Steelview

Federal and State Power Over Voter ID and Registration Rules

The Constitution gives election rules to states and Congress, not the President; both parties' national bills stalled in the Senate, and courts blocked the 2025 executive order's citizenship rule but not the 2026 order. [1][23][27][30][31][34][35]

The Elections Clause of the US Constitution, the source of state and congressional power over election rules.

The times, places and manner of holding elections for Senators and Representatives, shall be prescribed in each state by the legislature thereof; but the Congress may at any time by law make or alter such regulations, except as to the places of choosing Senators.

U.S. ConstitutionArticle I, Section 4, Clause 1Source: Legal Information Institute, Cornell Law School [1]
Observations 1
The Elections Clause names state legislatures and Congress, not the President

The clause says the times, places and manner of congressional elections "shall be prescribed in each state by the legislature thereof; but the Congress may at any time by law make or alter such regulations". 1

The President's part is the ordinary one for any law: every bill is presented to him to sign or veto. 2 The clause gives him no power to set election rules by order.

Key holdings on who sets the rules and what they may require, 2008–2026

The main court rulings on who sets voter ID and registration rules.

One row per ruling
Date and voteHolding
Crawford v. Marion County Election Board28 Apr 2008; 6–3, no majority opinion [7]Upheld Indiana's photo-ID law for in-person voting against a facial challenge, on the record in that case [10]
Arizona v. Inter Tribal Council of Arizona17 Jun 2013; 7–2 [6]The NVRA bars Arizona from requiring documentary proof of citizenship from federal-form applicants; Congress's Elections Clause power is "paramount" but covers how elections are held, not who may vote [3] [4] [5]
Husted v. A. Philip Randolph Institute11 Jun 2018Ohio's process of removing voters who did not vote and did not return a notice does not violate the NVRA [15]
Moore v. Harper27 Jun 2023The Elections Clause does not shield state legislatures from review by state courts [14]
LULAC v. Executive Office of the President (D.D.C.)31 Oct 2025Permanently enjoined the EAC from implementing the 2025 order's proof-of-citizenship section [30]
California v. Trump (D. Mass.)24 Jun 2026, judgment 13 Jul 2026The challenged sections of the 2025 order exceed the President's constitutional authority and conflict with the NVRA, UOCAVA and HAVA; under appeal [31] [32]
Trump v. California24 Aug 2026; stay granted, 3 justices dissenting [34] [36]The 2026 order is "an internal directive"; the states' challenge is likely not justiciable; no ruling on lawfulness [34] [35] [36]
SAVE database stay25 Sep 2026Stayed the June order blocking the revamped SAVE system, so DHS can use it again [37]

Sources: Supreme Court of the United States (via Cornell LII) [3]; Supreme Court of the United States (via Cornell LII) [4]; Supreme Court of the United States (via Cornell LII) [5]; Supreme Court of the United States (via Cornell LII) [6]; Supreme Court of the United States (via Cornell LII) [7]; Supreme Court of the United States (via Cornell LII) [10]; Supreme Court of the United States (via Cornell LII) [14]; Supreme Court of the United States (via Cornell LII) [15]; U.S. District Court for the District of Columbia [30]; Civil Rights Litigation Clearinghouse, University of Michigan Law School [31]; Civil Rights Litigation Clearinghouse, University of Michigan Law School [32]; Supreme Court of the United States [34]; Supreme Court of the United States [35]; Supreme Court of the United States [36]; OPB (NPR) [37]

Observations 5
The Supreme Court calls Congress's power over federal elections "paramount"

In Arizona v. Inter Tribal Council (2013) the Court quoted its 1880 ruling: Congress's power over the times, places and manner of congressional elections "is paramount, and may be exercised at any time, and to any extent which it deems expedient". 3

On that basis it held that the NVRA overrode Arizona's demand for documentary proof of citizenship from people using the federal form. 5 A national ID or proof-of-citizenship law for federal elections would rest on this power.

The same ruling held that who may vote is for the states

The Court said the Elections Clause "empowers Congress to regulate how federal elections are held, but not who may vote in them". 4 It added that Arizona could ask the Election Assistance Commission to add its requirement to the form's state-specific instructions, and go to court if refused. 5

Voter qualifications such as citizenship are set by the states; checking them at registration sits where the two powers meet.

Crawford (2008) upheld Indiana's photo-ID law without proof of impersonation in Indiana

Justice Stevens's lead opinion accepted Indiana's interests in deterring fraud and in public confidence, which "has independent significance, because it encourages citizen participation in the democratic process". 9 It held those interests "both neutral and sufficiently strong" to defeat the facial challenge. 10

Three more justices concurred, finding the burden of a free photo ID "simply not severe". 7 13 The vote was 6–3, with no opinion joined by a majority. 7

The Crawford record contained no in-person impersonation in Indiana, and an estimated 43,000 residents without ID

The lead opinion said the only fraud the law addresses is in-person impersonation, and "the record contains no evidence of any such fraud actually occurring in Indiana at any time in its history". It relied instead on documented cases elsewhere. 8

It also recorded the trial court's estimate that around 43,000 Indiana residents lacked a state licence or ID card. 11 The dissent said the law "threatens to impose nontrivial burdens on the voting right of tens of thousands of the State's citizens". 12

State courts can review state legislatures' election rules

Moore v. Harper (2023) held that the Elections Clause "does not insulate state legislatures from the ordinary exercise of state judicial review". 14 "The states" in this argument means each state's whole constitutional system, including its courts and constitution, not only its legislature.

About this data

The ITCA vote of 7–2 is from the opinion's own line-up: Justice Scalia wrote for six justices, Justice Kennedy joined in part, and Justices Thomas and Alito dissented.

Federal voting laws and bills on registration and ID, 1965–2026

The federal laws in force on registration and ID, and the main bills since 2021.

One row per law or bill
What it does on registration and IDStatus
1965Voting Rights ActSection 2 bars voting practices, including registration procedures, that discriminate by race, colour or language-minority status [16]In force; the preclearance formula was struck down in Shelby County (2013) [16]
1993National Voter Registration Act (NVRA)Registration by mail and at licence and benefits offices; a federal mail form that asks only for a sworn statement of citizenship; list-maintenance rules, including no systematic removals within 90 days of a federal election [17] [6] [21]In force
2002Help America Vote Act (HAVA)Statewide registration databases; a licence number or last four Social Security digits on registrations; photo ID or a utility bill, bank statement or similar document for first-time voters who registered by mail [18] [19] [20]In force
2021–22Freedom to Vote Act (Democratic)National early voting, same-day registration; ID states to accept alternatives [22]Failed cloture, Oct 2021 and Jan 2022 (49–51) [22] [23]
2025SAVE Act (Republican)Documentary proof of citizenship to register [24]Passed House, 220–208, 10 Apr 2025 [24]
2026SAVE America Act (Republican)Proof of citizenship to register and photo ID to vote [25]Passed House 11 Feb and 22 Jul 2026; a separate photo-ID-only bill (S. 5271) failed cloture in the Senate, 52–46, 8 Aug 2026 [25] [26] [27]

Sources: Supreme Court of the United States (via Cornell LII) [6]; U.S. Department of Justice, Civil Rights Division [16]; U.S. Department of Justice, Civil Rights Division [17]; U.S. Department of Justice, Civil Rights Division [18]; Legal Information Institute, Cornell Law School [19]; Legal Information Institute, Cornell Law School [20]; Legal Information Institute, Cornell Law School [21]; Congressional Research Service [22]; United States Senate Periodical Press Gallery [23]; NBC News [24]; Just The News [25]; American Democracy Minute [26]; United States Senate [27]

Observations 4
Federal law already contains an ID rule, for first-time voters who registered by mail

Since 2002, HAVA has required a first-time voter who registered by mail to show one of these: 19

  • "a current and valid photo identification"
  • a copy of a utility bill, bank statement, government check, paycheck or other government document with their name and address

A voter without one may cast a provisional ballot. 19 HAVA also bars states from processing a federal registration without a driver's licence number or the last four digits of a Social Security number. 20

The rule accepts non-photo documents and covers only first-time voters who registered by mail; it does not ask for proof of citizenship. 19

Congress has set national floors for registration and voting several times since 1965

The Voting Rights Act, the NVRA and HAVA each imposed rules on how states run federal elections: how people register, how rolls are cleaned and what new mail registrants must show. 16 17 18

They leave each state to choose what ID to ask for at the polls and whether to demand documents proving citizenship, within the limits ITCA set for the federal form. 5

The federal registration form asks only for a sworn statement of citizenship

The NVRA's federal form, written by the Election Assistance Commission, "requires only that an applicant aver, under penalty of perjury, that he is a citizen". 6 Both the SAVE America Act and the 2025 executive order would require documents proving citizenship instead. 25 29

The Freedom to Vote Act would have set national access rules and required ID states to accept alternatives

The bill would have required early voting, no-excuse absentee voting and same-day registration, and required states with ID laws "to accept specified information or documentation to satisfy ID requirements". 22

The two parties' main bills of the past five years therefore both sought national standards, in opposite directions: one mandating ID and proof of citizenship, the other limiting what ID states could demand.

Recent national voting-rules bills fell short of 60 Senate votes

Senators voting yes on the two recorded cloture-type votes on national voting-rules bills, 2022 and 2026, against the 60 needed to end debate.

Senators voting yes

  1. Freedom to Vote: John R. Lewis Act (Democratic), 19 Jan 202249
  2. S. 5271, photo ID only (Republican), 8 Aug 202652
  3. Needed to end debate60

Source: United States Senate Periodical Press Gallery [23]; United States Senate [27]

Observations 3
Both parties' recent national bills stalled at the Senate's 60-vote threshold

Both bills in the chart failed to end debate: the Democrats' in January 2022 and S. 5271, a Republican photo-ID-only bill, in August 2026. 23 27 The Freedom to Vote Act had already failed cloture once, in October 2021. 22 Neither became law.

The House has passed the SAVE Act or SAVE America Act three times
  • 10 April 2025: the SAVE Act (proof of citizenship to register) passed 220–208, with four Democrats in favour. 24
  • 11 February 2026: the SAVE America Act, which combined it with a photo-ID requirement, passed 218–213. 25
  • 22 July 2026: the House passed it again, packaged with the National Defense Authorization Act to make it harder to vote down in the Senate. 26
Status of the SAVE America Act on 23 October 2026: passed by the House, not by the Senate

After the 8 August vote, Republicans looked to the budget reconciliation process, which cannot be filibustered, as a route for the bill. A budget plan was paused when President Trump intervened. 28 No later Senate vote was found in reporting checked on 23 October 2026.

About this data

Yes votes only; the recorded results were 49–51 and 52–46. The 2022 vote was on the combined Freedom to Vote: John R. Lewis Act vehicle (H.R. 5746). The 2026 vote was on a stripped-down version of the SAVE America Act requiring photo ID but no proof of citizenship, as reported by American Democracy Minute (an advocacy outlet) citing The Hill; the official Senate roll-call pages could not be fetched. The earlier 20 October 2021 cloture failure on the Freedom to Vote Act is not shown, because the source read does not give its tally. These are not the only Senate votes on either bill.

Live federal measures on 23 October 2026

Where each federal measure on proof of citizenship and ID stood ten days before the midterms.

One row per measure
What it doesStatus on 23 Oct 2026
SAVE America ActProof of citizenship to register; photo ID to vote [25]Passed House; not passed by Senate [25] [27]
Executive Order 14248 (25 Mar 2025)Directs the EAC to require documentary proof of citizenship on the federal form [29]Proof-of-citizenship section permanently enjoined by two district courts; on appeal in the First Circuit [30] [32]
Executive Order 14399 (31 Mar 2026)Directs DHS to compile "State Citizenship Lists" from federal records, including SAVE data [33]District-court injunction stayed by the Supreme Court, 24 Aug 2026 [34]
Revamped SAVE databaseDHS citizenship checks of whole voter rolls against linked Social Security records. The government reports more than 65 million voters verified in 26 states and 28,635 flagged as potential non-citizens [39] [38]Blocked by a district judge in June 2026; that order stayed by the Supreme Court, 25 Sep 2026 [37] [39]

Sources: Just The News [25]; United States Senate [27]; Federal Register [29]; U.S. District Court for the District of Columbia [30]; Civil Rights Litigation Clearinghouse, University of Michigan Law School [32]; Federal Register [33]; Supreme Court of the United States [34]; OPB (NPR) [37]; OPB (NPR) [38]; OPB (NPR) [39]

Observations 5
Two courts held the 2025 order's proof-of-citizenship section beyond presidential power

Executive Order 14248 told the Election Assistance Commission to require "documentary proof of United States citizenship" on the national mail registration form. 29

The federal court in Washington, D.C. permanently barred the commission from implementing that section in October 2025, on the plaintiffs' separation-of-powers claims. 30 The federal court in Massachusetts followed in June 2026, holding that the challenged sections "exceeded the President's constitutional authority" and conflicted with the NVRA, UOCAVA and HAVA. The government has appealed. 31 32

The Supreme Court let the 2026 order's citizenship lists proceed

Executive Order 14399 directs DHS to send each state a list of adult citizens built from federal citizenship, Social Security and SAVE records. 33

On 24 August 2026 the Supreme Court stayed the injunction against it, calling the order "an internal directive" that "neither requires nor forbids anything of anyone outside the Executive Branch". It held the states were unlikely to have standing, since they need not use the lists. 34

That stay was not a ruling on whether the order is lawful

The majority wrote that its ruling "does not mean that any measure taken by the Government to implement the Order will necessarily be lawful. On that score, time will tell." 35 The dissent said the decision "merely postpones adjudication" of whether the President's actions are lawful. 36

The only merits rulings on presidential power so far are the two district-court rulings on the 2025 order. 31

The revamped SAVE database is back in use, with no published error rate

A district judge blocked the revamped SAVE system in June 2026 under the Social Security Act, the Privacy Act and the Administrative Procedure Act. 39 In September the Supreme Court stayed that order, saying it stopped "individualized inquiries, which are permitted under federal law" during the 90 days before an election. 37

The checks and flags in the table are the government's own figures, and its opponents said no error rate had been released. 38 What those flags turned out to be is in the report on non-citizens on voter rolls.

