdom0.63%
- Finland0.62%
- Chile0.57%
- Hungary0.51%
- France0.45%
- Israel0.43%
- United States0.41%
- Slovak Republic0.38%
- Czechia0.37%
- Italy0.28%
- Costa Rica0.23%
- Lithuania0.2%
- Korea0.15%
- Japan0.14%
- Latvia0.14%
- Colombia0.12%
- Mexico0.06%
Observations 3
Per head, the UK sits in the middle of the OECD
In 2024 the UK received the fourth-largest number of new permanent-type migrants in the OECD, but per head of population it ranked 21st of the 37 countries shown, next to Norway, Greece and Finland. Luxembourg, Iceland, Switzerland and Ireland took the most relative to their size; Japan and Mexico the least. The OECD notes that UK inflows per head "remain modest despite the recent increase in inflows in absolute terms". 45 44
The UK's 2024 fall was one of the sharpest
UK permanent-type migration fell by 41% between 2023 and 2024, the second-sharpest fall after New Zealand; the OECD links both to unusually high permanent labour migration in 2022–2023. 44
This is an inflow measure, not net migration
The OECD counts foreign nationals granted permanent-type status and does not subtract anyone leaving, so a country with heavy emigration can rank high here and low on net migration. No comparable cross-country net migration series was found: the UN and World Bank figures disagree with ONS by about half for the UK. Temporary migrants such as students are excluded. 45
About this data
OECD International Migration Outlook 2025, Figure 1.2 data (StatLink f9aut5): the "share" column, which is inflows divided by the OECD's own population figure. 29 countries are on the OECD's standardised permanent-type basis; Iceland, Poland, Greece, Chile, Hungary, Costa Rica, Latvia and Colombia use unstandardised national data, which the OECD marks separately. Permanent-type means people granted a status that can lead to long-term residence, including people switching from temporary status and free-movement migrants; it counts foreign nationals only and excludes temporary workers, students and Ukrainians under temporary protection. It is an inflow, not net migration: emigration is not subtracted.
Permanent-type migration in people, OECD countries, 2024
The same 2024 inflows as the chart above, in people rather than per head. The UK had the fourth-largest number, after the United States, Germany and Canada.
New permanent-type migrants, 2024
- United States1,425,060
- Germany586,208
- Canada483,585
- United Kingdom435,650
- Poland373,303
- Spain367,986
- France298,115
- Australia239,343
- Netherlands183,377
- Japan177,133
- Italy168,868
- Portugal137,571
- Switzerland135,570
- Chile112,184
- Belgium106,178
- Austria102,604
- Sweden75,599
- Korea75,582
- Mexico72,486
- Ireland71,921
- Greece64,697
- Colombia61,811
- Denmark54,387
- New Zealand52,958
- Hungary49,300
- Czechia40,242
- Israel39,728
- Norway35,706
- Finland34,681
- Slovenia26,391
- Luxembourg26,352
- Slovak Republic20,874
- Iceland14,796
- Costa Rica11,629
- Estonia8,907
- Lithuania5,685
- Latvia2,661
About this data
Same source, coverage and definitions as the per-head chart: the "value" column of the Figure 1.2 data, rounded to whole people.
International Comparison by Nationality, 2024
EU+ and non-EU+ bars count foreign nationals; each country’s own nationals are separate. EU+ means EU and EFTA; other foreign nationals are non-EU+. Poland and Slovakia exclude Ukrainians under temporary protection.
Non-EU+ nationals · Annual arrivals as % of resident population
- Malta4.29%
- Cyprus3.11%
- Spain1.97%
- Liechtenstein1.66%
- Luxembourg1.53%
- Ireland1.38%
- Croatia1.35%
- Slovenia1.2%
- United Kingdom1.13%
- Lithuania1.1%
- Czechia0.99%
- Finland0.92%
- Germany0.91%
- Iceland0.77%
- Denmark0.74%
- Estonia0.74%
- Switzerland0.74%
- Netherlands0.73%
- Belgium0.71%
- Greece0.69%
- Norway0.69%
- Sweden0.67%
- Austria0.66%
- Italy0.6%
- Poland0.49%
- Romania0.48%
- Bulgaria0.42%
- Hungary0.41%
- France0.36%
- Latvia0.29%
- Slovakia0.04%
Show all breakdowns
| Country | Non-EU+ nationals | EU+ nationals | Own-country nationals | Other / rounding | Total |
|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| Malta | 4.29% | 1.31% | 0.44% | 0% | 6.04% |
| Cyprus | 3.11% | 0.83% | 0.24% | 0% | 4.19% |
| Spain | 1.97% | 0.38% | 0.3% | <0.01% | 2.65% |
| Liechtenstein | 1.66% | 1.09% | 0.48% | 0.02% | 3.25% |
| Luxembourg | 1.53% | 2.02% | 0.27% | <0.01% | 3.83% |
| Ireland | 1.38% | 0.36% | 0.63% | <0.01% | 2.39% |
| Croatia | 1.35% | 0.13% | 0.34% | <0.01% | 1.82% |
| Slovenia | 1.2% | 0.13% | 0.22% | 0% | 1.55% |
| United Kingdom | 1.13% | 0.13% | 0.2% | <0.01% | 1.46% |
| Lithuania | 1.1% | 0.04% | 0.65% | <0.01% | 1.8% |
| Czechia | 0.99% | 0.12% | 0.03% | <0.01% | 1.14% |
| Finland | 0.92% | 0.1% | 0.12% | <0.01% | 1.14% |
| Germany | 0.91% | 0.29% | 0.09% | <0.01% | 1.29% |
| Iceland | 0.77% | 1.35% | 0.47% | <0.01% | 2.59% |
| Denmark | 0.74% | 0.65% | 0.31% | <0.01% | 1.71% |
| Estonia | 0.74% | 0.23% | 0.38% | <0.01% | 1.36% |
| Switzerland | 0.74% | 1.38% | 0.25% | <0.01% | 2.37% |
| Netherlands | 0.73% | 0.48% | 0.21% | 0.01% | 1.44% |
| Belgium | 0.71% | 0.53% | 0.14% | <0.01% | 1.38% |
| Greece | 0.69% | 0.08% | 0.5% | 0% | 1.27% |
| Norway | 0.69% | 0.37% | 0.13% | <0.01% | 1.19% |
| Sweden | 0.67% | 0.25% | 0.18% | <0.01% | 1.1% |
| Austria | 0.66% | 0.65% | 0.1% | <0.01% | 1.41% |
| Italy | 0.6% | 0.07% | 0.1% | <0.01% | 0.77% |
| Poland | 0.49% | 0.09% | 0.24% | <0.01% | 0.82% |
| Romania | 0.48% | 0.06% | 0.97% | <0.01% | 1.5% |
| Bulgaria | 0.42% | 0.11% | 0.28% | <0.01% | 0.81% |
| Hungary | 0.41% | 0.1% | 0.41% | <0.01% | 0.92% |
| France | 0.36% | 0.1% | 0.18% | 0% | 0.64% |
| Latvia | 0.29% | 0.02% | 0.47% | <0.01% | 0.78% |
| Slovakia | 0.04% | 0.02% | 0.07% | 0% | 0.13% |
Source: Eurostat [11]; Office for National Statistics [22]; Office for National Statistics [47]
Observations 3
Separate the non-EU+ comparison from the overall total
The comparison starts with non-EU+ foreign nationals. Switching to EU+ or all arrivals changes the ranking: these are different questions, so a high total does not by itself establish a high non-EU+ inflow. 11 This is Gross ArrivalsThe number of people moving into a country, before subtracting anyone leaving. In these UK charts, this means people moving to the UK for at least 12 months, including returning British citizens. It is the immigration line, not net migration.: countries with substantial outward migration can have high arrivals without equally high Net MigrationImmigration minus emigration: the number moving in, less the number moving out. Net migration can fall because fewer people arrive, more people leave, or both. It does not count births or deaths.. 8 46
High small-country totals conceal different nationality mixes
A modest number of arrivals is a larger share of a small country's population. The nationality breakdown also differs sharply: EU+ nationals form a much larger share of arrivals in Luxembourg than in Malta. Nationality and previous residence are different measures, so this chart uses citizenship consistently. 11
Some low rates reflect who gets counted
Poland and Slovakia exclude Ukrainians under temporary protection from these migration statistics. Their low bars therefore cannot be read as evidence that they received very few people fleeing Ukraine. Differing coverage is one reason the chart is an approximate comparison rather than a precise league table. 8
About this data
Eurostat migr_imm1ctz, 2024, age TOTAL, sex T, unit NR, age definition REACH; divided by demo_pjan population on 1 January 2024. EU+ foreign nationals = EU27_2020_FOR + EFTA_FOR. Non-EU+ foreign nationals = NEU27_2020_FOR − EFTA_FOR. Own-country nationals = NAT. Unknown/stateless = STLS + UNK. Eurostat components sum to TOTAL before rounding. Other / rounding comprises unknown citizenship and stateless arrivals in Eurostat, and the 1,000-person gap between independently rounded UK groups and the rounded UK total; the UK gap is a rounding adjustment, not another measured nationality group. All 30 available EU/EFTA countries are shown; Portugal has no 2024 data. UK: ONS December 2024 nationality estimates (780,000 non-EU+, 91,000 EU+, 140,000 British) divided by the ONS mid-2024 UK population estimate in its October 2026 vintage (series UKPOP); the UK population reference date differs from Eurostat’s start-year denominator. Nationality is not previous residence, birthplace or ethnicity. British citizens are own-country nationals in the UK and non-EU+ foreigners in EU/EFTA countries. Refugee coverage and registration methods vary. Downloaded 11 September 2026: https://ec.europa.eu/eurostat/api/dissemination/statistics/1.0/data/migr_imm1ctz?time=2024&age=TOTAL&sex=T&unit=NR .