States still set most ID rules, and those rules keep changing

The number of states asking for ID at the polls has nearly tripled since 2000, reaching 36 in September 2026. Thirteen states had passed proof-of-citizenship laws by July 2026; not all are in effect because of court rulings. 40 41 42

The Supreme Court let New Hampshire enforce a new law dropping student IDs on 22 October 2026, saying lower federal courts "should ordinarily not alter the election rules on the eve of an election". 43 The state-by-state detail and its trend are in the report on voter ID rules.

This report is a dated legal record. It is as of 23 October 2026, ten days before the midterms, and several items will change soon: the SAVE America Act in a lame-duck session, the First Circuit appeals, and the litigation over the SAVE database.

Subtleties

This is a legal record, so it has no trend chart

Laws, orders and rulings are dated events, not quantities measured each year, so there is no time series of federal power to plot. This report's chart compares Senate votes instead.

The one countable trend in this area, the number of states with ID laws, is charted in the voter ID rules report to keep one copy of that data. Its NCSL counts are quoted above. 40 41

"The courts blocked Trump's election order" mixes up two orders

The proof-of-citizenship section of the March 2025 order (EO 14248) is permanently blocked. 30 32 The March 2026 order (EO 14399), including its citizenship lists, is not blocked. 34 A statement about one order is often taken as true of both.

Crawford turned on the record in that case

The lead opinion rejected a facial challenge "on the basis of the record that has been made in this litigation". 10 It did not hold that every photo-ID law is valid, or that a challenge brought by voters who show a heavy burden must fail. Indiana's law offered free ID, and did not apply to absentee ballots sent by mail. 8

ITCA did not decide whether states may ever require proof of citizenship

The ruling covered applicants using the federal form, and left Arizona free to ask the Election Assistance Commission to add proof of citizenship to its state instructions. 5

It also said it "would raise serious constitutional doubts" if federal law kept a state from getting the information needed to enforce its voter qualifications — a route by which a state could seek the information it needs. 4

Related Data

Voter ID and Citizenship-Proof Rules in the US and Other Democracies

Most US states now ask voters for ID, increasingly photo ID, and proof-of-citizenship laws are spreading; most G7 democracies also check ID, though of recent adopters only Northern Ireland acted after documented fraud. [1][6][18][23][25][27][32][33][37][41]

US states requesting or requiring ID at the polls, 1950–2026

States with an ID requirement in force

Number of states where every in-person voter is asked for an identification document, as NCSL counted at the time. Points are the years NCSL published a count; the line between them is not annual data.

States, by year of NCSL count

Number of states where every in-person voter is asked for an identification document, as NCSL counted at the time. Points are the years NCSL published a count; the line between them is not annual data. Read as states with an ID requirement in force: States. Dashed segments cross 1 definitional break in the source, explained in Method Changes below this graph. 5 dated events are numbered on a strip under the graph and listed below it. Use the Table switch to see every value.

  • States requesting or requiring ID
010203040195019601980200020260510152025303540195019601970198019902000201020202026

Events marked above

  1. South Carolina asks voters for a document

    The first state to do so; no photo was required, just a document bearing the voter's name.

    Source: National Conference of State Legislatures [5]

  2. First strict laws take effect in Georgia and Indiana

    Indiana's law went ahead after the Supreme Court upheld it in Crawford v. Marion County.

    Source: National Conference of State Legislatures [5]

  3. Supreme Court blocks Wisconsin's law for 2014

    Pending a court case, so the law was passed but not in force at that election.

    Source: National Conference of State Legislatures [16]

  4. North Carolina's law on hold

    Under a temporary injunction from a federal judge, so NCSL counted it as passed but not in force.

    Source: National Conference of State Legislatures [13]

  5. Wyoming enacts its first ID law

    After similar bills failed in 2013, 2017 and 2020.

    Source: National Conference of State Legislatures [6]

Vertical dashed lines mark measurement changes. See method changes.

Source: National Conference of State Legislatures [45]

Observations 4
Thirty-six states now ask for ID, up from 13 in 2000

The count has nearly tripled since 2000, and the chart marks Wyoming's first law in 2021. 6 1 Most of the change was laws being added or tightened rather than loosened: of 21 states that began with non-photo, non-strict laws, nine had made them stricter by 2021; only Texas and Virginia had eased theirs. 6

Voter ID began in 1950, and states under both parties had adopted it by 2000

South Carolina first asked voters for a document in 1950; Hawaii, Texas, Florida and Alaska followed by 1980. The states with ID rules by 2000 "had Democratic and Republican majorities". 5 Since then, NCSL says, "virtually all" bills to add or tighten ID have come from Republican-led states. 6

Adoption sped up in 2011–2013, then levelled off

NCSL dates the acceleration to 2011, 2012 and 2013, when states without ID adopted it and others tightened theirs. 5 On the chart, that is the steep climb from 2010 to 2014; the count has barely moved since. 8 10 1

Courts have repeatedly kept passed laws out of force

The count of laws passed has run ahead of the count in force: 34 states had passed ID laws in October 2014 but 32 were in force. 10 The chart marks two court blocks, Wisconsin's in 2014 and North Carolina's in 2020. 16 13

Subtleties
NCSL gives two different counts for 2000

NCSL's History of Voter ID page says 14 states asked for ID by 2000; its 2021 newsletter, which the chart uses, says 13. 5 6

The newsletter's figure for 2020 is also one lower than the 35 laws "in force in 2020" on NCSL's page at the time. 13 Neither difference changes the direction of the trend.

Method Changes
2009: Counts taken from NCSL pages published at the time

From 2009 the points are the number of states NCSL's voter-ID page listed as having an ID requirement in force (2009–10: "broader voter identification requirements than what HAVA mandates"; from 2012: laws "in place" or "in force"). Earlier points come from NCSL's retrospective histories. [45]

About this data

Full published range: 1950–2026. Every plotted line runs the whole of it – 1950–1980 and 2000 are from NCSL's own histories; 2009–2024 are NCSL's counts as published in the autumn before each federal election (archived copies of its voter-ID page), and 2026 is the current page. NCSL gives two figures for 2000: 13 (its 2021 newsletter, used here) and 14 (its History of Voter ID page). No NCSL count was found for 1981–1999 or 2001–2008.

States with an ID requirement in force

Compiled from NCSL pages, one count per year shown: 1950, 1970, 1971, 1977 and 1980 from the History of Voter ID page (the first five states); 2000 from The Canvass; 2009, 2010, 2012, 2014, 2016, 2018, 2020, 2022 and 2024 from archived copies of the voter-ID page taken in or just before the autumn of each year; 2026 from the current page. The 2012 and 2014 counts were published before last-minute court blocks in Pennsylvania and Wisconsin. Washington, D.C. is excluded.

Photo, non-photo and strict-photo ID states, 2009–2026

By type of ID

States with an ID requirement in force, split by whether a photo is required, with NCSL's "strict photo" states (no counted ballot without later showing photo ID) as a subset of the photo states.

States, by year of NCSL count

States with an ID requirement in force, split by whether a photo is required, with NCSL's "strict photo" states (no counted ballot without later showing photo ID) as a subset of the photo states. Read as by type of ID: States. 6 dated events are numbered on a strip under the graph and listed below it. Use the Table switch to see every value.

  • Photo ID requested or required
  • Non-photo ID accepted
  • Strict photo ID (subset of photo)
0102020092020202605101520252009201020202026

Events marked above

  1. Texas eases its law

    After its 2011 law was found to intentionally discriminate against Latino and Black voters.

    Source: National Conference of State Legislatures [6]

  2. Virginia eases its law
  3. West Virginia switches to photo ID

    Its law previously required non-photo ID.

    Source: National Conference of State Legislatures [4]

  4. Wisconsin writes photo ID into its constitution

    Voters approved an amendment enshrining the existing requirement.

    Source: National Conference of State Legislatures [4]

  5. Louisiana drops its affidavit option, from 2027

    NCSL says this will make Louisiana the 11th strict photo-ID state once it takes effect.

    Source: National Conference of State Legislatures [4]

  6. New Hampshire drops student IDs

Source: National Conference of State Legislatures [46]

Observations 2
Photo ID has replaced non-photo ID, and strict photo laws grew from two to ten

In 2009 photo-ID states were a minority, and only Georgia and Indiana made voters without ID return later. 7 By 2026 photo-ID states outnumber non-photo ones two to one. 1 2 The chart marks the latest moves; Louisiana's, which takes effect in 2027, will make it the 11th strict photo state, NCSL says. 4 18

The strict-photo count has gone down as well as up

NCSL's strict list included Texas and Arkansas in 2014 but shrank by 2020 as courts and legislatures eased laws, including Texas's and Virginia's. 10 13 6 It then grew again: Arkansas and Missouri were back by 2022, North Carolina and Ohio joined by 2024 and New Hampshire by 2026, while Missouri left again. 14 15 2

About this data

Full published range: 2009–2026. Every plotted line runs the whole of it – 2009 is the earliest archived NCSL page with a photo split. 2012 is omitted because that year's page split only enacted laws, not laws in force.

By type of ID

Photo and non-photo counts are NCSL's stated figures. Strict-photo counts are counted from the "Strict / Photo ID" cell of each page's Table 1 (for 2009–10, the two states NCSL named as requiring voters without photo ID to return). In 2016 NCSL's photo and non-photo figures sum to 33, one more than its count of laws in force.

What US states ask of in-person voters, 2026

All 50 states and Washington, D.C., by NCSL's two-way classification of the ID law in force as of August 2026.

States (including D.C. in the last bar)

  1. No ID document requested (14 states and D.C.)15
  2. Non-strict, photo ID requested14
  3. Strict photo ID10
  4. Non-strict, non-photo ID accepted8
  5. Strict, non-photo ID accepted4

Source: National Conference of State Legislatures [1]; National Conference of State Legislatures [2]

Observations 2
State rules differ along two lines: photo or not, and what happens without ID

The two lines cut across each other, so every combination exists, and the states that ask for no document check voters in other ways, most often by signature. 1 2 The rules keep changing: NCSL's change log lists several changes in 2026 alone, two of them marked on the photo-ID chart above. 4

Even strict states have exceptions and some offer free ID

Some strict states make room for voters who cannot easily get ID:

  • Georgia accepts a "free voter ID card issued by the state or county". 3
  • Wisconsin's law was allowed to stand on the state's pledge "to provide temporary free IDs to those in need". 3
  • Tennessee lets an indigent voter who cannot get ID without paying a fee sign an affidavit instead. 3

NCSL's tables do not say whether every strict state offers a free ID card.

About this data

"Strict" means a voter without accepted ID votes a provisional ballot that counts only if they take a further step after Election Day, usually showing ID at an election office. In "non-strict" states some voters without ID can cast a ballot that counts without further action, for example by signing an affidavit. States with no document rule check voters in other ways, most often by signature. NCSL flags Alabama, Oklahoma, Wyoming and South Carolina as borderline cases between categories. These are in-person rules only; mail-ballot ID rules are not covered.

States with laws requiring documentary proof of citizenship to register, 2004–2026

States with a law enacted

Cumulative number of states whose current documentary-proof-of-citizenship law had been enacted by each year, by NCSL's enactment dates. Not all are in effect.

States (cumulative), by year of enactment

Cumulative number of states whose current documentary-proof-of-citizenship law had been enacted by each year, by NCSL's enactment dates. Not all are in effect. Read as states with a law enacted: States (cumulative). 1 dated event is numbered on a strip under the graph and listed below it. Use the Table switch to see every value.

  • States with a DPOC law enacted
04812200420202026024681012142004201020202026

Events marked above

  1. Judge reinstates New Hampshire's affidavit alternative

    A federal injunction on 28 May 2026 ruled that removing the qualified voter affidavit is unconstitutional.

    Source: National Conference of State Legislatures [17]

Source: National Conference of State Legislatures [47]

Observations 2
Proof-of-citizenship laws more than doubled in 2024–2026

After five states enacted documentary-proof-of-citizenship laws by 2011, the count did not move until 2024. Eight states then acted in three years. 17 18

Many proof-of-citizenship laws are not in force, or only ask when records cannot confirm citizenship

The chart counts laws enacted, not laws applied to every registrant:

  • Not in force: Alabama's and Kansas's laws, Kansas's "due to court decision". Florida's begins in 2027. 17
  • Partly blocked: a federal judge reinstated New Hampshire's affidavit alternative in May 2026. 17
  • Only when records fail: six of the 13 states, including Georgia and Florida, ask for documents only if state records cannot confirm citizenship. 17 18
  • Federal races only: Utah and South Dakota let voters without proof vote in federal but not state races. 18
About this data

Full published range: 2004–2026. Every plotted line runs the whole of it – Built from NCSL's current list of 13 states, so a law enacted and later repealed would not appear. Arizona's 2004 law is the earliest on the list. Alabama's and Kansas's laws are not in effect; Florida's takes effect on 1 January 2027.

States with a law enacted

Derived, not published: a running count of the enactment years NCSL gives for each state — Arizona 2004; Georgia 2010; Alabama, Kansas and Tennessee 2011; Indiana, Louisiana and New Hampshire 2024; Wyoming 2025; Florida, Mississippi, South Dakota and Utah 2026. Guam (2025) is excluded.

How early in-person voting can start in the strict-photo-ID states

Days before Election Day that early in-person voting can begin in each of the 10 strict-photo-ID states, 2026 general-election rules. Zero means no early voting for all voters.

Days before Election Day

  1. Ohio29
  2. Indiana28
  3. Georgia22
  4. Kansas (varies by county)20
  5. Tennessee20
  6. North Carolina19
  7. Arkansas15
  8. Wisconsin14
  9. Mississippi0
  10. New Hampshire0

Source: National Conference of State Legislatures [2]; National Conference of State Legislatures [19]

Observations 2
Eight of the 10 strict-photo states also offer early voting to everyone, starting two to four weeks out

Ohio and Indiana open earliest, about four weeks before Election Day, and Wisconsin latest, two weeks before. 19 Strict ID and early voting already sit together in most strict states, without any national agreement pairing them.

Two strict-photo states offer no early voting

Mississippi and New Hampshire are strict-photo states and, with Alabama, the only three states without early in-person voting for all voters. 2 19 Even where early voting exists, most strict states start later than the 27-day average across early-voting states. 19

About this data

Start days are NCSL's wording turned into numbers for a Tuesday election: Georgia's "fourth Monday prior" is 22 days and North Carolina's "third Thursday before" is 19 days. Kansas counties may start as late as the Tuesday before the election. Indiana and Wisconsin call it in-person absentee voting. The average start date across all early-voting states is 27 days before the election. Alabama, the third state with no early voting, has a non-strict photo-ID law and is not shown. Days of voting offered are fewer than these figures, because early voting ends before Election Day and may not run every day.

The Carter–Baker Commission's ID bargain, 2005

The ID proposals of the bipartisan Commission on Federal Election Reform, chaired by Jimmy Carter and James Baker, which reported in September 2005.

One row per proposal, finding or dissent
What it said
Photo ID at the polls (2.5.1)States should require the REAL ID card, adapted to show citizenship, and "provide an EAC-template ID with a photo to non-drivers free of charge" [20]
Proof of citizenship (2.5.2)"All states should use their best efforts to obtain proof of citizenship before registering voters" [20]
AccessStates should reach out "by providing more offices, including mobile ones, to register voters and provide photo IDs free of charge" [20]
Its view of fraud"No evidence of extensive fraud in U.S. elections or of multiple voting, but both occur, and it could affect the outcome of a close election" [20]
Dissent (Daschle, Overton, Yzaguirre)The ID proposal was "the most troublesome recommendation", and "for some … nothing short of a modern day poll tax" [21]

Sources: Commission on Federal Election Reform (Carter–Baker Commission) [20]; Commission on Federal Election Reform (Carter–Baker Commission) [21]

Observations 2
The commission paired photo ID with free cards and state outreach

The report asked states both to require photo ID and to supply it free, with mobile offices registering voters and issuing cards. 20 It also recommended proof of citizenship at registration. 20

The commission split, and its co-chair called Georgia's 2005 law a poll tax

Three commissioners dissented from the ID recommendation. 21 In a September 2005 interview, Carter said Georgia's new law, which charged about $20 for a five-year card or $35 for ten years, "is a poll tax", because the commission's plan required "that the voter ID card be free of charge". 22 Georgia now offers a free card. 3

Polling-place ID in the G7 democracies

What each G7 member asks of in-person voters. The table shows every member, not a chosen subset.

One row per country
Must in-person voters show ID?Photo?If a voter has no IDSince
United StatesDepends on the state: 36 states ask, 14 and D.C. do not [1]Photo in 24 states [1]Provisional ballot, affidavit or other check, by state [2]South Carolina 1950 [5]
United KingdomYes, for UK Parliament elections and English local elections; not for Scottish or Welsh devolved and council elections [23]Yes [23]Cannot vote in person; a free Voter Authority Certificate can be applied for in advance [23]Northern Ireland 1985 (photo 2003); Great Britain 2023 [23]
CanadaYes [33]One government photo ID with address, or two authorised IDs [33]Written declaration, vouched for by another elector at the same polling station [33]2007 [32]
FranceYes in communes of 1,000 or more people; not in smaller communes [37]Yes; a national ID card or passport expired by under five years is accepted [37]In small communes, the polling-station president may ask for proof "by any means" [37]—
GermanyOnly on request, especially if the voter has no polling card [38]Not specifiedA voter who cannot identify themselves on request is turned away [38]—
ItalyYes [41]Yes, a public-administration document with photo [41]A poll official who knows the voter, or another known local voter, attests to identity [41]1957 law [41]
JapanNo; voters are checked against the register [42]NoIf identity cannot be confirmed, the voter must declare who they are, or cannot vote [42]—

Sources: National Conference of State Legislatures [1]; National Conference of State Legislatures [2]; National Conference of State Legislatures [5]; House of Commons Library [23]; Library of Parliament (Canada) [32]; Justice Laws Website, Government of Canada [33]; Service Public (Direction de l'information légale et administrative) [37]; Bundesministerium der Justiz (Gesetze im Internet) [38]; Normattiva (Istituto Poligrafico e Zecca dello Stato) [41]; e-Gov Laws and Regulations, Digital Agency of Japan [42]

Observations 4
Photo ID at the polls is required nationally in Italy, Britain and Canada, and in most of France

Italy's law requires an ID document "purché munito di fotografia" (provided it has a photograph). 41 Britain requires photo ID for UK Parliament elections, Canada requires government photo ID with an address or two other authorised IDs, and France requires ID in communes of 1,000 or more people. 23 33 37

Germany asks only on request, and Japan does not ask

German voters must identify themselves "auf Verlangen" (on request), especially without their polling notice. 38 Japanese voters are checked against the register, and a voter whose identity cannot be confirmed must declare who they are. 42 Two of the seven have no routine document check.

Where ID is required or expected, the state often supplies the document or the registration

Germany requires every citizen aged 16 or over to hold a valid ID card, and registers eligible voters automatically from residence records. 39 40 Britain offers a free Voter Authority Certificate. 23

The Carter–Baker report observed that "most advanced democracies have fraud-proof voting or national ID cards". 20 Whether each comparator's ID card is free or universal was not checked country by country.

Most comparators keep a fallback for voters without ID

Canada lets a voter without ID make a written declaration if another elector at the same polling station vouches for them; Italy lets a poll official or a known local voter attest to identity. 33 41 Britain has no such fallback on the day: in 2023 its then government rejected vouching, saying it "would undermine the integrity of the check". 23

Subtleties
Counts of "countries requiring voter ID" depend on what counts as ID

A country that checks a polling card, accepts any document, asks only on request or allows vouching can be counted either way. France's rule does not apply in its smallest communes, and Germany's applies only on request. 37 38 Global tallies circulating in the US debate were not traced to a source that publishes its country-by-country coding, so none is used here.

About this data

Why this set: the G7 is the complete group of large, high-income democracies most often compared with the US, and each member's rule can be checked against its own election law. A wider group such as the OECD's 38 members would be better, but no neutral, fetchable source classifies all of them (see Data still needed). A dash in the Since column means the start date was not established from the sources read.

Northern Ireland, Britain and Canada: why they adopted ID

When each place adopted voter ID, the reason it gave, and the fraud on record beforehand.

One row per place
AdoptedStated reasonFraud record before
Northern IrelandID 1985; photo 2003 [23]Personation "on a planned and well organised basis" in the early 1980s [27]149 arrests for personation at the June 1983 general election [27]
Great BritainElections Act 2022; first used May 2023 [23]Polling stations "had few checks in place to detect fraud" as other routes were secured; a "precautionary principle" [25]Five convictions and six cautions for polling-station personation since 2016 [24]
CanadaBill C-31, Royal Assent 22 June 2007 [32]No identity check at all was "a significant deficiency … that could encourage fraudulent voting practices" [32]None cited in the legislative summary [32]

Sources: House of Commons Library [23]; House of Commons Library [24]; House of Commons Library [25]; House of Commons Library [27]; Library of Parliament (Canada) [32]

Observations 4
Northern Ireland adopted ID after organised personation

Northern Ireland's Chief Electoral Officer reported personation "on a planned and well organised basis" in the early 1980s, and 149 people were arrested for personation at the June 1983 general election. ID followed in 1985 and photo ID in 2003. 27 23

Even in Northern Ireland, personation's scale was never measured

A 1998 government review found postal-vote malpractice but said personation at polling stations "has, however, been impossible to quantify", while police experience "certainly suggests that abuse is taking place". 31

The Electoral Commission later wrote that the extent of fraud "has never been quantified", so the impact of the measures could not be assessed accurately. 31

Britain adopted ID to close a gap, not after a rise in detected personation

The Electoral Commission recommended ID in 2014 because polling-station voting "had few checks in place to detect fraud" once registration and postal voting were tightened. Lord Pickles, recommending pilots, accepted that allegations were low and prosecutions rare, and invoked a "precautionary principle". 25 Since 2016, polling-station personation has produced five convictions and six cautions (as of August 2025). 24

Canada adopted ID because no check existed, with no fraud episode cited

Canada's 2007 law followed a Commons committee that was "struck by the absence of any requirement for an elector to confirm his or her identity" and saw this as "a significant deficiency … that could encourage fraudulent voting practices". 32 The legislative summary cites no documented case of fraud as the reason.

People turned away for lack of ID at British polling stations, 2023–2024

Share of people trying to vote in person

Share of people who tried to vote in person who were first turned away for lack of accepted ID, and share who did not come back and vote. May 2023 is English local elections; May 2024 is English and Welsh local elections; July 2024 is the UK general election in Great Britain.

% of in-person voters, by election

Share of people who tried to vote in person who were first turned away for lack of accepted ID, and share who did not come back and vote. May 2023 is English local elections; May 2024 is English and Welsh local elections; July 2024 is the UK general election in Great Britain. Read as share of people trying to vote in person: % of in-person voters. Dashed segments cross 2 definitional breaks in the source, explained in Method Changes below this graph. Use the Table switch to see every value.

  • Initially turned away
  • Did not return and vote
0%0.2%0.4%0.6%Jul 2023OctJan 2024AprJul0%0.1%0.2%0.3%0.4%0.5%0.6%0.7%May 2023JulAugSepOctNovDecJan 2024FebMarAprMayJunJul

Vertical dashed lines mark measurement changes. See method changes.

Source: Electoral Commission [48]

Observations 3
Britain's turnaways were small, and fell at each election

Both lines fell at each round, and by about two-thirds from the 2023 local elections to the 2024 general election. 29 44 At the general election, about 16,000 people, one in every 1,200 in-person voters, did not return and vote. 29

The turnaway figures undercount, and some people stayed home because of the rule

People reminded of the rule by greeters before reaching the ballot desk were not recorded, and some polling stations sent no return; the Commons Library adds that 20 constituencies sent no data in 2024. 29 26

About 4% of non-voters in 2024 gave an unprompted reason related to the ID rules, and non-voters in lower social grades were more likely to say they lacked the required ID. 29 The Commission says it "cannot use these figures to accurately quantify the impact of voter ID on turnout". 29

Confidence in Britain's elections rose, but the effect on personation is unknown

The share of people who thought voting was safe from fraud rose from 72% at the 2019 general election to 87% in 2024. 43

The government's evaluation said it "cannot be determined" whether the checks made personation easier to detect. 28 Seven polling-station personation allegations in 2024 led to no prosecution. 24

Method Changes
2024-05: England and Wales; partial data

May 2024 covers English and Welsh local authorities, and only the 278 that reported before the general election. [48]

2024-07: Local elections to a general election

The July 2024 figure covers the UK Parliament election across Great Britain, including Scotland. Turnout and the voters taking part differ between the two kinds of election. [48]

About this data

Full published range: 2023-05–2024-07. Every plotted line runs the whole of it – These are the three elections in the Electoral Commission's table. The May 2024 figures come from the 278 authorities that reported before the general election, with only limited checks and no absolute numbers. All are minimums: people reminded by greeters before reaching the ballot desk were not recorded, and some returns were missing or wrong.