813,000 people moved to the UK for a year or more in 2025 and 642,000 left, so net migration was 171,000, down from a peak of 944,000 in the year to March 2023. 1 21 The charts below set that against the whole ONS series back to 1964, the routes behind the recent rise and fall, what migration does to population growth now and under official projections, other OECD countries, and what governments promised.
Pledges, outcomes and public preferences
What governing parties promised about the level of net migration, set against the ONS series in the first chart:
| Election | Pledge (source wording) | What happened to net migration |
|---|---|---|
| 2010, Conservative | "take net migration back to the levels of the 1990s—tens of thousands a year, not hundreds of thousands" 38 | Above 100,000 in every year of the 2010s |
| 2015, Conservative | "keep our ambition of delivering annual net migration in the tens of thousands" 38 | Above 100,000 every year to 2019 |
| 2017, Conservative | "annual net migration in the tens of thousands" 39 | Above 100,000 every year to 2019 |
| 2019, Conservative | "overall numbers will come down" (no number) 40 | Rose to the 944,000 peak in the year to March 2023 |
| 2024, Conservative | annual cap on work and family visas, with "year-on-year reductions" 41 | Not elected |
| 2024, Labour | reduce legal migration, no number 41 | 171,000 in 2025, down from 331,000 in 2024 |
| 2024, Reform UK | net migration "should be zero" 41 | Not in government |
Public preferences, latest reading: in the Ipsos and British Future tracker (fieldwork June to July 2025), 41% wanted immigration reduced "a lot", 16% reduced a little, 21% kept the same and 15% increased. 42 Immigration's salience as an issue was below 5% in 1994, peaked at 56% in September 2015, fell to around 5% in 2020 and reached 51% in September 2025. 43
Observations
"Tens of thousands" was met only during Covid
Pledges since 2019 have named a direction, not a number
A majority want lower immigration, but views softened while numbers were high
57% wanted immigration reduced in 2025 (41% "a lot" plus 16% "a little"), against 35% who wanted it kept the same or increased. Opposition to immigration fell from the early 2010s to the early 2020s, while net migration stayed above 100,000, and has risen again since 2022; attitudes in 2025 were still less negative than before the early 2010s. 42 43
Data still needed
- Registered patients per fully qualified FTE GP in England, monthly from September 2015This is the direct test of whether GP numbers have kept pace with a growing population. NHS England Digital publishes both counts in its General Practice Workforce bulletin, but its site refuses automated download and the hand-saved copy is the series index page, which holds no figures.
- Hospital activity and waiting lists per head of population, 2010–2026No measure of hospital demand per person was gathered, so the report cannot say whether hospital pressure grew faster than the population.
- A UK estimate of immigration's effect on private rentsThe review behind the 4–6% house-price estimate draws its rent evidence from other countries, and the Migration Observatory says research gives "limited insight into the magnitude" of the effect on private rents, where recent migrants are concentrated.
- Real day-to-day NHS spending per head in England, annual since 2010The OBR's per-person spending chart and the think-tank series that would give this are behind sites that refuse automated download, so health spending appears here only as quoted totals for 2000 and 2022.
- School place pressure by local authority (pupils against capacity)National pupil numbers are falling, but pressure from migration can be local; no local-authority capacity data were gathered.
Sources
Immigration, Housing and Public Services
- Household projections for England: 2022-based
Office for National Statistics, 2025-10-28 · supports
“Over the 10 years to mid-2032, the number of households in England is projected to increase by 2.4 million (10.3%), from 23.5 million in 2022 to 25.9 million in 2032.”
Over the 10 years to mid-2032, the number of households in England is projected to increase by 2.4 million (10.3%), from 23.5 million in 2022 to 25.9 million in 2032.
- Household projections for England: 2022-based
Office for National Statistics, 2025-10-28 · supports
“The projected increase of 10.3% equates to an average of 242,000 additional households per year. For the same period (2022 to 2032) in the 2018-based projections, we projected an average of 158,000 additional households per year.”
The projected increase of 10.3% equates to an average of 242,000 additional households per year. For the same period (2022 to 2032) in the 2018-based projections, we projected an average of 158,000 additional households per year.
- 2022-based household projections: variant comparison
Office for National Statistics, 2025-10-28 · supports
“Table 430a: Household projection variants and difference between principal projection and each variant, local authorities and higher administrative areas, mid-2032 ... E92000001 ENGLAND 25958408 26233056 26233056 26645597 25744716 25559547 24670656 274648 274648 687189 -213691 -398861 -1287752”
Table 430a: Household projection variants and difference between principal projection and each variant, local authorities and higher administrative areas, mid-2032 ... E92000001 ENGLAND 25958408 26233056 26233056 26645597 25744716 25559547 24670656 274648 274648 687189 -213691 -398861 -1287752
- 2022-based household projections (migration category variant) - detailed data: Stage 1 projected households
Office for National Statistics, 2025-10-28 · supports
“E92000001 ENGLAND All Ages Persons 23540823.735300701”
E92000001 ENGLAND All Ages Persons 23540823.735300701
- Household projections for England: 2022-based
Office for National Statistics, 2025-10-28 · complicates
“Household projections are not a prediction or forecast of how many houses should be built in the future. Instead, they show how many additional households would form if assumptions based on previous demographic trends in population growth and household formation were to be realised. At the local level, household change is influenced by economic development and housing policies, factors that are not included in these projections.”
Household projections are not a prediction or forecast of how many houses should be built in the future. Instead, they show how many additional households would form if assumptions based on previous demographic trends in population growth and household formation were to be realised. At the local level, household change is influenced by economic development and housing policies, factors that are not included in these projections.
- Housing supply: net additional dwellings, England: 2024 to 2025
Ministry of Housing, Communities and Local Government, 2025-11-20 · supports
“Annual housing supply in England amounted to 208,600 net additional dwellings in 2024-25, a 6% decrease on 2023-24.”
Annual housing supply in England amounted to 208,600 net additional dwellings in 2024-25, a 6% decrease on 2023-24.
- Housing supply: net additional dwellings, England: 2024 to 2025
Ministry of Housing, Communities and Local Government, 2025-11-20 · supports
“As can be seen from Figure 1 and Table 1 below, net additional dwellings reached a previous peak of 223,530 in 2007-08 and then decreased to 130,610 in 2012-13 with the economic downturn. Net additions then increased to a peak of 248,590 in 2019-20, before falling to 217,750 in 2020-21, the lowest level for 5 years.”
As can be seen from Figure 1 and Table 1 below, net additional dwellings reached a previous peak of 223,530 in 2007-08 and then decreased to 130,610 in 2012-13 with the economic downturn. Net additions then increased to a peak of 248,590 in 2019-20, before falling to 217,750 in 2020-21, the lowest level for 5 years.
- Migration and housing costs: what does international evidence imply for the UK?
Migration Advisory Committee, 2026-06-19 · supports
“The median and mean estimates suggest that a one-percentage-point increase in the immigrant share raises house prices by 0.65% and 1%, respectively. Taken at face value, this implies that immigration can explain approximately 4-6% of the total increase in UK house prices over the last three decades.”
The median and mean estimates suggest that a one-percentage-point increase in the immigrant share raises house prices by 0.65% and 1%, respectively. Taken at face value, this implies that immigration can explain approximately 4-6% of the total increase in UK house prices over the last three decades.
- Migration and housing costs: what does international evidence imply for the UK?
Migration Advisory Committee, 2026-06-19 · complicates
“Overall, the evidence does not point to a single precise estimate of the impact of immigration on housing costs. However, the literature generally suggests positive but relatively small effects. Immigration, therefore, appears unlikely to be a dominant driver of rising housing costs in the UK.”
Overall, the evidence does not point to a single precise estimate of the impact of immigration on housing costs. However, the literature generally suggests positive but relatively small effects. Immigration, therefore, appears unlikely to be a dominant driver of rising housing costs in the UK.