Share of people trying to vote in person

In people: in May 2023 about 37,000 were first turned away and 14,000 did not return and vote; in July 2024, 50,000 and 16,000. The Commission published no absolute numbers for May 2024.

Awareness of the photo-ID rule, July 2024 UK general election

Share of people aware they needed photo ID to vote at a polling station, by nation and group (public opinion survey for the Electoral Commission, carried out immediately after the election).

% aware of the requirement

  1. Scotland90%
  2. White people90%
  3. Wales89%
  4. Northern Ireland89%
  5. ABC1 social grades88%
  6. All Great Britain87%
  7. England87%
  8. C2DE social grades86%
  9. Ethnic minority communities76%
  10. Aged 18 to 2471%

Source: Electoral Commission [29]

Observations 1
Awareness of Britain's rule was lower among young and ethnic-minority voters

18-to-24-year-olds and ethnic-minority communities sit well below the Great Britain average; social grades differ little. 29 Northern Ireland, where ID has been required for decades, was about level with Scotland and Wales at their first ID election. 29

About this data

The Electoral Commission reports these figures. It gives older groups only as "at least 91%" for people aged 45 and over, so they are not plotted.

Northern Ireland's electoral register before and after the 2002 Act

Names on the register in August 2002, before the first canvass under individual registration, and in December 2002, after it.

Names on the register

  1. August 2002 (household registration)1,192,136
  2. December 2002 (individual registration)1,072,346

Source: Electoral Commission [30]

Observations 2
Northern Ireland's register fell 10% in 2002, mostly from new registration rules

The Electoral Commission attributed the fall mainly to ending the practice of carrying names forward. It rejected the claim that 120,000 people were disenfranchised, but found "some evidence" that eligible people previously registered had not re-enrolled. 30

The fall measures the registration reform passed with photo ID, not people turned away at the polls.

After photo ID, Northern Ireland recorded much less suspected personation and no fall in turnout

Researcher Stuart Wilks-Heeg, quoted by the Commons Library, found "no evidence to suggest a fall in turnout". The other measures cited: 27

Measure Figure
Tendered ballots issued, 2005 general election 55, a 94% reduction from 1983 27
Personation convictions since 2002 One 27
Electors who believed fraud was commonplace, early 2000s 66% 27
Electors thinking at least some fraud took place, 2017 28% 27
About this data

The 2002 Act changed registration (individual forms with date of birth, National Insurance number and signature, and an end to carrying names forward) at the same time as it brought in photo ID, so this fall is a registration effect, not a measure of people deterred by ID at the polls.

Canadian non-voters citing electoral-process reasons, 2015–2021

Share of non-voters

Share of non-voters whose main reason for not voting was an electoral-process problem, a category that includes being unable to prove identity or address but also other problems such as not being on the list.

% of non-voters, by federal election

Share of non-voters whose main reason for not voting was an electoral-process problem, a category that includes being unable to prove identity or address but also other problems such as not being on the list. Read as share of non-voters: % of non-voters. Use the Table switch to see every value.

  • Electoral-process reasons, including ID
5%6%7%8%20152016201720182019202020215%5.5%6%6.5%7%7.5%8%2015201620172018201920202021

Source: Statistics Canada [49]

Observations 2
Few Canadian non-voters cite process problems, including ID

Electoral-process reasons, which include being unable to prove identity or address, stayed a small share of non-voters' main reasons at all three elections. 34 35 36 The category also includes other problems, so the share blocked by ID alone is smaller and is not published.

Canada keeps vouching as a fallback

A Canadian voter with no ID may vote after a written declaration, if an elector listed at the same polling station shows ID and vouches for them. 33 Canada's rule also accepts two non-photo IDs instead of one photo ID. 33

About this data

Full published range: 2015–2021. Every plotted line runs the whole of it – Statistics Canada's Labour Force Survey supplement for Elections Canada. The 2011 release did not report an electoral-process category, and no release for the April 2025 election was found. The ID-only share is not published in these releases.

This report covers ID shown at the polling station and documents needed to register. It does not cover ID for mail ballots, which NCSL tracks separately, or whether these rules change turnout, which is in Burdens of ID and citizenship-proof rules.

Subtleties

"Other democracies require ID" and "other democracies adopted ID because of fraud" are different claims

Most G7 members ask voters for ID, but of the three recent adopters only Northern Ireland acted after recorded personation; Britain and Canada acted on a perceived gap. 27 25 32 Countries such as Italy have required ID for decades, so their rule says nothing about whether fraud prompted it. 41

Britain's small turnaway rate does not by itself show the rule stopped fraud

The people turned away were people without accepted ID, not detected impostors; the government's evaluation found no way to know whether any personation went undetected. 29 28 The rate measures the rule's cost at the polling station, not its benefit.

About this data

US series. NCSL has published no single historical table, so the 1950–2026 line combines NCSL's two retrospective accounts with its voter-ID page as archived by the Internet Archive in the autumn of each federal election year from 2010 (September 2009 for the first point).

Each count is the figure NCSL stated at the time, not a reconstruction. Points are uneven, and the straight line between them is not annual data. The photo split uses NCSL's own photo/non-photo figures; strict-photo counts are counted from each archived Table 1.

Proof of citizenship. The cumulative line is derived from the enactment years on NCSL's current list of 13 states. It counts laws enacted, so it includes Alabama's and Kansas's laws that are not in effect and Florida's law that starts in 2027.

Early voting. Start days come from NCSL's state table; two are converted from day-of-week wording, as the chart note explains.

Comparators. Each G7 rule is taken from that country's own election law or official guidance, read in the original language; quotations in French, German, Italian and Japanese are given in the sources as published, with translations in the text.

Northern Ireland, Britain and Canada are given adoption histories because they are the cases most often cited in US debate.

Britain. Turnaway figures are from polling-station records reported to the Electoral Commission; the awareness figures are from a public opinion survey carried out for the Commission immediately after the election. Both are quoted from the Commission's own reports; the Commons Library briefing is used for personation, adoption history and the government's evaluation.

Non-Citizens on US Voter Rolls

State reviews find non-citizens at hundredths of a percent of registrants or fewer, and the database flags they start from include many citizens; how many go undetected is unmeasured. [8][20][16][1]

Non-citizen registrants found per million registrants, by state review

Non-citizens each review found on the rolls, per million people registered in that state at the time. Each bar is a different review, period and method; the status of the count is in each label.

Non-citizen registrants per million registrants

  1. Georgia, 2024 audit (confirmed)2.4
  2. Kansas, 1999–2013 (court finding)22.1
  3. Ohio, 2024 referrals (apparent)73.2
  4. Iowa, 2024 review (identified)120.4
  5. Louisiana, 2025 (suspected, preliminary)134.5

Source: United States District Court for the District of Kansas (via Civil Rights Litigation Clearinghouse) [22]; Associated Press (via WALB) [14]; Associated Press (via WOSU) [10]; The Highland County Press [12]; Associated Press (via News4JAX) [8]; Louisiana Illuminator (via News From The States) [13]

Observations 6
Every state that looked found some non-citizens on its rolls

Georgia, Iowa, Louisiana, Ohio and Kansas each found some non-citizens on their rolls, and no state that ran a review reported zero. 14 8 13 10 22 The chart shows each count per million registrants; the raw counts are in its note.

Confirmed registrants are hundredths of a percent of the rolls or fewer

Even the tallest bar, Louisiana's preliminary count reaching back to records from the 1980s, is about 130 per million registrants. 13 Georgia's confirmed count is the shortest, 14 and Kansas's court finding was 0.002% of its registrants. 22

The bars span two orders of magnitude partly because the states count different things: Georgia counted only cases it had "conclusively identified", while Ohio and Louisiana counted apparent or suspected cases not tested in court. 14 13

A check of a whole statewide roll is now routine

Texas ran its entire roll, more than 18 million voters, through SAVE in 2025 and flagged about 0.015% of it. 2 3 Ohio's office says it now identifies non-citizens "at the time of registration". 9

Before SAVE was opened to bulk checks in 2025, states such as Georgia and North Carolina relied on licence, jury and individual immigration-record checks. 24 14 20

Kansas: dozens of non-citizens over 19 years, against 31,089 applicants blocked

The longest record comes from the Kansas litigation. The district court found that at most 67 non-citizens registered or tried to register, and 39 got onto the rolls; it found the cases "largely explained by administrative error, confusion, or mistake". 22

Kansas's proof-of-citizenship law, meanwhile, left 31,089 applicants denied registration. These are applicants who did not supply documents, not people shown to be citizens. 22

Georgia held 1,634 applicants SAVE could not verify before they reached the rolls

Georgia's first citizenship audit, announced in March 2022, counted applicants held at registration rather than people on the roll: 28

  • 2,258 applications held in "pending citizenship" status; none was added to the rolls and none had voted.
  • 1,634 of them could not be verified by SAVE; the office called them non-citizens.
  • 624 could not be run through SAVE for lack of information, and were held because licence records listed them as non-citizens.

Because none reached the rolls, they are not in the chart. "Not verified" by SAVE is not the same as confirmed: SAVE can miss citizens whose status is absent from federal records. 4

Most non-citizens reach the rolls through paperwork errors

The reviews describe the same few routes:

  • Clerical error: Texas found people registered by county staff even though they had marked themselves non-citizens on the application. 7 3
  • Licence-record coding: Arizona's motor vehicle agency coded everyone licensed before 1996 as a citizen, so 218,000 registrants had no proof of citizenship on file. All had sworn they were citizens, and by October 2024 two had been identified as non-citizens. 23
  • Misunderstanding: some North Carolina voters said they did not know they could not vote. 20
  • Administrative anomalies: the Kansas court attributed most of its 39 cases to error and confusion. 22

Georgia found its 20 because they had sworn they were not citizens to get out of jury duty. 14 Each route runs through a check at the point of registration, which is where a records check or a documentary-proof rule would apply.

About this data

Derived, not published: each state's count divided by its registrant count, times one million, rounded to one decimal place. Kansas: 39 confirmed registrants, 1999–2013, over the 1,762,330 registered on 1 January 2013, 22.1 (the court rounded the share to 0.002%). Georgia 2024: 20 confirmed of 8.2 million, 2.4. Ohio 2024: 597 apparent non-citizens referred for prosecution (not convicted), over the 8,159,946 registered in November 2024, 73.2. Iowa 2024: 277 identified of nearly 2.3 million, taken as 2.3 million, 120.4. Louisiana 2025: 390 suspected, preliminary, over roughly 2.9 million, 134.5, with records reaching back to the 1980s. Where a source rounds the registrant count ("nearly", "roughly"), the rate uses the rounded figure, so it is approximate. Texas is not shown because its review has not published a count of confirmed non-citizens; its flags are in the next chart but one. These are found cases; none of these reviews estimates undetected ones.

Non-citizen votes found per million ballots, by election

Ballots that reviews found were cast by non-citizens, per million ballots cast in that election. Each bar is a different review and method.

Non-citizen votes found per million ballots cast

  1. Brennan Center survey, 2016 (42 jurisdictions)1.3
  2. Ohio, 2020 general2.2
  3. North Carolina, 2016 general8.5
  4. Iowa, 2024 general21.9

Source: Brennan Center for Justice [21]; Associated Press (via CBS Pittsburgh) [11]; North Carolina State Board of Elections [20]; Associated Press (via News4JAX) [8]

Observations 3
Some non-citizens vote, and every review finds a few

Every review that checked ballots found a few non-citizen voters; the chart shows the rate for each single election. 8 20 11 Iowa also found five whose ballots were rejected. 8 Counts that span several elections, or that are referrals rather than findings, are below.

Review Non-citizen voters found or referred
Louisiana, records back to the 1980s 79 who voted at least once 4
Ohio, 2024 referral batch 138 who had cast ballots 10
Tennessee 42 referred to the FBI 4
Indiana "at least 21" 4
Texas, first SAVE referrals (June 2025) 33 voters 2
Texas, September 2026 117 cases referred for investigation 1
Votes found are between about 1 and 22 per million ballots

Iowa's 2024 rate is the highest in the chart, and North Carolina's 2016 rate is less than half of it. 8 20

The lowest bar, the Brennan Center's 2016 survey, comes from interviews with officials in 42 jurisdictions with large non-citizen populations, not a records check; New York City declined to take part. 21 The Brennan Center is an advocacy organisation.

Referrals rarely become prosecutions

Ohio's suspected voter-fraud referrals of all kinds, sent to county prosecutors: 9

  • 633 sent;
  • 12 taken up; prosecutors said the others lacked evidence to pursue indictments;
  • 6 indicted after the Attorney General took the cases to grand juries.

After the 2018 referrals, "only a handful were ever prosecuted". 11 Some non-citizens who voted said they did not know they were barred, and North Carolina found some had been misinformed by registration drives or a precinct official. 20

A case not prosecuted is not thereby shown to involve an eligible voter, and a referral is not thereby shown to involve an ineligible one.

Subtleties
Detected cases are a floor

Each review finds only people who appear as non-citizens in some government record: a licence issued to a green-card holder, a jury-duty excusal, an immigration file. 14 8 20

A non-citizen who never declared that status to any agency would not be flagged. No source here measures how many such people exist, so these counts cannot rule out a larger undetected number; they also cannot show one.

About this data

Derived, not published: votes found divided by ballots cast, times one million, rounded to one decimal place. Brennan Center 2016: about 30 suspected votes referred in 42 high-immigrant jurisdictions that tabulated 23.5 million votes, 1.3 (an interview survey of officials, not a records check). Ohio 2020: 13 cast ballots, over nearly 6 million votes, 2.2. North Carolina 2016: 41 of nearly 4.8 million, 8.5. Iowa 2024: 35 of more than 1.6 million, 21.9 (five more were rejected). Each rate uses the source's rounded ballot total ("nearly", "more than"), so it is approximate. Ohio's later figure of 167 voters spans federal elections from 2018, so it has no single-election denominator and is not shown here.

Share of flagged registrants later shown to be citizens

Of the people a database match flagged as possible non-citizens, the share later shown to be citizens, by program. Each figure is as of the date its source gives and is a minimum where reviews are unfinished.

Flagged people later shown to be citizens (%)

  1. Denton County, Texas (SAVE, 2025)16.7%
  2. Texas statewide (SAVE, 2025–26)21.2%
  3. Alabama (state agency records, 2024)61.5%
  4. North Carolina (DMV records, 2016)97.6%

Source: NPR (via VPM) [3]; Texas Secretary of State [1]; Texas Secretary of State [2]; Associated Press (via WSLS) [16]; United States Court of Appeals for the Fourth Circuit [19]

Observations 8
Flag lists shrink sharply on review

In every program with a published follow-up, a large share of the people flagged turned out to be citizens, from about a sixth in Denton County to nearly all of North Carolina's licence-record flags. 3 1 16 19

The share depends on the database. Licence records keep showing people as non-citizens after they naturalise, as in Texas in 2019 and North Carolina in 2016. SAVE's misses fall on people whose citizenship is missing from federal records, such as those who acquired it through a parent. 25 19 4

Texas: 578 of 2,724 SAVE flags shown to be citizens, 117 referred
  • October 2025: SAVE flagged 2,724 of more than 18 million registrants; counties mailed notices and cancelled those who did not reply in 30 days. 2
  • December 2025: Denton County had 84 flagged voters: 14 proved citizenship, 14 had marked "not a citizen" on their forms and were registered in error (none had voted), and 56 were cancelled for not replying, five of them because their notices were undeliverable. 3
  • July 2026: the state elections director said SAVE had "some inaccurate information" and told counties to reinstate some voters, without yet saying how many. 6
  • September 2026: 578 had demonstrated citizenship, 506 of them because passport data reached SAVE after the state's first run, and 117 cases were referred for investigation of possible non-citizen voting. 1

No count of confirmed non-citizens among the 2,724 has been published.

Alabama: about 2,000 of 3,251 flagged were citizens

In August 2024 Alabama made 3,251 people inactive, using non-citizen numbers recorded by its unemployment and licence agencies. The Secretary of State's chief of staff testified to what followed: 16

  • About 2,000 were citizens: more than 900 proved it themselves, and another 1,000 were cleared when the office checked licence records.
  • At least 159 were removed, "a few" of whom said on their forms that they were non-citizens.

A federal court halted the program because it ran inside the 90-day window before a federal election. 16 Lawyers opposing a similar Virginia program said the licence-record check confirmed 93.8% of Alabama's checkbox-based flags as citizens, without confirming the rest as non-citizens. 17

Iowa's pre-election list and its later count came from different checks

Two weeks before the 2024 election, Iowa challenged the ballots of 2,176 people who had once told its transportation department they were not citizens. 8

After it gained access to federal immigration records, it identified 277 non-citizen registrants and 35 voters. 8 The later count is not described as a subset of the earlier list, so it is a smaller final count from a better source, not a measured rate of wrong flags.

Virginia removed 1,610 people; no count of citizens among them exists

Virginia's program removed 1,610 registrants inside the 90-day window in 2024. According to the voters' lawyers, the district court found the state had not shown that any of them were non-citizens, while crediting evidence that citizens had been removed. 17

The Supreme Court stayed that order on 30 October 2024, with three justices dissenting. 18 No count of how many of them were citizens has been found.

SAVE has checked tens of millions of voters, with no published error rate

What the Solicitor General told the Supreme Court in September 2026 about the revamped SAVE: 24

  • Checked: more than 65 million voters in 26 states.
  • Flagged as potential non-citizens: 28,635. These are flags, not confirmed non-citizens.
  • Error rate: not released, as the groups challenging it noted.

USCIS's own fact sheet says SAVE may be unable to confirm people who acquired citizenship through a parent. 4 In 2016, before the overhaul, North Carolina found that about 75% of people who later proved citizenship were still listed as non-citizens in SAVE. 19

States' own records would have cleared some flagged citizens

Texas did not check its SAVE list against its own licence records before sending it to counties. In Travis County, 11 of 97 flagged voters had already given the licence agency proof of citizenship. 5

Across the counties that answered Votebeat, at least 33 citizens had been identified by December 2025. 5 The Texas Secretary of State wrote to USCIS that state licence records sometimes "inaccurately reflect a person's current citizenship status". 7

Texas's 2019 review flagged almost 100,000, including about 25,000 listed in error

In 2019 Texas questioned the citizenship of almost 100,000 registrants, using licence records from people who had once said they were not citizens. The state later said it had overstated the list by about 25,000 names, counties found hundreds of naturalised citizens on it, and the state agreed in a settlement to scrap it. 25

About this data

Derived: citizens shown divided by people flagged. Denton County, Texas: 14 of 84 noticed (as of December 2025), 16.7%. Texas statewide: 578 of 2,724 SAVE flags demonstrated citizenship (as of September 2026), 21.2%. Alabama: about 2,000 of 3,251 flagged in 2024 were citizens, by the state's own testimony, 61.5% (about 62%). North Carolina: the State Board found 97.6% of people the DMV identified as non-citizens were citizens (2016 audit, as described by the Fourth Circuit). Iowa is not shown: its 2,176 pre-election flags came from Department of Transportation records, and its later 277 came from a separate check, so the share of the 2,176 who were citizens has not been published.

Non-citizens found against citizens wrongly flagged, by review

The two counts each review with a published follow-up produces.

One row per review
Ineligible registrants found, referred or removedCitizens wrongly flagged
Texas, statewide SAVE check117 cases referred [1]578 [1]
Denton County, Texas14 non-citizens [3]14, plus 56 cancelled for not replying, status unknown [3]
Alabama, 2024At least 159 removed [16]About 2,000 [16]

Sources: Texas Secretary of State [1]; NPR (via VPM) [3]; Associated Press (via WSLS) [16]

Observations 1
Both kinds of error appear in the same reviews

Each review produces two counts: ineligible registrants found, and eligible citizens wrongly flagged.

In the reviews with published follow-ups, citizens wrongly flagged outnumber the non-citizens confirmed.

Non-citizen voters found, against two recent close margins

Votes separating the candidates in two close races, beside the non-citizen voters that the same states' reviews found. Counts, not rates.

Votes or people

  1. Georgia, 2020 presidential margin11,779
  2. Iowa 1st District, 2024 margin798
  3. Georgia, DHS-flagged registrants who had ever voted (2026)150
  4. Iowa, non-citizens who voted in 2024 (statewide)35
  5. Georgia, confirmed non-citizens who had ever voted (2024 audit)9

Source: Associated Press (via WDBJ7) [26]; Iowa Capital Dispatch (via Little Village) [27]; The Atlanta Journal-Constitution [15]; Associated Press (via News4JAX) [8]; Associated Press (via WALB) [14]

Observations 2
The non-citizen votes found are far below recent close margins

Both margins dwarf the non-citizen voters the same states' reviews found, even counting every DHS-flagged Georgian who had ever voted in any election. 26 14 15 27 8 Iowa's count is statewide, so fewer could have been in the close district.

North Carolina's audit found that even if every ineligible ballot it identified in 2016 had gone to the winner, no race would have had a different outcome. 20

Some local elections are decided by a handful of votes

Louisiana's Secretary of State said fraud was not systemic but noted that some local elections had been decided by a handful of votes; she did not say whether any non-citizen votes affected them. 13

A race decided by single digits is within the range of counts found statewide. No source here matches non-citizen voters to the precincts or districts where they voted.

About this data

Georgia's 2020 presidential margin after the recount; Iowa's 1st Congressional District margin in 2024 after its recount, from AP's unofficial results. The Iowa count of 35 is statewide, so at most 35 of them could have been in the 1st District. Georgia's 150 are registrants DHS identified as possible non-citizens who had ever voted, in any election; Georgia's 9 are confirmed non-citizens who had voted in some earlier election, none in November 2024.

Ohio's non-citizen referrals, by year announced

Apparent non-citizens Ohio's Secretary of State referred for possible prosecution, as AP compared them in August 2024. More than 8 million people are registered in Ohio.

Apparent non-citizens referred

  1. 2019354
  2. 2021117
  3. 2022148
  4. 2024597

Source: Associated Press (via WOSU) [10]; Associated Press (via CBS Pittsburgh) [11]; Statehouse News Bureau (via WYSU) [9]

Observations 2
Ohio has found non-citizen registrants in every batch since 2019

Every batch in the chart contains non-citizen registrants, at sizes that vary widely. 10 In October 2025 Ohio forwarded to the Justice Department 1,084 cases going back to 2018 that included 167 people who allegedly voted in a federal election. 9 The batches cover different elections and methods, so they do not show a trend.

Ohio's counts are a small fraction of its electorate

Ohio had 8,159,946 registered voters and 5,851,387 ballots cast in November 2024. 12 The alleged voters in the 2025 referral span every federal election from 2018 to 2024; dividing them by one election's ballots would overstate the rate. 9 The Secretary of State, a Republican, called non-citizen registration "exceedingly rare". 9

About this data

The years are when referrals were announced, not when the elections took place, and each batch covers different elections. Of the 2024 referrals, 138 had cast ballots; of the 2021 referrals (for 2020), 13; of the 277 referred after the 2018 election, 77. No 2020 or 2023 batch appears in AP's comparison. In October 2025 the office forwarded 1,084 cases going back to 2018, which prosecutors had not acted on, to the Justice Department; that overlaps the earlier batches and is not a new year's count.

These reviews compare a state's voter list against records that say someone is not a citizen: driver's licence files, jury-duty excusals, immigration records and, since 2025, the federal SAVE database.

They count three different things that are often run together, each much smaller than the one before:

  • people flagged by a database match;
  • people confirmed as non-citizens on the rolls;
  • confirmed non-citizens who voted.

No review counts people whose non-citizen status appears in no record, so every figure here is a floor rather than an estimate of the total.

About this data

Why there is no time series. Each state review is a one-off, using its own databases, period and definition of a case, so the reviews cannot be joined into a national series. Ohio's referral batches are the only repeated count, and they are shown as a comparison by year of announcement because each batch covers different elections and AP's comparison omits 2020 and 2023.

How the per-million figures were made. They are derived by dividing each published count by the registrant or ballot total in the same source, then multiplying by one million; the inputs are listed in each chart's note. They compare scale, not identical measures: some counts are confirmed cases, others are referrals or suspected cases.

Who published the figures. Most counts are announcements by elected secretaries of state, several of them made shortly before elections. The Brennan Center and the Virginia filing come from advocacy groups and litigants. SAVE's national totals are the federal government's own figures in litigation and have not been audited.

Burdens of ID and Citizenship-Proof Rules: Missing Documents, Rejections and Turnout

Few citizens have no photo ID, but millions hold outdated licences or cannot readily reach proof of citizenship; Kansas and Texas rules blocked tens of thousands; effects on overall turnout are small and disputed. [1][2][14][16][27][28]

Mail ballots rejected, Texas and Georgia against the US, general elections 2016–2024

Share of returned mail ballots rejected

Share of returned mail ballots that were rejected (2024: not counted) in each November general election, as reported by states to the federal Election Administration and Voting Survey.

Rejected, % of returned mail ballots, by November general election

Share of returned mail ballots that were rejected (2024: not counted) in each November general election, as reported by states to the federal Election Administration and Voting Survey. Read as share of returned mail ballots rejected: Rejected, % of returned mail ballots. Dashed segments cross 2 definitional breaks in the source, explained in Method Changes below this graph. 2 dated events are numbered on a strip under the graph and listed below it. Use the Table switch to see every value.

  • Texas
  • Georgia
  • United States
0%2%4%6%2016201720182019202020212022202320240%1%2%3%4%5%6%7%201620172018201920202021202220232024

Events marked above

  1. Texas SB 1: ID number required on mail ballots

    The ID number on the envelope must match the one on the voter's registration record.

    Source: NPR (via Texas Public Radio) [16]

  2. Georgia SB 202: ID number replaces signature matching

    Absentee applications and ballots are checked against an ID number instead of a signature.

    Source: MIT Election Data and Science Lab (report by M.V. Hood III and Seth C. McKee) [33]

Vertical dashed lines mark measurement changes. See method changes.