- Migration and housing costs: what does international evidence imply for the UK?
Migration Advisory Committee, 2026-06-19 · complicates
“Housing supply responsiveness plays a key role: in dense areas or where planning constraints limit construction, immigration-driven demand shocks are more likely to raise prices. Immigrant composition also matters, with higher-income immigrants exerting stronger demand pressures than lower-income immigrants. Methodologically, studies using credible causal identification strategies tend to find positive but small effects, whereas less rigorous approaches produce more dispersed estimates. Studies using smaller geographic units (such as neighbourhoods or districts rather than larger regions) often find weaker or even negative effects, partly reflecting out-migration of native residents and the spatial redistribution of housing demand.”
Housing supply responsiveness plays a key role: in dense areas or where planning constraints limit construction, immigration-driven demand shocks are more likely to raise prices. Immigrant composition also matters, with higher-income immigrants exerting stronger demand pressures than lower-income immigrants. Methodologically, studies using credible causal identification strategies tend to find positive but small effects, whereas less rigorous approaches produce more dispersed estimates. Studies using smaller geographic units (such as neighbourhoods or districts rather than larger regions) often find weaker or even negative effects, partly reflecting out-migration of native residents and the spatial redistribution of housing demand.
- Migration and housing costs: what does international evidence imply for the UK?
Migration Advisory Committee, 2026-06-19 · supports
“Figure 1 summarises 45 comparable baseline semi-elasticity estimates from 22 studies that use modern causal inference techniques to estimate house price effects. Most estimates fall within a positive range, with the median effect at 0.36% and the mean at 0.8%.”
Figure 1 summarises 45 comparable baseline semi-elasticity estimates from 22 studies that use modern causal inference techniques to estimate house price effects. Most estimates fall within a positive range, with the median effect at 0.36% and the mean at 0.8%.
- Migration and housing costs: what does international evidence imply for the UK?
Migration Advisory Committee, 2026-06-19 · supports
“Figure 2 summarises 33 semi-elasticity estimates on the effect of immigration on rents from 17 studies. As with house prices, estimated rent effects are generally positive but modest, with a mean estimate of 0.87% and the median estimate at 0.64%.”
Figure 2 summarises 33 semi-elasticity estimates on the effect of immigration on rents from 17 studies. As with house prices, estimated rent effects are generally positive but modest, with a mean estimate of 0.87% and the median estimate at 0.64%.
- Migration and housing costs: what does international evidence imply for the UK?
Migration Advisory Committee, 2026-06-19 · supports
“UK-based estimates of the impact of migration on house prices tend to be negative. When we look at countries most similar to the UK in terms of housing market indicators, the estimated effects show a modest increase, with a median house-price effect of 0.65% (mean: 0.97%). By contrast, estimates in less comparable countries are slightly more positive, with a median estimate at 1.42% (mean: 1.63%). This pattern suggests that less positive house price effects are plausible in the UK. For rents, effect sizes are similar across both country groups. In UK-like countries, the median estimate is 0.81% (mean: 0.89%), whereas in less similar countries, the median estimate is lower at 0.42%, although the mean is comparable at 0.96%.”
UK-based estimates of the impact of migration on house prices tend to be negative. When we look at countries most similar to the UK in terms of housing market indicators, the estimated effects show a modest increase, with a median house-price effect of 0.65% (mean: 0.97%). By contrast, estimates in less comparable countries are slightly more positive, with a median estimate at 1.42% (mean: 1.63%). This pattern suggests that less positive house price effects are plausible in the UK. For rents, effect sizes are similar across both country groups. In UK-like countries, the median estimate is 0.81% (mean: 0.89%), whereas in less similar countries, the median estimate is lower at 0.42%, although the mean is comparable at 0.96%.
- Migration and housing costs: what does international evidence imply for the UK?
Migration Advisory Committee, 2026-06-19 · complicates
“For example, in the UK, Sá (2015) finds that a 1-percentage-point increase in the immigrant share of the local population is associated with a 0.05 percentage-point increase in out-migration from the area (and a 1.7% decline in house prices).”
For example, in the UK, Sá (2015) finds that a 1-percentage-point increase in the immigrant share of the local population is associated with a 0.05 percentage-point increase in out-migration from the area (and a 1.7% decline in house prices).
- Migration and housing costs: what does international evidence imply for the UK?
Migration Advisory Committee, 2026-06-19 · complicates
“However, there is substantial regional variation. Migrants make up around 46% of construction employment in London (compared with 42% of total employment), followed by 16% in the East of England and 12% in the South East. This suggests that immigration trends may be an important determinant of housing supply in the capital compared to other regions.”
However, there is substantial regional variation. Migrants make up around 46% of construction employment in London (compared with 42% of total employment), followed by 16% in the East of England and 12% in the South East. This suggests that immigration trends may be an important determinant of housing supply in the capital compared to other regions.
- Migrants and Housing in the UK
The Migration Observatory, University of Oxford, 2024-12-04 · supports
“Around a third of people living in privately rented households in England and Wales were non-UK born, compared to around 10% of people living in owner-occupier housing and 15% living in social housing (Figure 2).”
Around a third of people living in privately rented households in England and Wales were non-UK born, compared to around 10% of people living in owner-occupier housing and 15% living in social housing (Figure 2).
- Migrants and Housing in the UK
The Migration Observatory, University of Oxford, 2024-12-04 · complicates
“In 2021, only 17% of foreign-born people who had moved to England or Wales in the previous five years owned their own home. Those who had moved over 20 years earlier, by contrast, had a homeownership rate of 68%, marginally higher than the UK-born (67%) (Figure 3).”
In 2021, only 17% of foreign-born people who had moved to England or Wales in the previous five years owned their own home. Those who had moved over 20 years earlier, by contrast, had a homeownership rate of 68%, marginally higher than the UK-born (67%) (Figure 3).
- Migrants and Housing in the UK
The Migration Observatory, University of Oxford, 2024-12-04 · supports
“The share of new social housing lettings in England to lead tenants with a non-UK nationality increased from 6% to 10% between the 2007/08 and 2022/23 financial years, most likely due to the rising share of non-UK citizens in the population (Figure 3).”
The share of new social housing lettings in England to lead tenants with a non-UK nationality increased from 6% to 10% between the 2007/08 and 2022/23 financial years, most likely due to the rising share of non-UK citizens in the population (Figure 3).
- Migrants and Housing in the UK
The Migration Observatory, University of Oxford, 2024-12-04 · complicates
“In general, migrants living in the UK with temporary immigration statuses – such as a work, study or family visa – are not eligible for social housing. This is because they are subject to the “No Recourse to Public Funds” (NRPF) condition, which prevents access to state-funded welfare.”
In general, migrants living in the UK with temporary immigration statuses – such as a work, study or family visa – are not eligible for social housing. This is because they are subject to the “No Recourse to Public Funds” (NRPF) condition, which prevents access to state-funded welfare.
- Migrants and Housing in the UK
The Migration Observatory, University of Oxford, 2024-12-04 · complicates
“While some non-UK passport holders may be more likely to have the characteristics required to gain priority for social housing, on average, they were slightly underrepresented among social renters at the time of the 2021 Census of England and Wales. At that point, 7% of people living in social housing had a non-UK passport, compared to 10% of non-UK passport holders in the population of England and Wales (excluding people living in communal establishments, such as care homes).”
While some non-UK passport holders may be more likely to have the characteristics required to gain priority for social housing, on average, they were slightly underrepresented among social renters at the time of the 2021 Census of England and Wales. At that point, 7% of people living in social housing had a non-UK passport, compared to 10% of non-UK passport holders in the population of England and Wales (excluding people living in communal establishments, such as care homes).
- Migrants and Housing in the UK
The Migration Observatory, University of Oxford, 2024-12-04 · complicates
“Note, however, that recent migrants are particularly likely to be in private rented housing (see Figure 2). As a result, migration may have a larger impact on prices in the private rental market since this is where demand will be affected most. In practice, the research to date provides limited insight into the magnitude of any effect, in part because of data limitations.”
Note, however, that recent migrants are particularly likely to be in private rented housing (see Figure 2). As a result, migration may have a larger impact on prices in the private rental market since this is where demand will be affected most. In practice, the research to date provides limited insight into the magnitude of any effect, in part because of data limitations.
- Migrants and Housing in the UK
The Migration Observatory, University of Oxford, 2024-12-04 · supports
“Of these, 22% (or 71,580) had a non-UK citizen as the head of the household. Note that these figures do not include all migrants—people with temporary immigration statuses subject to NRPF (see Understanding the Policy, above) are not eligible for homelessness support, although they may receive other types of housing assistance if they are destitute and would otherwise be homeless. Looking in more detail, EEA citizens were the head of 7% of households, while people granted refugee status accounted for 6%.”