Source: U.S. Election Assistance Commission [39]

Observations 4
Texas has stayed well above its 2020 rate and the national rate

Texas's line rises after its ID-number rule and stays well above both its 2020 rate and the national line. 19 20 23 24 25 Texas also sent 5.8% of its 2024 mail ballots into curing, the process for fixing errors, against 1.5% nationally. 20 24 The figures are not split by reason, so the share due to the ID rule is unknown.

Texas's rate fell sharply after the first primary

The March 2022 primary's spike (chart below) was not repeated in November. 16 19 The state election office credited redesigned envelopes, extra instructions, voter education and voters getting used to the rule. 16 Note too that 2020 was Texas's low point: its 2016 and 2018 rates were about twice as high. 26

Georgia's rate fell after SB 202 and has sat near the national rate

Georgia's line, high under signature matching in 2016 and 2018, has sat close to the national line since SB 202 replaced signatures with an ID number. 21 22 23 24 39 26 Its 2020 point is a floor, because the state's count missed some county rejections. 25

In a survey of county election offices, 32% said fewer mail ballots were rejected in 2022, though a plurality said the new verification had not reduced rejections. 33

The two states' ID-number rules produced opposite movements

Texas's number had to match whichever one was on the voter's registration record, and rejections rose; Georgia's replaced signature matching, and rejections fell. 16 33 So an ID requirement's effect on rejections depends on its design and what it replaces. It is not evidence about polling-place photo ID.

Subtleties
Published Texas 2018 figures differ by denominator

NPR's 1.5% for Texas in 2018 divides rejected ballots by ballots sent out; this chart divides by ballots returned, which gives 1.76%. 16 26 Comparisons should use the same denominator on both sides.

Method Changes
2020: Georgia's 2020 rejections incomplete

The EAC notes that Georgia's 2020 rejection count includes only ballots counties had entered into the state registration system by February 2021, "which does not necessarily include all ballots rejected by counties", so Georgia's 2020 rate is a floor. [39]

2024: Counted share only

The 2024 state data briefs publish the share of returned mail ballots counted but not the share rejected. The 2024 points are 100 minus the counted share, which also includes any ballots neither counted nor rejected, so they slightly overstate rejection. [39]

About this data

Full published range: 2016–2024. Every plotted line runs the whole of it – The survey has collected mail-ballot counts since 2004, but before 2016 its tables for Georgia count in-person early votes as absentee ballots (the 2012 report lists 1.9 million Georgia absentee ballots returned, against about 213,000 mail ballots in 2016), so earlier cycles are not comparable for this chart. Every general election from 2016 to the latest release (2024) is shown. Primaries are not covered by the survey; Texas's March 2022 primary is shown separately below.

Share of returned mail ballots rejected

2016: rejected divided by returned, calculated from the counts in the 2016 report's Overview Table 2 (its own percentage column divides by ballots transmitted): Texas 8,177 / 468,150 = 1.75%, Georgia 13,677 / 213,033 = 6.42%, US 318,728 / 33,378,450 = 0.95%. 2018 and 2020: the reports' rejected share of returned ballots. 2022: the state and national data briefs' rejected share. 2024: 100 minus the briefs' counted share (US 2024: 100 − 98.8 = 1.2). National figures are the EAC's US totals, which include Texas and Georgia.

Racial turnout gaps in Georgia, general elections 2014–2022

Turnout gap

Turnout of white citizens of voting age minus turnout of nonwhite and of Black citizens, in percentage points, from the Brennan Center's voter-file analysis. SB 202 was enacted in 2021, so 2022 is the first general election under it.

White turnout minus group turnout (percentage points), by November general election

Turnout of white citizens of voting age minus turnout of nonwhite and of Black citizens, in percentage points, from the Brennan Center's voter-file analysis. SB 202 was enacted in 2021, so 2022 is the first general election under it. Read as turnout gap: White turnout minus group turnout (percentage points). Use the Table switch to see every value.

  • White minus nonwhite
  • White minus Black
3%5%7%9%2014201520162017201820192020202120223%4%5%6%7%8%9%201420152016201720182019202020212022

Source: Brennan Center for Justice [40]

Observations 3
Georgia's racial turnout gap widened in 2022, the first general election under SB 202

In November 2022 the gap between white and nonwhite turnout was the widest since at least 2014. 34

The gap was already moving before SB 202, and its authors do not attribute it to the law

The white–Black gap also rose in 2016 and 2020 before the law and fell in the 2018 midterm. 40 The Brennan Center, which wrote that SB 202 "erected multiple barriers to voting", says "we cannot say whether the passage of S.B. 202 is the cause" of the 2022 widening. 34 Its 2024 analysis is in the next chart. 35

Georgia voters reported few problems in 2022

In a survey of more than 1,200 Georgians who voted in 2022, few reported problems: 32

  • 1.1% said they had a problem casting a ballot.
  • 75% of in-person voters waited ten minutes or less.
  • 72% rated their experience excellent, up from 55% after 2020.

The survey reached only people who voted, so it cannot show how many were deterred.

About this data

Full published range: 2014–2022. Every plotted line runs the whole of it – Every general election in the analysis is shown. The Brennan Center's later 2024 analysis uses a different turnout estimate and is shown separately; the two cannot be joined into one line.

Turnout gap

Values are the article's Datawrapper chart data ("White-Nonwhite Turnout Gap in Georgia, 2014–2022" and "White-Black Turnout Gap in Georgia, 2014–2022"), rounded to one decimal; for example the published 2022 gaps are 8.5546 and 7.3364. Race is self-reported or modelled by the data vendor; turnout is ballots cast over citizen voting-age population. The vertical unit is percentage points of turnout, not a percentage of the electorate.

Turnout of white and Black Georgians, presidential elections 2016–2024

Turnout by race

Ballots cast as a share of citizen voting-age population, from the Brennan Center's 2024 voter-file analysis.

Turnout, % of citizen voting-age population, by November presidential election

Ballots cast as a share of citizen voting-age population, from the Brennan Center's 2024 voter-file analysis. Read as turnout by race: Turnout, % of citizen voting-age population. Use the Table switch to see every value.

  • White
  • Black
50%60%70%20162017201820192020202120222023202450%55%60%65%70%75%201620172018201920202021202220232024

Source: Brennan Center for Justice [41]

Observations 1
Black turnout in Georgia dipped in 2024 while white turnout rose

The white–Black gap grew about as much from 2020 to 2024 as from 2016 to 2020, but for a different reason: this time Black turnout fell slightly, where before both groups rose. 35 41 This analysis uses a different turnout estimate from the 2014–2022 chart, so the two sets of gaps are not comparable.

About this data

Full published range: 2016–2024. Every plotted line runs the whole of it – These are the three presidential elections the analysis covers. Its 2024 denominator is projected forward from 2022 Census estimates.

Turnout by race

Values are the data behind the article's Datawrapper chart "Turnout Rates by Race, 2016–2024", published as fractions (e.g. white 2024 0.7471, Black 2024 0.5927) and shown here as percentages rounded to one decimal.

Adult citizens without each kind of document, 2023

Estimated US citizens aged 18 or over, national survey fielded September–October 2023. "No photo ID of any kind" and "outdated licence" are separate groups; the proof-of-citizenship bars are a separate question.

Adult citizens (estimated)

  1. No government photo ID of any kind2,600,000
  2. No non-expired driver's licence20,760,000
  3. Unexpired licence lacking current name or address28,600,000
  4. No proof-of-citizenship document at all3,800,000
  5. Cannot readily reach proof of citizenship (includes none)21,300,000

Source: Center for Democracy and Civic Engagement, University of Maryland [1]; Center for Democracy and Civic Engagement, University of Maryland [2]; Center for Democracy and Civic Engagement, University of Maryland [7]

Observations 3
Few citizens have no photo ID at all; many more hold an outdated licence

The bar for no photo ID of any kind, about 1% of adult citizens, is a fraction of the bar for a licence without current name or address, nearly always an old address. 1 Whether that group is burdened depends on the rule: a law accepting any current photo ID does not touch them; one requiring a matching address would.

About one citizen in ten cannot readily produce proof of citizenship

Over 9% of adult citizens have no birth certificate, passport, naturalization or citizenship certificate, or could not get to one by the next day; far fewer have none at all. 2 The survey did not ask about the marriage or divorce records people who changed their name usually need, so its authors call the estimate for women a lower bound. 9

The survey was commissioned by voting-access groups and run by an independent firm

Its sponsors were VoteRiders (which helps voters get ID), Public Wise, the Brennan Center and the University of Maryland's Center for Democracy and Civic Engagement; the firm SSRS fielded it. 7 It is self-reported and the only recent national measure; no survey by a government agency or a group favouring ID laws was found to compare it with.

Subtleties
The 2006 survey's larger figure measured something else

A 2006 Brennan Center survey found 11% of adult citizens lacked "current, unexpired" government photo ID, and 7% lacked ready access to proof of citizenship. 10 The 2023 survey's smallest bar counts people with no photo ID of any kind. The two are not a trend, and the 2006 figure is not the number of citizens with no ID.

About this data

Survey sponsored by VoteRiders, Public Wise, the University of Maryland's Center for Democracy and Civic Engagement and the Brennan Center, run by SSRS with 2,386 respondents; counts are the authors' projections onto Census population figures. "No non-expired driver's licence" includes people who hold other photo ID such as a passport or state ID card, which is why it is far larger than "no photo ID of any kind". "Cannot readily reach proof of citizenship" includes those with none at all. The bars are not additive.

Reasons given for having no driver's licence, 2023

Share of adult citizens without a driver's licence giving each reason. The four bureaucratic or economic reasons (cost, fines, time and documents) together come to 19%.

Share of those without a licence (%)

  1. Don't drive or don't like driving31%
  2. Not interested8%
  3. Anxiety about driving3%
  4. Cost of a licence8%
  5. Unpaid fines or other financial or legal difficulties4%
  6. Lack of time4%
  7. Lack of underlying documents3%

Source: Center for Democracy and Civic Engagement, University of Maryland [8]

Observations 1
A licence is often missing for reasons other than cost

Not driving is by far the most common reason for having no licence; cost and other bureaucratic or economic reasons together account for about a fifth. 8 In 2014 GAO found licence fees in strict-ID states ranged from $14.50 to $58.50. 30 No source measures the time and travel needed to obtain documents.

About this data

Reasons as listed in the survey report; not every reason respondents gave is listed, so the bars do not sum to 100. "Unpaid fines" is the report's "financial/legal difficulties including unpaid tickets/fines".

No licence, or a licence without current name or address, by race and party, 2023

Share of adult citizens in each group. The first part of each bar is no driver's licence at all; the second is a licence that does not show the holder's current name or address.

Compare by Problem with licence

No licence at all · Share of adult citizens in group (%)

  1. Black18%
  2. Independents/others18%
  3. Hispanic15%
  4. Asian/Pacific Islander13%
  5. Democrats9%
  6. Republicans6%
  7. White5%
Show all breakdowns
No licence, or a licence without current name or address, by race and party, 2023, by Problem with licence
CategoryNo licence at allLicence lacks current name or addressTotal
Black18%10%28%
Hispanic15%12%27%
Asian/Pacific Islander13%8%21%
White5%13%18%
Democrats9%14%23%
Republicans6%10%16%
Independents/others18%13%31%

Source: Center for Democracy and Civic Engagement, University of Maryland [3]; Center for Democracy and Civic Engagement, University of Maryland [5]

Observations 1
Black, Hispanic and independent citizens are most likely to have no licence at all

On the chart's default view, no licence at all, Black, Hispanic and independent citizens are about three times as likely as white citizens or Republicans to have none. 3 5 For white citizens the more common problem is an outdated licence. 3 A missing licence is not the same as missing photo ID, which the survey does not break down by group.

About this data

The source gives the total without a licence showing current name and address, and the share with no licence at all; the second segment is the total minus the first. A person with no licence may still hold another photo ID.

No licence with current name and address, by age and income, 2023

Share of adult citizens in each group without a driver's licence showing their current name and address (includes those with no licence).

Share of adult citizens in group (%)

  1. Age 18–2441%
  2. Age 25–2938%
  3. Age 30–4924%
  4. Age 50–6413%
  5. Age 65+11%
  6. Income under $30,00039%
  7. Income $30,000–$50,00021%
  8. Income $50,000–$100,00015%
  9. Income over $100,0009%

Source: Center for Democracy and Civic Engagement, University of Maryland [6]

Observations 1
The young and the poor are most likely to lack a licence with current details

The share falls steadily with age and with income. 6 For the young the gap is mostly addresses: people who have recently moved. For those earning under $30,000, most of it is having no licence at all. 6

About this data

The source does not split these totals into "no licence" and "outdated licence" except for incomes under $30,000, where 23% have no licence at all.

Proof of citizenship not readily available, by race and party, 2023

Share of adult citizens in each group. The first part of each bar has no birth certificate, passport, naturalization or citizenship certificate; the second has one but could not get to it by the next day.

Compare by Proof of citizenship

Has none · Share of adult citizens in group (%)

  1. Independents4%
  2. People of color3%
  3. Democrats2%
  4. White1%
  5. Republicans1%
Show all breakdowns
Proof of citizenship not readily available, by race and party, 2023, by Proof of citizenship
CategoryHas noneHas one but not readily availableTotal
People of color3%8%11%
White1%7%8%
Democrats2%8%10%
Republicans1%6%7%
Independents4%9%13%

Source: Center for Democracy and Civic Engagement, University of Maryland [4]

Observations 1
Gaps in proof of citizenship cut across parties

Every group has a gap, Republicans included; independents and people of color have the largest. 4 Because there are more white than nonwhite citizens, more white citizens in total lack ready access: over 12.9 million against over 8.4 million. 4

About this data

The source gives the share without ready access (including those with none) and the share with none; the second segment is the difference.

Kansas: applicants blocked by proof of citizenship against non-citizens found

Registration applications suspended or cancelled for lack of proof of citizenship from 1 January 2013 until the 2016 preliminary injunction, beside the trial court's counts of non-citizen registrations over about 19 years.

People

  1. Applications suspended or cancelled (2013–2016)31,089
  2. Non-citizens who registered or tried to (about 19 years)67
  3. Non-citizens confirmed on the rolls (1999–2013)39

Source: United States District Court for the District of Kansas (via Civil Rights Litigation Clearinghouse) [14]; United States District Court for the District of Kansas (via Civil Rights Litigation Clearinghouse) [15]

Observations 2
Kansas blocked 31,089 applicants against at most 39 non-citizens on its rolls

The blocked applications were 12.4% of new registrations from 2013 to 2015; the confirmed non-citizens on the rolls were 0.002% of registered voters. 14 15

The trial court noted that even the state's expert's estimate implied more than 99% of applicants held in suspense were citizens. 15 In 2020 the Tenth Circuit upheld its injunction, holding that the requirement unconstitutionally burdened the right to vote and was preempted by federal registration law. 38

Non-citizen registrations in Kansas were real but few

The court did find confirmed non-citizen registrations. 15 Kansas also offered anecdotes, including a clerk's letter about hog-farm employees taken by their employer to register who felt pressured "even though they may not be legal". 13

In 2016 the court found that evidence "insufficient to show that noncitizens actually voted". 13 After trial it found the confirmed cases "largely explained by administrative error, confusion, or mistake". 15

Subtleties
"Blocked" is not the same as "unable to prove citizenship"

The 31,089 are applicants who did not supply a document in time. The court found "no evidence about how many" of them lacked one. 37 It inferred they lacked ready access, did not know enough about the rule, or were unable or unwilling to take the steps. 37

The only estimate came from the state's expert, Jesse Richman, in a survey of the suspense list: 37

Richman's estimate Figure The court's view
Applicants lacking access to proof of citizenship 2.2% Not distinguishable from zero (margin of error 2.7%)
Citizens with "immediate access" 97.8% Includes people whose document someone else "keeps", itself an extra step

The record does not say how many could have complied with more effort and how many had no document.

About this data

Figures are the federal district court's findings after a 2018 trial. "Blocked" is applicants suspended or cancelled, not citizens shown to be unable to obtain documents; the court found no evidence on how many lacked them. The 67 are the 39 who registered before the law and 28 stopped by it. The non-citizen counts cover registrations from 1999; the blocked count covers about three years.

Maricopa County, Arizona: suspected non-citizen registrants referred for investigation, 2026

The county attorney's review of registrants referred by the county recorder, announced 28 September 2026. The county has more than 2.5 million registered voters.

People

  1. Referred as suspected non-citizens207
  2. Had voted at least once60
  3. Found to be non-citizens who voted8

Source: AZFamily (KTVK/KPHO) [12]

Observations 2
Arizona found 218,000 long-registered voters without proof of citizenship on file

Arizona has required proof of citizenship for state elections since 2004, and accepts a licence issued after 1996 as proof. Its motor-vehicle records coded everyone licensed earlier as a citizen without seeing proof, so at least 218,000 voters had full-ballot status without the document on file. 11

All had sworn to their citizenship, and when this was announced in October 2024 two had been identified as non-citizens. 11 The case shows that long-registered citizens have often never been asked for documents, and that the records used to check citizenship can be wrong.

The same records gap let a few non-citizens vote in Maricopa County

Only a handful of the referrals proved to be non-citizens who had voted, all licensed before October 1996, the group whose records had wrongly shown citizenship. 12 No statewide outcome for Arizona's 218,000 has been published.

About this data

All eight confirmed non-citizens had Arizona licences issued before October 1996, the group whose citizenship the state's licence records had wrongly treated as proven. No charging decisions were announced.

Mail ballots rejected in Texas's March 2022 primary, the first under SB 1

Share of returned mail ballots rejected, statewide and in two large counties, with Harris County's 2018 primary as the before point.

Rejected, % of mail ballots returned

  1. Texas statewide, March 202212.38%
  2. Harris County, March 202219%
  3. Williamson County, March 202211.5%
  4. Harris County, March 20180.3%

Source: NPR (via Texas Public Radio) [16]; NPR (via KUT) [17]

Observations 1
Texas rejected 12.38% of mail ballots in the first primary under SB 1

Statewide, 24,636 mail ballots were rejected, and Harris County's rate leapt from almost none in its 2018 primary. 16 17 Officials said most were rejected for a missing or mismatched ID number: voters missed the field under the envelope flap, or the number had to match one on a registration record that could be decades old. 16 17

About this data

Statewide and Williamson County figures are officials' final counts as reported by NPR; Harris County's are the county's. Texas permits mail voting only for voters aged 65 and over, voters with disabilities and a few other groups, so this is a burden on those voters in particular. The 2018 Harris figure is "less than 0.3%" in the source.

What Texans with rejected mail voting did next, March 2022 primary

Brennan Center analysis (Journal of Politics, 2025) of every Texan who requested a mail ballot for the March 2022 primary.

Voters

  1. Requested a mail ballot215,000
  2. Application or ballot rejected30,000
  3. Mail ballot rejected18,000
  4. Ballot rejected, then voted in person344

Source: Votebeat [18]

Observations 1
About 90% of rejected Texas mail voters did not vote another way

Very few rejected voters found another way: "roughly 90%" did not take part in the primary at all. 18 They were not occasional voters; about 85% had voted in every general election from 2016 to 2020. 18

Texas allows mail voting only for certain groups, including voters aged 65 and over and people with disabilities. 18 The study covers one primary; no follow-up exists for the general elections, where rejection rates were lower.

About this data

Counts are as reported by Votebeat from the study ("roughly", "more than"). About 85% of those rejected had voted in the 2016, 2018 and 2020 general elections.

Estimated effect of strict voter ID laws on turnout

Point estimates in percentage points: the national voter-file panel (all states with strict ID laws, 2008–2018) and GAO's two-state study (2012 general election against 2008). Negative means lower turnout.

Effect on turnout (percentage points)

  1. National panel: registration−0.1%
  2. National panel: turnout−0.1%
  3. GAO: Kansas turnout−1.9%
  4. GAO: Tennessee turnout−2.2%

Source: National Bureau of Economic Research [27]; U.S. Government Accountability Office [28]

Observations 4
The national panel finds no turnout or registration effect from strict ID laws

Cantoni and Pons's nationwide panel of 1.6 billion voter-record observations, 2008–2018, found strict ID laws had "no negative effect on registration or turnout, overall or for any group defined by race, gender, age, or party affiliation". 27 It covers ID at the polls, not proof of citizenship at registration or ID numbers on mail ballots.

The same study finds no effect on fraud, actual or perceived

The panel also finds "strict ID requirements have no effect on fraud – actual or perceived". 27

GAO estimated turnout fell 2 to 3 points more in Kansas and Tennessee

GAO compared Kansas and Tennessee, which tightened their ID rules for the 2012 general election, with four states that did not, and found turnout fell more in both. 28 GAO says the estimates do not apply to other states or years; the two states' election offices disputed its comparison states and one dataset. 31

Of the ten earlier studies GAO reviewed, five found no significant turnout effect, four a decrease and one an increase. 30

The national and state estimates are less opposed than they look

GAO's Kansas and Tennessee estimates lie inside the national study's 95 percent confidence interval for the average effect. 27 28 The national study rules out large average effects, not effects of that size in particular states or elections.

Neither measures burden directly. The blocked applicants, rejected ballots and people without ID in this report met an obstacle; turnout studies measure whether the total number voting changed.

About this data

The national estimates carry 95% confidence intervals of −3.0 to +2.8 points (turnout) and −2.3 to +2.1 (registration). GAO reports ranges across its three data sources rather than confidence intervals; the bar shows the end of each range nearer zero, and the larger ends are 2.2 (Kansas) and 3.2 (Tennessee).

Estimated extra turnout effect on particular groups

How much more (negative) or less (positive) a group's turnout changed than a comparison group's, in percentage points.

Difference in effect (percentage points)

  1. National panel: non-white vs white1.4%
  2. GAO Kansas: Black vs white−3.7%
  3. GAO Tennessee: Black vs white−1.5%
  4. GAO Kansas: aged 18 vs 44–53−7.1%
  5. GAO Tennessee: aged 18 vs 44–53−1.3%
  6. GAO Kansas: newly registered vs 20+ years−5.2%
  7. GAO Tennessee: newly registered vs 20+ years−4.6%

Source: National Bureau of Economic Research [27]; U.S. Government Accountability Office [29]

Observations 2
GAO found larger drops among young, newly registered and Black registrants

In Kansas the extra drop was largest for 18-year-olds, then for the newly registered, then for Black registrants; Tennessee showed the same pattern, smaller for age and race. GAO found no larger effect for Hispanic or Asian-American registrants. 29

The national panel finds no extra effect on non-white voters, and more campaign contact

The national study's estimate for non-white relative to white turnout is slightly positive and not significantly different from zero. Campaigns became 4.7 points more likely to contact non-white voters, which "might have offset modest effects" of the laws. 27 If so, the lack of a turnout effect partly reflects effort spent overcoming the rule, not a rule with no cost.

About this data

The national panel estimate (+1.4) has a 95% confidence interval of −0.5 to +3.2 and compares non-white with white voters across all strict-ID states. GAO's estimates are for Kansas and Tennessee in 2012 and compare Black with white registrants, 18-year-olds with 44–53-year-olds, and those registered under a year with those registered 20 years or more.

Great Britain: people turned away at a polling station for lack of accepted ID

Share of people who tried to vote in person, from polling-station staff records, in the first three rounds of elections with the requirement: those first turned away, and those who did not come back and vote.

Share of people attempting to vote in person (%)

  1. May 2023 local, first turned away0.7%
  2. May 2023 local, did not return and vote0.25%
  3. May 2024 local, first turned away0.6%
  4. May 2024 local, did not return and vote0.2%
  5. July 2024 general, first turned away0.25%
  6. July 2024 general, did not return and vote0.08%

Source: Electoral Commission [36]

Observations 2
Great Britain's turnaways were small and fell at each election

Both shares fell at each round; at the July 2024 general election those who did not return came to about 16,000 people. 36 About two-thirds of those first turned away in 2024 came back with ID and voted. 36

Some British non-voters say the ID rule kept them away

Around 4% of people who did not vote in 2024 gave an unprompted reason related to the ID rules, and non-voters in lower social grades were more likely to say they lacked the required ID. 36 This is the closest published measure of deterrence beyond those turned away at the door; no US equivalent was found.

About this data

From the Electoral Commission's Table 1. May 2023 covers English local elections, May 2024 English and Welsh local elections (data from 278 authorities, with no absolute numbers), and July 2024 the general election across Great Britain. The Commission says the records undercount. A free Voter Authority Certificate is available to people without accepted ID; 58% knew of it in 2024. About 4% of non-voters in July 2024 gave an unprompted reason related to ID; that is a share of non-voters, a different denominator, and is not plotted.

What this does and does not measure

This report counts people who met an obstacle — no document, a blocked application, a rejected ballot — and estimates whether total turnout changed.

It does not establish that everyone affected was eligible: in Kansas even the state's expert implied more than 99% of suspended applicants were citizens; elsewhere it is unknown. 15 Nor does it measure fraud prevented. The national panel finds no effect on fraud, and non-citizen registration is covered in Non-Citizens on US Voter Rolls. 27

State comparisons use the federal survey's definitions. Great Britain is the only other country shown, because its Electoral Commission publishes counts of people turned away for lack of ID; other democracies' rules are in Voter ID Rules in the US and Other Democracies.

Voter Roll Maintenance in the US

States remove millions of registration records each cycle, mostly after unanswered notices, moves and deaths; lists still carry inaccurate records, and bulk matching programs have repeatedly flagged eligible citizens. [1][2][27][29]

Voter registration records removed per two-year cycle, US, 2004–2024

Records removed

Records states reported removing from their voter lists in the two years before each federal general election, in records and as a share of registrants. Each point covers the two-year period ending in that year.

Records removed in the two-year cycle, by two-year period ending in the general-election year

Records states reported removing from their voter lists in the two years before each federal general election, in records and as a share of registrants. Each point covers the two-year period ending in that year. Read as records removed: Records removed in the two-year cycle. Dashed segments cross 1 definitional break in the source, explained in Method Changes below this graph. 2 dated events are numbered on a strip under the graph and listed below it. Use the Table switch to see every value.