Of these, 22% (or 71,580) had a non-UK citizen as the head of the household. Note that these figures do not include all migrants—people with temporary immigration statuses subject to NRPF (see Understanding the Policy, above) are not eligible for homelessness support, although they may receive other types of housing assistance if they are destitute and would otherwise be homeless. Looking in more detail, EEA citizens were the head of 7% of households, while people granted refugee status accounted for 6%.
- EEA migration in the UK: Final report
Migration Advisory Committee, 2018-09 · supports
“Migrants are a small fraction of people in social housing but a rising fraction of new tenants. The share of new tenancies going to migrants from the NMS in particular is rising. Given there is little building of new social housing this is inevitably at the expense of other potential tenants.”
Migrants are a small fraction of people in social housing but a rising fraction of new tenants. The share of new tenancies going to migrants from the NMS in particular is rising. Given there is little building of new social housing this is inevitably at the expense of other potential tenants.
- EEA migration in the UK: Final report
Migration Advisory Committee, 2018-09 · complicates
“EEA migrants contribute much more to the health service and the provision of social care in financial resources and through work than they consume in services. EEA workers are an increasing share of the health and social care workforces though these sectors employ greater numbers of non-EEA migrants. There is no evidence that migration has reduced the quality of healthcare.”
EEA migrants contribute much more to the health service and the provision of social care in financial resources and through work than they consume in services. EEA workers are an increasing share of the health and social care workforces though these sectors employ greater numbers of non-EEA migrants. There is no evidence that migration has reduced the quality of healthcare.
- EEA migration in the UK: Final report
Migration Advisory Committee, 2018-09 · complicates
“In education, migrant children and the children of migrants are a higher fraction of the school population than migrants are of the school workforce. However, we find no evidence that migration has reduced parental choice in schools or the educational attainment of UK-born children.”
In education, migrant children and the children of migrants are a higher fraction of the school population than migrants are of the school workforce. However, we find no evidence that migration has reduced parental choice in schools or the educational attainment of UK-born children.
- Private rent and house prices, UK: October 2026
Office for National Statistics, 2026-10-21 · supports
“Average UK monthly private rent increased by 3.8%, to £1,406, in the 12 months to September 2026 (provisional estimate); this annual growth rate is unchanged from the 12 months to August 2026.”
Average UK monthly private rent increased by 3.8%, to £1,406, in the 12 months to September 2026 (provisional estimate); this annual growth rate is unchanged from the 12 months to August 2026.
- Private rent and house prices, UK: October 2026
Office for National Statistics, 2026-10-21 · supports
“In England, private rent annual inflation was highest in the North West (5.7%), and lowest in London and the South East (both 3.5%), in the 12 months to September 2026.”
In England, private rent annual inflation was highest in the North West (5.7%), and lowest in London and the South East (both 3.5%), in the 12 months to September 2026.
- Long-term international migration, provisional: year ending December 2025
Office for National Statistics, 2026-05-21 · supports
“Net migration in YE December 2025 was 171,000. This was down from the peak of 944,000 in YE March 2023.”
Net migration in YE December 2025 was 171,000. This was down from the peak of 944,000 in YE March 2023.
- Schools, pupils and their characteristics: academic year 2025/26
Department for Education, 2026-06-04 · supports
“There has been a decrease of 112,200 (1.2%) pupils across all school types from the previous year, with a total of over 8.9 million pupils. This includes all state-funded and independent schools.”
There has been a decrease of 112,200 (1.2%) pupils across all school types from the previous year, with a total of over 8.9 million pupils. This includes all state-funded and independent schools.
- Schools, pupils and their characteristics: academic year 2025/26
Department for Education, 2026-06-04 · supports
“There are fewer pupils in primary, secondary and independent schools this year compared to last year. This is primarily driven by demographic changes, following a peak of births in 2012, as children move through secondary school age and lower numbers of pupils are moving into primary school age. The primary and secondary populations are projected to continue decreasing to the end of the projection period in 2030 (see the department's pupil projections release).”
There are fewer pupils in primary, secondary and independent schools this year compared to last year. This is primarily driven by demographic changes, following a peak of births in 2012, as children move through secondary school age and lower numbers of pupils are moving into primary school age. The primary and secondary populations are projected to continue decreasing to the end of the projection period in 2030 (see the department's pupil projections release).
- Schools, pupils and their characteristics: academic year 2025/26
Department for Education, 2026-06-04 · complicates
“A pupil is recorded to have English as an additional language if they are exposed to a language at home that is known or believed to be other than English. This measure is not a measure of English language proficiency or a good proxy for recent immigration. 21.6% of pupils were recorded as having a first language known or believed to be other than English.”
A pupil is recorded to have English as an additional language if they are exposed to a language at home that is known or believed to be other than English. This measure is not a measure of English language proficiency or a good proxy for recent immigration. 21.6% of pupils were recorded as having a first language known or believed to be other than English.
- NHS staffing tracker: General practice
Nuffield Trust, 2026-10-20 · supports
“Despite remaining below previous targets, the number of GPs continues to steadily increase, with 1,381 further GPs joining the workforce in the year to June 2026. The number of GPs employed directly by PCNs is also increasing. As of June 2026, 1,175 were employed by PCNs, an increase of 121% compared to the previous year. This brought the total number of fully qualified GPs in England to 30,183.”
Despite remaining below previous targets, the number of GPs continues to steadily increase, with 1,381 further GPs joining the workforce in the year to June 2026. The number of GPs employed directly by PCNs is also increasing. As of June 2026, 1,175 were employed by PCNs, an increase of 121% compared to the previous year. This brought the total number of fully qualified GPs in England to 30,183.
- NHS staffing tracker: General practice
Nuffield Trust, 2026-10-20 · supports
“GPs themselves make up only a minority (around one in six) of the general practice workforce. The number of doctors training to become GPs (GP registrars) has increased by 3,309 compared to pre-pandemic levels, and the number of GPs have increased by 2,382 over the same period.”
GPs themselves make up only a minority (around one in six) of the general practice workforce. The number of doctors training to become GPs (GP registrars) has increased by 3,309 compared to pre-pandemic levels, and the number of GPs have increased by 2,382 over the same period.
- NHS staffing tracker: General practice
Nuffield Trust, 2026-10-20 · complicates
“When taking account of the relative needs of a ICB’s patient population, the number of patients per one GP as of June 2026 varied from 2,566 patients in North East London ICB to 1,798 patients in Bristol, North Somerset and South Gloucestershire ICB.”
When taking account of the relative needs of a ICB’s patient population, the number of patients per one GP as of June 2026 varied from 2,566 patients in North East London ICB to 1,798 patients in Bristol, North Somerset and South Gloucestershire ICB.
- General Practice Workforce (series page)
NHS England Digital, 2026-10-22 · complicates
“The publication includes an Excel Bulletin file containing full-time equivalent (FTE) and headcount figures by gender and role, age band and work commitment at England-level, along with patient counts. ... As a result, the main time series in these statistics begins in September 2015 and the earlier figures that were calculated from the previous data source are not comparable although the publications are listed below for reference.”
The publication includes an Excel Bulletin file containing full-time equivalent (FTE) and headcount figures by gender and role, age band and work commitment at England-level, along with patient counts. ... As a result, the main time series in these statistics begins in September 2015 and the earlier figures that were calculated from the previous data source are not comparable although the publications are listed below for reference.
- Live Table 1000: Additional affordable homes provided by tenure and provider, England, Completions
Ministry of Housing, Communities and Local Government, 2026-06-25 · supports
“Social Rent [note 4] 25,705 57,023 48,941 52,190 56,949 42,465 35,780 33,579 28,794 27,087 26,810 23,955 22,661 21,674 23,633 24,683 29,643 31,122 33,491 39,562 37,677 17,580 10,924 9,331 6,803 5,827 7,049 6,363 6,766 6,051 7,661 9,458 10,325 12,267”
Social Rent [note 4] 25,705 57,023 48,941 52,190 56,949 42,465 35,780 33,579 28,794 27,087 26,810 23,955 22,661 21,674 23,633 24,683 29,643 31,122 33,491 39,562 37,677 17,580 10,924 9,331 6,803 5,827 7,049 6,363 6,766 6,051 7,661 9,458 10,325 12,267
- Affordable housing supply in England: 2024 to 2025
Ministry of Housing, Communities and Local Government, 2025-11-20 · complicates
“10,480 or 16% of all new affordable housing completions were delivered by local authorities, the highest recorded value in the available period (since 1991-92)”
10,480 or 16% of all new affordable housing completions were delivered by local authorities, the highest recorded value in the available period (since 1991-92)
- Affordable housing supply in England: 2024 to 2025
Ministry of Housing, Communities and Local Government, 2025-11-20 · complicates
“There were 12,198 new social rent homes delivered in 2024-25, the highest number since 2012-13. Additionally, there were 5,019 London affordable rent homes that the Greater London Authority funds at a similar rent level to social rent.”
There were 12,198 new social rent homes delivered in 2024-25, the highest number since 2012-13. Additionally, there were 5,019 London affordable rent homes that the Greater London Authority funds at a similar rent level to social rent.
- International comparisons of government investment (Box 3.3, Economic and fiscal outlook – March 2020)
Office for Budget Responsibility, 2020-03 · supports
“Chart B shows the UK’s relative position among 30 OECD countries over the decade to 2017. Across the whole period, the UK was consistently positioned within the bottom quarter in terms of government investment as a share of GDP – more specifically, it was ranked between 23rd and 27th out of 30 countries in every year. UK government investment was a little higher as a share of GDP in 2017 than in 2007, having first risen during the crisis then fallen back. The large increase over the next five years will take it to around the present OECD median.”
Chart B shows the UK’s relative position among 30 OECD countries over the decade to 2017. Across the whole period, the UK was consistently positioned within the bottom quarter in terms of government investment as a share of GDP – more specifically, it was ranked between 23rd and 27th out of 30 countries in every year. UK government investment was a little higher as a share of GDP in 2017 than in 2007, having first risen during the crisis then fallen back. The large increase over the next five years will take it to around the present OECD median.
- OECD Data Explorer: Annual government non-financial accounts and key indicators (Table 0200)
OECD, 2026 · supports
“Annual government non-financial accounts and key indicators (for 'Developer API') ... S13 General government ... P51G Gross fixed capital formation ... XDC National currency ... V Current prices”
Annual government non-financial accounts and key indicators (for 'Developer API') ... S13 General government ... P51G Gross fixed capital formation ... XDC National currency ... V Current prices
- OECD Data Explorer: Annual GDP and components - expenditure approach (Table 0102)
OECD, 2026 · supports
“Annual GDP and components - expenditure approach ... B1GQ ... XDC ... V ... T0102”
Annual GDP and components - expenditure approach ... B1GQ ... XDC ... V ... T0102
- Health at a Glance 2025: OECD Indicators (Capital expenditure in the health sector)
OECD, 2025 · supports
“Between 2021 and 2024, average annual capital expenditure on health across OECD countries remained at around 0.6% of GDP ... Of the G7 countries, Japan at 0.9% and the United States at 0.8% remained above the OECD average, while France, Italy and the United Kingdom all invested below the average at 0.4-0.5% of GDP. ... On the other hand, after the United Kingdom experienced a clear decline in investment through the mid-2010s, there has been a notable increase in recent years – even if the level remains below the OECD average.”
Between 2021 and 2024, average annual capital expenditure on health across OECD countries remained at around 0.6% of GDP ... Of the G7 countries, Japan at 0.9% and the United States at 0.8% remained above the OECD average, while France, Italy and the United Kingdom all invested below the average at 0.4-0.5% of GDP. ... On the other hand, after the United Kingdom experienced a clear decline in investment through the mid-2010s, there has been a notable increase in recent years – even if the level remains below the OECD average.
- Fiscal risks and sustainability – September 2024
Office for Budget Responsibility, 2024-09 · complicates
“The steep rises in health spending described above mean the UK spent almost £3,500 per person (in 2015 real-terms prices) on health in 2022 – almost double real per-person spending at the turn of the century. Across the 19 advanced economies analysed in Chart 3.9, the UK still ranked below the average per-person total health spend of £3,880 in 2022 (the UK was fifth from bottom in 2000 and the same position in 2022), even after seeing one of the larger pandemic-related spikes.”
The steep rises in health spending described above mean the UK spent almost £3,500 per person (in 2015 real-terms prices) on health in 2022 – almost double real per-person spending at the turn of the century. Across the 19 advanced economies analysed in Chart 3.9, the UK still ranked below the average per-person total health spend of £3,880 in 2022 (the UK was fifth from bottom in 2000 and the same position in 2022), even after seeing one of the larger pandemic-related spikes.
- Economic and fiscal outlook – March 2026
Office for Budget Responsibility, 2026-03 · complicates
“As shown in Chart 4.3, the real per-person value of RDEL spending is projected to rise to the highest level for the past two decades, excluding the pandemic peak. It is around £100 a year higher than when the Treasury set the SR envelopes alongside the March 2025 forecast. The initial June 2025 Spending Review plans implied real per-person resource spending of approximately £7,700 by 2028-29. Since then, a lower population growth forecast, largely due to lower projected net migration, has increased projected real spending per person to around £7,800 in 2028-29.”
As shown in Chart 4.3, the real per-person value of RDEL spending is projected to rise to the highest level for the past two decades, excluding the pandemic peak. It is around £100 a year higher than when the Treasury set the SR envelopes alongside the March 2025 forecast. The initial June 2025 Spending Review plans implied real per-person resource spending of approximately £7,700 by 2028-29. Since then, a lower population growth forecast, largely due to lower projected net migration, has increased projected real spending per person to around £7,800 in 2028-29.
- Economic and fiscal outlook – March 2026 (Box 2.1, Net migration and GDP per person)
Office for Budget Responsibility, 2026-03 · supports
“In addition, a significant proportion of public investment is fixed in nominal terms up to the end of a Spending Review period, so does not respond immediately to changes in the size of the population. Therefore, higher inward migration could initially make less capital available per worker and reduce productivity. Over the longer term, private and public investment flows may rise to offset the dilution of capital per person, but there is limited evidence on the extent to which this happens, or if it does at all.”
In addition, a significant proportion of public investment is fixed in nominal terms up to the end of a Spending Review period, so does not respond immediately to changes in the size of the population. Therefore, higher inward migration could initially make less capital available per worker and reduce productivity. Over the longer term, private and public investment flows may rise to offset the dilution of capital per person, but there is limited evidence on the extent to which this happens, or if it does at all.
- School funding statistics: financial year 2025-26
Department for Education, 2026-01-29 · complicates
“After adjusting for inflation, funding per pupil was broadly flat between 2010-11 and 2015-16 at around £7,700 in 2025-26 prices. It then fell by 3.6% over the period 2016-17 to 2018-19, but subsequently increased by 4.6% over the years 2019-20, 2020-21 and 2021-22. Since then, funding has increased by a further 7.1% (after adjusting for inflation), including small falls of 0.2% in 2022-23 and 0.1% in 2026-27, and stands at £8,390 in 2026-27 (in 2025-26 prices).”
After adjusting for inflation, funding per pupil was broadly flat between 2010-11 and 2015-16 at around £7,700 in 2025-26 prices. It then fell by 3.6% over the period 2016-17 to 2018-19, but subsequently increased by 4.6% over the years 2019-20, 2020-21 and 2021-22. Since then, funding has increased by a further 7.1% (after adjusting for inflation), including small falls of 0.2% in 2022-23 and 0.1% in 2026-27, and stands at £8,390 in 2026-27 (in 2025-26 prices).
- Housing supply: net additional dwellings, England: 2024 to 2025
Ministry of Housing, Communities and Local Government, 2025-11-20 · supports
“Table 1. Net additional dwellings, England, 1991-92 to 2024-25”
Table 1. Net additional dwellings, England, 1991-92 to 2024-25
- Price Index of Private Rents, UK: monthly price statistics
Office for National Statistics, 2026-10-21 · supports
“This spreadsheet includes Price Index of Private Rents (PIPR) data from January 2015 to present.”
This spreadsheet includes Price Index of Private Rents (PIPR) data from January 2015 to present.
- Schools, pupils and their characteristics: academic year 2025/26 (data set)
Department for Education, 2026-06-04 · supports
“Pupil characteristics - number of pupils by fsm eligibility ... Pupils in state-funded nursery, primary, secondary and special schools, non-maintained special schools, pupil referral units and independent schools.”
Pupil characteristics - number of pupils by fsm eligibility ... Pupils in state-funded nursery, primary, secondary and special schools, non-maintained special schools, pupil referral units and independent schools.
- Live Table 1000: Additional affordable homes provided by tenure and provider, England
Ministry of Housing, Communities and Local Government, 2026-06-25 · supports
“Live Table 1000: Additional affordable homes provided by tenure and provider, England, Completions”
Live Table 1000: Additional affordable homes provided by tenure and provider, England, Completions
- School funding statistics: financial year 2025-26 (Tab1 data file)
Department for Education, 2026-01-29 · supports
“School revenue funding for 5-16 year olds for 2010-11 to 2026-27”
School revenue funding for 5-16 year olds for 2010-11 to 2026-27
- OECD Data Explorer: general government gross fixed capital formation and GDP
OECD, 2026 · supports
“Annual government non-financial accounts and key indicators (for 'Developer API') ... P51G Gross fixed capital formation”
Annual government non-financial accounts and key indicators (for 'Developer API') ... P51G Gross fixed capital formation
UK Migration and Population Over the Long Run
- Long-term international migration, provisional: year ending December 2025
Office for National Statistics, 2026-05-21 · supports
“A provisionally estimated 813,000 people made a long-term move to the UK in year ending (YE) December 2025. Immigration dropped compared with our updated estimate for YE December 2024, when it was 1,012,000, continuing a downward trend from the peak of 1,469,000 in March 2023. … Net migration in YE December 2025 was 171,000. This was down from the peak of 944,000 in YE March 2023.”
A provisionally estimated 813,000 people made a long-term move to the UK in year ending (YE) December 2025. Immigration dropped compared with our updated estimate for YE December 2024, when it was 1,012,000, continuing a downward trend from the peak of 1,469,000 in March 2023. … Net migration in YE December 2025 was 171,000. This was down from the peak of 944,000 in YE March 2023.
- What is international migration and how do we estimate it?
Office for National Statistics, 2025-11-18 · supports
“We have been measuring long-term international migration in and out of the UK for over 60 years.”
We have been measuring long-term international migration in and out of the UK for over 60 years.
- What is international migration and how do we estimate it?
Office for National Statistics, 2025-11-18 · supports
“From the late 1960s to the early 1980s, net migration was consistently negative, meaning in most years, more people moved out of the country than moved into it.”
From the late 1960s to the early 1980s, net migration was consistently negative, meaning in most years, more people moved out of the country than moved into it.
- What is international migration and how do we estimate it?
Office for National Statistics, 2025-11-18 · supports
“In the late 1990s, this trend reversed, and net migration began to rise.”
In the late 1990s, this trend reversed, and net migration began to rise.
- Immigration, emigration and net migration into the UK, 1964 - 2025 (data download)
Office for National Statistics, 2026-05-21 · complicates
“Due to changes in methodology, comparisons between pre-June 2021 and post-June 2021 estimates should be treated with caution.”
Due to changes in methodology, comparisons between pre-June 2021 and post-June 2021 estimates should be treated with caution.
- Net migration to the UK
The Migration Observatory, University of Oxford, 2026-05-27 · complicates
“Net migration was 171,000 in 2025, lower than the levels seen during the 2010s and a sharp decline from the unusually high levels in 2022 and 2023. In 2025, 67% of non-EU immigration was for work and study purposes. … it reintroduced a post-study work route – which likely made the UK more attractive to international students – opened new humanitarian visa routes for Ukrainians and Hong Kongers, and made care and senior care workers eligible for work visas. … UK universities recruited students overseas more actively as their financial situation deteriorated, and social care providers hired migrant workers to fill vacancies caused by low pay and poor working conditions in a sector with limited funding. … These included visa restrictions on the family members of care workers and most international students. … The current government introduced further restrictions on work visas and refugee family reunion in the second half of 2025, but these are not yet fully visible in the 2025 statistics.”
Net migration was 171,000 in 2025, lower than the levels seen during the 2010s and a sharp decline from the unusually high levels in 2022 and 2023. In 2025, 67% of non-EU immigration was for work and study purposes. … it reintroduced a post-study work route – which likely made the UK more attractive to international students – opened new humanitarian visa routes for Ukrainians and Hong Kongers, and made care and senior care workers eligible for work visas. … UK universities recruited students overseas more actively as their financial situation deteriorated, and social care providers hired migrant workers to fill vacancies caused by low pay and poor working conditions in a sector with limited funding. … These included visa restrictions on the family members of care workers and most international students. … The current government introduced further restrictions on work visas and refugee family reunion in the second half of 2025, but these are not yet fully visible in the 2025 statistics.
- Why do people come to the UK? Work
Home Office, 2026-07-16 · supports
“Health and Care Worker visas had fallen prior to the changes”
Health and Care Worker visas had fallen prior to the changes
- Immigration in Europe, 2024: migr_imm8 and demo_pjan
Eurostat, 2026-02-27 · complicates
“Poland and Slovakia did not include refugees from Ukraine who benefit from temporary protection”
Poland and Slovakia did not include refugees from Ukraine who benefit from temporary protection
- International migration: a recent history
Office for National Statistics, 2015-01-15 · supports
“Net migration of non-EU citizens increased after 1997 and peaked in 2004.”
Net migration of non-EU citizens increased after 1997 and peaked in 2004.
- Determinants of Migration to the UK
The Migration Observatory, University of Oxford, 2017-10-11 · supports
“Economic growth and a structural demand for migrant labour”
Economic growth and a structural demand for migrant labour
- Immigration by citizenship, 2024 (migr_imm1ctz)
Eurostat, 2026-09-11 · complicates
“Immigration by age group, sex and citizenship”
Immigration by age group, sex and citizenship
- Long-term international migration, provisional: year ending December 2025
Office for National Statistics, 2026-05-21 · supports
“Net migration for EU+ nationals in YE December 2025 was negative 42,000, it has been negative since YE June 2022.”
Net migration for EU+ nationals in YE December 2025 was negative 42,000, it has been negative since YE June 2022.
- Long-term international migration, provisional: year ending December 2025
Office for National Statistics, 2026-05-21 · supports
“Most people immigrating into the UK in YE December 2025 were non-EU+ nationals, provisionally estimated at 627,000, a decline from 780,000 in YE December 2024.”
Most people immigrating into the UK in YE December 2025 were non-EU+ nationals, provisionally estimated at 627,000, a decline from 780,000 in YE December 2024.
- Long-term international migration, provisional: year ending December 2025
Office for National Statistics, 2026-05-21 · supports
“Freedom of movement between the EU+ countries and the UK ended in January 2021.”
Freedom of movement between the EU+ countries and the UK ended in January 2021.
- Net migration to the UK
The Migration Observatory, University of Oxford, 2026-05-27 · supports
“EU net migration subsequently turned negative in 2022, as the post-Brexit immigration system greatly reduced opportunities for EU citizens to move to the UK.”
EU net migration subsequently turned negative in 2022, as the post-Brexit immigration system greatly reduced opportunities for EU citizens to move to the UK.
- International migration, England and Wales: Census 2021
Office for National Statistics, 2022-11-02 · supports
“Those born in the European Union (EU) made up 3.6 million (36.4% of all non-UK born usual residents) of the population, an increase from 2.5 million (32.7%) in 2011”
Those born in the European Union (EU) made up 3.6 million (36.4% of all non-UK born usual residents) of the population, an increase from 2.5 million (32.7%) in 2011
- Net migration to the UK
The Migration Observatory, University of Oxford, 2026-05-27 · complicates
“Although policy towards EU citizens did not change until January 2021, EU net migration began to fall immediately after the referendum.”
Although policy towards EU citizens did not change until January 2021, EU net migration began to fall immediately after the referendum.
- Net migration to the UK
The Migration Observatory, University of Oxford, 2026-05-27 · complicates
“This is because EU emigration is driven by people who arrived before Brexit, when EU immigration was higher.”
This is because EU emigration is driven by people who arrived before Brexit, when EU immigration was higher.
- Long-term international migration, provisional: year ending December 2025 (Table 1 data download)
Office for National Statistics, 2026-05-21 · complicates
“For estimates up to YE March 2021 this category includes nationals of the countries of the European Union (EU) for each given time period (excluding British nationals).”
For estimates up to YE March 2021 this category includes nationals of the countries of the European Union (EU) for each given time period (excluding British nationals).
- Long-term international migration, provisional: year ending December 2025
Office for National Statistics, 2026-05-21 · complicates
“The number of non-EU+ nationals arriving for work-related reasons fell by 47% in 2025”
The number of non-EU+ nationals arriving for work-related reasons fell by 47% in 2025
- Long-term international migration, provisional: year ending December 2025
Office for National Statistics, 2026-05-21 · supports
“At 171,000, long-term international net migration for year ending (YE) December 2025 has nearly halved from YE December 2024 (updated to 331,000); this level was last seen when the new immigration system was introduced in early 2021, and the coronavirus (COVID-19) pandemic travel restrictions were still in place. … The provisional estimate for total long-term emigration in the most recent period is 642,000.”
At 171,000, long-term international net migration for year ending (YE) December 2025 has nearly halved from YE December 2024 (updated to 331,000); this level was last seen when the new immigration system was introduced in early 2021, and the coronavirus (COVID-19) pandemic travel restrictions were still in place. … The provisional estimate for total long-term emigration in the most recent period is 642,000.
- Long-term international migration, provisional: year ending December 2025
Office for National Statistics, 2026-05-21 · supports
“Provisional net migration was 350,000 for non-EU+ nationals in YE December 2025, down from 511,000 a year earlier. … The provisional net migration of British nationals remained broadly stable, estimated at negative 136,000. … The immigration of EU+ and British nationals in the YE December 2025 was 76,000 and 110,000, falling slightly from 91,000 and 140,000, respectively, in the previous year. … In YE December 2025, 246,000 British nationals left the UK, a slight decline of 4% from the updated YE December 2024 estimates of 257,000.”
Provisional net migration was 350,000 for non-EU+ nationals in YE December 2025, down from 511,000 a year earlier. … The provisional net migration of British nationals remained broadly stable, estimated at negative 136,000. … The immigration of EU+ and British nationals in the YE December 2025 was 76,000 and 110,000, falling slightly from 91,000 and 140,000, respectively, in the previous year. … In YE December 2025, 246,000 British nationals left the UK, a slight decline of 4% from the updated YE December 2024 estimates of 257,000.
- Long-term international migration, provisional: year ending December 2025
Office for National Statistics, 2026-05-21 · supports
“When looking at the reasons for immigration of non-EU+ nationals in YE December 2025, 47% came for study-related reasons, 23% for work-related reasons, 14% were asylum applicants, and 7% and 6% were for family- and humanitarian-related reasons, respectively.”
When looking at the reasons for immigration of non-EU+ nationals in YE December 2025, 47% came for study-related reasons, 23% for work-related reasons, 14% were asylum applicants, and 7% and 6% were for family- and humanitarian-related reasons, respectively.
- Long-term international migration, provisional: year ending December 2025
Office for National Statistics, 2026-05-21 · supports
“In YE December 2025, 159,000 non-EU+ nationals who originally arrived on a study-related visa emigrated long-term. This accounts for 57% of all long-term emigration for non-EU+ nationals. This is likely because the large number of students who came to the UK after the coronavirus (COVID-19) pandemic have completed their studies and departed.”
In YE December 2025, 159,000 non-EU+ nationals who originally arrived on a study-related visa emigrated long-term. This accounts for 57% of all long-term emigration for non-EU+ nationals. This is likely because the large number of students who came to the UK after the coronavirus (COVID-19) pandemic have completed their studies and departed.
- Long-term international migration, provisional: year ending December 2025
Office for National Statistics, 2026-05-21 · complicates
“the number of people immigrating for asylum was broadly stable, with a small increase to 88,000 in the year ending December 2025, from 87,000 the previous year; these estimates include people who claimed asylum after arriving via a regular route and by illegal entry routes, such as small boats”
the number of people immigrating for asylum was broadly stable, with a small increase to 88,000 in the year ending December 2025, from 87,000 the previous year; these estimates include people who claimed asylum after arriving via a regular route and by illegal entry routes, such as small boats
- Net migration to the UK
The Migration Observatory, University of Oxford, 2026-05-27 · complicates
“Asylum accounted for a further 14% of non-EU immigration—however, unlike other types of migrant, relatively few asylum migrants left the UK, so their impact on population growth will be larger than this.”
Asylum accounted for a further 14% of non-EU immigration—however, unlike other types of migrant, relatively few asylum migrants left the UK, so their impact on population growth will be larger than this.
- Net migration to the UK
The Migration Observatory, University of Oxford, 2026-05-27 · complicates
“ONS estimates dating back to 1964 indicate that British net migration has been negative in all but one year (1985). In 2025, net emigration of British citizens was estimated at 136,000 (Figure 6), using an experimental new methodology that makes the figures particularly uncertain. According to the ONS, emigration of British citizens has been stable over time—the change in the data in Figure 6 results from a change of methodology, not a change in the underlying trend (see Understanding the evidence for more information). However, net emigration of British citizens has increased since 2022, because of fewer British people moving (back) to the UK.”
ONS estimates dating back to 1964 indicate that British net migration has been negative in all but one year (1985). In 2025, net emigration of British citizens was estimated at 136,000 (Figure 6), using an experimental new methodology that makes the figures particularly uncertain. According to the ONS, emigration of British citizens has been stable over time—the change in the data in Figure 6 results from a change of methodology, not a change in the underlying trend (see Understanding the evidence for more information). However, net emigration of British citizens has increased since 2022, because of fewer British people moving (back) to the UK.
- Net migration to the UK
The Migration Observatory, University of Oxford, 2026-05-27 · complicates
“The May 2026 publication made further revisions, primarily because the method used to estimate EU and British migration was changed. Net migration for 2024 was revised down by 100,000 (or 23%) compared to the initial estimate in the May 2025 publication”
The May 2026 publication made further revisions, primarily because the method used to estimate EU and British migration was changed. Net migration for 2024 was revised down by 100,000 (or 23%) compared to the initial estimate in the May 2025 publication
- Population estimates for the UK, England, Wales, Scotland and Northern Ireland: mid-2025
Office for National Statistics, 2026-10-01 · supports
“The population of the UK continued to grow in the year to mid-2025, reaching an estimated 69.5 million people. The size of the population is estimated to have increased by 227,700 (0.3%) from mid-2024, the lowest rate of increase since mid-2020. … net international migration to the UK was 222,900 (down from 651,700 in the year to mid-2024) … natural change, the difference between births and deaths, contributed an increase in population of 4,900; this increase was lower than in the previous year, but above the negative change in the year to mid-2023”
The population of the UK continued to grow in the year to mid-2025, reaching an estimated 69.5 million people. The size of the population is estimated to have increased by 227,700 (0.3%) from mid-2024, the lowest rate of increase since mid-2020. … net international migration to the UK was 222,900 (down from 651,700 in the year to mid-2024) … natural change, the difference between births and deaths, contributed an increase in population of 4,900; this increase was lower than in the previous year, but above the negative change in the year to mid-2023
- Population estimates for the UK, England, Wales, Scotland and Northern Ireland: mid-2025
Office for National Statistics, 2026-10-01 · supports
“Figure 3: Net migration has contributed most to population growth from mid-1999 except for mid-2012”
Figure 3: Net migration has contributed most to population growth from mid-1999 except for mid-2012
- The Impact of Migration on UK Population Growth
The Migration Observatory, University of Oxford, 2026-05-13 · supports
“Population estimates show that net migration was a major component of population growth over the past two decades, making up 68% of UK population growth from 2005 to 2024 (Figure 1). Natural change—i.e., the difference between the number of births and deaths—has declined since 2011, and fell into negative territory in 2023. As a result, net migration has accounted for 99% of population growth since 2020.”
Population estimates show that net migration was a major component of population growth over the past two decades, making up 68% of UK population growth from 2005 to 2024 (Figure 1). Natural change—i.e., the difference between the number of births and deaths—has declined since 2011, and fell into negative territory in 2023. As a result, net migration has accounted for 99% of population growth since 2020.
- The Impact of Migration on UK Population Growth
The Migration Observatory, University of Oxford, 2026-05-13 · complicates
“This retrospective analysis does not account for the contribution of past migration to natural change, mainly to births. … ONS figures show that in 2024, 34% of births in England and Wales were to non-UK-born mothers.”
This retrospective analysis does not account for the contribution of past migration to natural change, mainly to births. … ONS figures show that in 2024, 34% of births in England and Wales were to non-UK-born mothers.
- National population projections: 2024-based
Office for National Statistics, 2026-04-28 · supports
“Net migration is projected to be the only source of population growth in the UK over the next 25 years, as deaths are expected to exceed births by 2.5 million. … Deaths are projected to exceed births in the UK from mid-2026, with mid-2025 being the last year in which births are slightly higher. … After peaking at 72.5 million in mid-2054, the UK population is projected to decrease.”
Net migration is projected to be the only source of population growth in the UK over the next 25 years, as deaths are expected to exceed births by 2.5 million. … Deaths are projected to exceed births in the UK from mid-2026, with mid-2025 being the last year in which births are slightly higher. … After peaking at 72.5 million in mid-2054, the UK population is projected to decrease.
- National population projections: 2024-based
Office for National Statistics, 2026-04-28 · supports
“The 2024-based NPPs long-term average annual net international migration assumption is 230,000, down by 110,000 from 340,000 in the 2022-based projections. This reflects the sharp decrease in net migration since it peaked in 2023, as well as expert advice.”
The 2024-based NPPs long-term average annual net international migration assumption is 230,000, down by 110,000 from 340,000 in the 2022-based projections. This reflects the sharp decrease in net migration since it peaked in 2023, as well as expert advice.
- National population projections: 2024-based
Office for National Statistics, 2026-04-28 · supports
“A common measure is the old-age-dependency ratio (OADR), which is the number of people of pensionable age for every 1,000 people of working age. It is projected that OADR will increase from 280 in mid-2024 to 310 in mid-2034, and reach 329 by mid-2049.”
A common measure is the old-age-dependency ratio (OADR), which is the number of people of pensionable age for every 1,000 people of working age. It is projected that OADR will increase from 280 in mid-2024 to 310 in mid-2034, and reach 329 by mid-2049.
- National population projections: 2024-based
Office for National Statistics, 2026-04-28 · complicates
“Demographic behaviour is inherently uncertain, so it is not possible to predict future migration trends. The long-term assumption should not be viewed as a forecast, but as a scenario where long-term net migration averages at a certain level with year-to-year variation.”
Demographic behaviour is inherently uncertain, so it is not possible to predict future migration trends. The long-term assumption should not be viewed as a forecast, but as a scenario where long-term net migration averages at a certain level with year-to-year variation.
- National population projections: variant projections, 2024-based
Office for National Statistics, 2026-04-28 · supports
“Migration (year ending … mid-2027 onwards) … 105,000 … 230,000 … 455,000 … Principal … 72.4 … High migration … 78.9 … Low migration … 68.8 … Zero net migration … 65.5 … Migration assumption: zero (zero cross-border migration and zero international net migration)”
Migration (year ending … mid-2027 onwards) … 105,000 … 230,000 … 455,000 … Principal … 72.4 … High migration … 78.9 … Low migration … 68.8 … Zero net migration … 65.5 … Migration assumption: zero (zero cross-border migration and zero international net migration)
- Clash of the manifestos: the net migration target
Full Fact, 2015-04-28 · supports
“In the 2010 Conservative manifesto it was stated that "we will take steps to take net migration back to the levels of the 1990s—tens of thousands a year, not hundreds of thousands". … "We will keep our ambition of delivering annual net migration in the tens of thousands, not the hundreds of thousands"—Conservative manifesto … Net migration stood at 298,000 in the year to September 2014—three times the 100,000 maximum implied by the 'tens of thousands' claim.”
In the 2010 Conservative manifesto it was stated that "we will take steps to take net migration back to the levels of the 1990s—tens of thousands a year, not hundreds of thousands". … "We will keep our ambition of delivering annual net migration in the tens of thousands, not the hundreds of thousands"—Conservative manifesto … Net migration stood at 298,000 in the year to September 2014—three times the 100,000 maximum implied by the 'tens of thousands' claim.
- Conservative manifesto keeps 'objective' to reduce net migration to the tens of thousands
Electronic Immigration Network, 2017-05-18 · supports
“The manifesto states: "It is our objective to reduce immigration to sustainable levels, by which we mean annual net migration in the tens of thousands, rather than the hundreds of thousands we have seen over the last two decades."”
The manifesto states: "It is our objective to reduce immigration to sustainable levels, by which we mean annual net migration in the tens of thousands, rather than the hundreds of thousands we have seen over the last two decades."
- Get Brexit Done: Unleash Britain's Potential — The Conservative and Unionist Party Manifesto 2019
Conservative Party, 2019-11-24 · supports
“There will be fewer lower-skilled migrants and overall numbers will come down.”
There will be fewer lower-skilled migrants and overall numbers will come down.
- UK election 2024: comparing the manifestos
The Migration Observatory, University of Oxford, 2024-06-28 · supports
“The Conservative and Labour parties both say they want to reduce legal migration from its historically high levels. … The Conservatives want to introduce an annual cap on work and family visa grants … At the other end, Reform UK has said that net migration should be zero. … it is unclear how the MAC’s view on an ‘optimal’ level would be reconciled with the commitment to year-on-year reductions”
The Conservative and Labour parties both say they want to reduce legal migration from its historically high levels. … The Conservatives want to introduce an annual cap on work and family visa grants … At the other end, Reform UK has said that net migration should be zero. … it is unclear how the MAC’s view on an ‘optimal’ level would be reconciled with the commitment to year-on-year reductions
- Net migration likely to fall close to pre-Brexit levels but public still expects immigration to increase
Ipsos, 2025-11-27 · supports
“Four in ten people (41%) want immigration numbers reduced ‘a lot’, with a further 16% wanting more modest reductions. Just over a third of people (35%) want numbers to stay the same (21%) or increase (15%).”
Four in ten people (41%) want immigration numbers reduced ‘a lot’, with a further 16% wanting more modest reductions. Just over a third of people (35%) want numbers to stay the same (21%) or increase (15%).
- Public opinion towards immigration in the UK
The Migration Observatory, University of Oxford, 2026-09-08 · complicates
“From around 2013, opposition to immigrants and immigration fell. The share of the public agreeing there were ‘too many’ immigrants, wanting immigration numbers reduced, or opposing migrants of a different race or ethnicity fell substantially between the early 2010s and the early 2020s. More recently, this trend has started to reverse, with surveys conducted since 2022 showing an uptick in opposition. However, despite this increase, attitudes were less negative in 2025 than they were up until the early 2010s. … In 1994, the starting point of this data series, fewer than 5% of respondents thought of immigration as a concern … peaking at 56% in September 2015. … with the share mentioning immigration reaching 51% in September 2025.”
From around 2013, opposition to immigrants and immigration fell. The share of the public agreeing there were ‘too many’ immigrants, wanting immigration numbers reduced, or opposing migrants of a different race or ethnicity fell substantially between the early 2010s and the early 2020s. More recently, this trend has started to reverse, with surveys conducted since 2022 showing an uptick in opposition. However, despite this increase, attitudes were less negative in 2025 than they were up until the early 2010s. … In 1994, the starting point of this data series, fewer than 5% of respondents thought of immigration as a concern … peaking at 56% in September 2015. … with the share mentioning immigration reaching 51% in September 2025.
- International Migration Outlook 2025
OECD, 2025-11-03 · supports
“The sharpest declines were observed in New Zealand (-56%) and the United Kingdom (-41%), both of which had experienced unusually high levels of permanent labour migration in 2022-2023. … In some large OECD countries (United Kingdom, the United States) the inflows per population remain modest despite the recent increase in inflows in absolute terms.”
The sharpest declines were observed in New Zealand (-56%) and the United Kingdom (-41%), both of which had experienced unusually high levels of permanent labour migration in 2022-2023. … In some large OECD countries (United Kingdom, the United States) the inflows per population remain modest despite the recent increase in inflows in absolute terms.
- International Migration Outlook 2025: Figure 1.2 data (StatLink)
OECD, 2025-11-03 · supports
“Figure 1.2. Permanent migration to OECD countries relative to total population, 2024 … Note: Light blue columns are unstandardised data.”
Figure 1.2. Permanent migration to OECD countries relative to total population, 2024 … Note: Light blue columns are unstandardised data.
- Immigration, emigration and net migration into the UK, 1964 - 2025 (data download)
Office for National Statistics, 2026-05-21 · complicates
“Due to changes in methodology, comparisons between pre-June 2021 and post-June 2021 estimates should be treated with caution.”
Due to changes in methodology, comparisons between pre-June 2021 and post-June 2021 estimates should be treated with caution.
- United Kingdom population mid-year estimate (series UKPOP)
Office for National Statistics, 2026-10-01 · complicates
“Mid-year population estimates relate to the usually resident population. They account for long-term international migrants (people who change their country of usual residence for a period of 12 months or more) but do not account for short-term migrants (people who come to or leave the country for a period of less than 12 months).”
Mid-year population estimates relate to the usually resident population. They account for long-term international migrants (people who change their country of usual residence for a period of 12 months or more) but do not account for short-term migrants (people who come to or leave the country for a period of less than 12 months).
- Long-term international migration, December 2025: Table 4b
Office for National Statistics, 2026-05-21 · supports
“Table 4b: Long-term international immigration, emigration and net migration of non-EU+ nationals by reason,”
Table 4b: Long-term international immigration, emigration and net migration of non-EU+ nationals by reason,
- Long-term international migration, December 2025: Table 1
Office for National Statistics, 2026-05-21 · supports
“Table 1: Long-term international migration into and out of the United Kingdom by nationality,”
Table 1: Long-term international migration into and out of the United Kingdom by nationality,
- Long-term international migration, provisional: year ending December 2025 (Table 1 data download)
Office for National Statistics, 2026-05-21 · complicates
“Comparisons between estimates before and after June 2021 should be treated with caution because of changes in methodology.”
Comparisons between estimates before and after June 2021 should be treated with caution because of changes in methodology.
- Population estimates, mid-2025: Figure 3 data
Office for National Statistics, 2026-10-01 · supports
“Components of population change, UK, mid-1982 to mid-2025 … Note: “Net-migration and other” includes international migration, changes in armed forces personnel and dependants, and unattributable population change.”
Components of population change, UK, mid-1982 to mid-2025 … Note: “Net-migration and other” includes international migration, changes in armed forces personnel and dependants, and unattributable population change.
- National population projections, 2024-based: Z1 machine-readable files (uk_ppp, uk_pph, uk_ppl, uk_ppz)
Office for National Statistics, 2026-04-28 · supports
“Population numbers at mid year by age last birthday - Males and Females - Ages 0 to 104, 105-109, 110+”
Population numbers at mid year by age last birthday - Males and Females - Ages 0 to 104, 105-109, 110+