  • Records removed
12m16m20m20042020202412m14m16m18m20m22m2004201020202024

Events marked above

  1. ERIC sends its first list-maintenance reports

    The Electronic Registration Information Center, a compact of state election offices, begins sending members reports of out-of-date or inaccurate records to check.

    Source: Electronic Registration Information Center (ERIC) [51]

  2. Husted v. A. Philip Randolph Institute

    The Supreme Court upholds Ohio's use of non-voting as the trigger for a confirmation notice, followed by removal after two federal elections without a reply or a vote.

    Source: Supreme Court of the United States (via Cornell Legal Information Institute) [18]

Vertical dashed lines mark measurement changes. See method changes.

Source: U.S. Election Assistance Commission [49]

Observations 3
About 21 million records were removed in 2022–24

The chart shows the count and the share of registrants for each cycle. In the latest, most states removed between 3% and 10% of their lists. 1 These are records taken off the lists, not people found to have voted illegally: the same report counts moves, deaths and unanswered notices as the main reasons (see the next chart).

The number removed has grown; the share removed has stayed in a band

The count climbed through most cycles, while the share of registrants removed stayed in a band, from a low in the 2008 cycle to a high in 2024. 16 14 1 Part of the rise in the count is more states reporting: 42 answered in the 2006 cycle, and every state with registration from 2018. 15 7

Because the share has moved much less than the count, most of the rest reflects longer lists rather than a higher removal rate. No source links the rise to a change in how often voters move or die.

Lists always carry some ineligible records

The Election Assistance Commission (EAC) says that because removal "can take up to two federal general election cycles", "it is inevitable that voter lists will contain some number of voter records for individuals who are no longer eligible to vote." 3

This is a statement about records, built into the federal process; it is not an estimate of how many there are.

Method Changes
2024: Section A redesigned; records counted, and duplicates added

The 2024 EAVS rewrote its voter-registration section to count records and registration transactions rather than forms, and added "duplicate voter registration record" as a separate removal reason, so the 2024 total is not strictly comparable with earlier cycles. [49]

As a share of registrants

Records removed as % of registered voters, by two-year period ending in the general-election year

Records states reported removing from their voter lists in the two years before each federal general election, in records and as a share of registrants. Each point covers the two-year period ending in that year. Read as as a share of registrants: Records removed as % of registered voters. Dashed segments cross 1 definitional break in the source, explained in Method Changes below this graph. 2 dated events are numbered on a strip under the graph and listed below it. Use the Table switch to see every value.

  • Removed as share of registrants
6.5%7.5%8.5%9.5%2004202020246.5%7%7.5%8%8.5%9%9.5%2004201020202024

Events marked above

  1. ERIC sends its first list-maintenance reports

    The Electronic Registration Information Center, a compact of state election offices, begins sending members reports of out-of-date or inaccurate records to check.

    Source: Electronic Registration Information Center (ERIC) [51]

  2. Husted v. A. Philip Randolph Institute

    The Supreme Court upholds Ohio's use of non-voting as the trigger for a confirmation notice, followed by removal after two federal elections without a reply or a vote.

    Source: Supreme Court of the United States (via Cornell Legal Information Institute) [18]

Vertical dashed lines mark measurement changes. See method changes.

Source: U.S. Election Assistance Commission [49]

Method Changes
2024: Section A redesigned; records counted, and duplicates added

The 2024 EAVS rewrote its voter-registration section to count records and registration transactions rather than forms, and added "duplicate voter registration record" as a separate removal reason, so the 2024 total is not strictly comparable with earlier cycles. [49]

About this data

Full published range: 2004–2024. Every plotted line runs the whole of it – Every cycle the EAC has reported under the NVRA, from its first report (2002–04) to the latest (2022–24); the 2026 survey is due in mid-2027. The 2002–04 report gives a rounded total (12.5 million) and earlier Federal Election Commission reports gave only approximations ("approximately 15 million" in 2000–02 and "13 million" in 1998–2000), so the line starts in 2004. The number of states reporting rose from 41 or 42 in 2004–06 to every state with registration from 2018. Values are the EAC's report figures, including errata for 2016, 2022 and 2024.

Records removed

2004 is the EAC's rounded "12.5 million". 2006 to 2012 count registrants reported by the states that answered (42 to 49 states).

As a share of registrants

The EAC's own percentages. The denominator is registrants reported at the end of the cycle, except in 2016, when the report divided by 2014 registration; only states reporting both items are included.

Why records were removed, US, 2006–2024

Records removed, by reason

Removals in each two-year cycle by the three largest reasons states reported, with every other reason and the uncategorised balance combined, so the four lines add up to the total removed.

Records removed in the two-year cycle, by two-year period ending in the general-election year

Removals in each two-year cycle by the three largest reasons states reported, with every other reason and the uncategorised balance combined, so the four lines add up to the total removed. Read as records removed, by reason: Records removed in the two-year cycle. Dashed segments cross 1 definitional break in the source, explained in Method Changes below this graph. Use the Table switch to see every value.

  • No notice reply, missed two federal elections
  • Moved out of jurisdiction
  • Died
  • All other reasons and uncategorised
2m4m6m2006202020242m3m4m5m6m7m2006201020202024

Vertical dashed lines mark measurement changes. See method changes.

Source: U.S. Election Assistance Commission [50]

Observations 2
Unanswered notices, moves and deaths are most removals
Reason for removal, 2022–24 Share of removals
No reply to a confirmation notice, then missed two federal general elections 33.5%
Moved out of the jurisdiction 30.8%
Died 21.6%
Duplicate record 8.1%
Other 3.4%
Voter's request 2.6%
Criminal conviction or incarceration 1.5%

The shares are from the EAC's corrected 2024 figures. 2 The same three were the largest named reasons in every cycle since 2006, although in the 2006 cycle the catch-all "other" category, which then included duplicates, was larger than any of them. 15 7 In the latest cycle both moves and non-response reached their highest counts in the series. 2

The non-response route is the largest and least certain

Non-response has been the single largest reason in most cycles, at between about a third and two-fifths of removals. 13 8 7 2

It rests on silence rather than on a record that the voter moved: the registrant did not return a card and did not vote for about four years. How many of these people were still living at their address is not measured nationally (see the Ohio chart below and Data still needed).

Method Changes
2024: Duplicate records become their own reason

The 2024 EAVS added "duplicate voter registration record" as a removal reason (8.1% of removals; 50.9% in Texas). Before 2024, duplicates were reported under "other". They are in the residual line here. [50]

About this data

Full published range: 2006–2024. Every plotted line runs the whole of it – The 2002–04 report did not count moves separately (they were folded into "other reasons"), so the breakdown starts in 2004–06. States that did not report a reason are absorbed in the residual, which is why it is large in 2006 and 2008 and was negative for the uncategorised balance in 2010. Counts are from each report's national table, with the 2016, 2022 and 2024 errata applied.

Records removed, by reason

"No notice reply, missed two federal elections" is the NVRA non-response route: a forwardable notice went unanswered and the registrant did not vote through the next two federal general elections. The residual equals the total minus the three named reasons; it includes voter requests, felony convictions, mental incompetence, duplicates, "other" and uncategorised removals.

Removal rates varied from under 1% to over 20% of registrants

Records removed as a share of registered voters, by state and territory, 2022–24. All jurisdictions reporting a total are shown.

Records removed, % of registered voters

  1. Puerto Rico22.2%
  2. District of Columbia21.7%
  3. Wyoming18.7%
  4. Indiana18.4%
  5. Massachusetts14.4%
  6. Connecticut13.9%
  7. California12.4%
  8. North Carolina12.4%
  9. Virginia12.3%
  10. Rhode Island11.7%
  11. Illinois11.2%
  12. Florida10.8%
  13. Maine10.8%
  14. Oklahoma10.3%
  15. South Carolina10.2%
  16. Delaware10%
  17. Pennsylvania10%
  18. Texas9.7%
  19. Arkansas9.4%
  20. United States (all reporting)9.1%
  21. Vermont9%
  22. Louisiana8.9%
  23. Ohio8.9%
  24. Colorado8.5%
  25. Nevada8.5%
  26. American Samoa8.3%
  27. Alaska8%
  28. Arizona7.9%
  29. Tennessee7.9%
  30. New Mexico7.7%
  31. Nebraska7.5%
  32. Kentucky7.2%
  33. Wisconsin7.1%
  34. Mississippi7%
  35. New York7%
  36. Missouri6.8%
  37. Washington6.5%
  38. New Hampshire6.1%
  39. Maryland5.8%
  40. Georgia5.7%
  41. Kansas5.7%
  42. Minnesota5.7%
  43. West Virginia5%
  44. Montana4.6%
  45. New Jersey4.3%
  46. Michigan4.2%
  47. South Dakota4.2%
  48. Iowa3.6%
  49. Oregon3.6%
  50. Alabama3%
  51. Idaho2.7%
  52. Hawaii2.5%
  53. U.S. Virgin Islands1.9%
  54. Utah0.8%

Source: U.S. Election Assistance Commission [1]

Observations 1
States' removal rates differ more than their populations do

The chart runs from Utah at the bottom to Puerto Rico at the top, while nearly two-thirds of states removed between 3% and 10%. 1 Some of the spread is definitional: half of Texas's latest removals were duplicate records, a category first counted in 2024; states that merge duplicates rather than delete them report fewer removals. 4

About this data

Each bar is the "Voters Removed, % of Reg. Voters" column of EAC 2024 EAVS Voter Registration Table 5 (A12a/A1a x 100); the February 2026 errata did not change any state's removal total. North Dakota has no voter registration; Guam and the Northern Mariana Islands did not report a total. A high rate can reflect a population that moves a lot, a state catching up on a backlog, or duplicates now counted as removals (half of Texas's removals were duplicates); a low one can reflect states that merge duplicates rather than remove them.

Most confirmation notices sent in 2022–24 were never returned

What happened to the 38.8 million confirmation notices states sent between the 2022 and 2024 general elections, as a share of notices sent.

Share of confirmation notices sent

  1. Unreturned (no reply and not returned undeliverable)68.9%
  2. Not categorised by the state11.3%
  3. Other10.6%
  4. Returned undeliverable8.5%
  5. Returned by voter, confirming registration with new address4.6%
  6. Returned by voter, confirming registration is invalid3%
  7. Returned by voter, confirming registration with no change3%

Source: U.S. Election Assistance Commission [17]

Observations 1
Notices are sent widely and rarely answered

States sent notices to more of their active voters in the latest cycle than in either of the two before (see the chart note). Most were never returned, and fewer than one in ten came back undeliverable. 17 An unreturned notice is what starts the non-response route in the reasons chart.

About this data

EAC 2024 EAVS Table 1 ("Most Confirmation Notices Sent Were Unreturned by Voters"), as corrected by the February 2026 errata. Shares are national figures computed by the EAC, each over only the states reporting that item, so they do not add to 100% (they sum to 109.9%). Notices sent equalled 19.1% of active voters in 2024, against 13.7% in 2022 and 14.3% in 2020. An unreturned notice starts the NVRA's two-federal-election clock; it is not itself a removal.

Few Ohio notice recipients said they had moved

Replies to the roughly 1.5 million confirmation notices Ohio sent in 2012, mostly to registrants identified by not voting, as described in the Husted dissent. Approximate counts.

Notices (approximate)

  1. No return card at all ("more than 1,000,000")1,000,000
  2. Replied "I have not moved"235,000
  3. Replied "I have moved"60,000

Source: Supreme Court of the United States (via Cornell Legal Information Institute) [19]

Observations 1
In Ohio's 2012 mailing, more recipients said they had not moved than had

Most recipients never replied, and of those who did, about four times as many said they had not moved as said they had. 19

Justice Breyer read the silence as showing "nothing at all that is statutorily significant"; the Court's majority held that federal law nonetheless makes removal "mandatory" once the notice and two-election conditions are met. 18

Amici cited by Justice Sotomayor reported that African-American-majority neighbourhoods in downtown Cincinnati had 10% of voters removed for inactivity, against 4% in a majority-white suburb. 20

About this data

Figures are the approximations in Justice Breyer's dissent, citing the trial record. The three categories do not add to 1.5 million; the remainder, about 0.2 million, is not described there.

Out-of-date records flagged by ERIC, by report type, 2013–2026

Records flagged

Records ERIC's cross-state matching flagged to its member states each year, by report type, and how many members it covered. These are leads for officials to check, not removals.

Records identified in ERIC reports, by calendar year

Records ERIC's cross-state matching flagged to its member states each year, by report type, and how many members it covered. These are leads for officials to check, not removals. Read as records flagged: Records identified in ERIC reports. 3 dated events are numbered on a strip under the graph and listed below it. Use the Table switch to see every value.

  • In-state updates
  • Cross-state movers
  • In-state duplicates
  • Deceased
04m8m20132020202602m4m6m8m201320202026

Events marked above

  1. NPR reports nine states have left ERIC

    NPR: all nine were Republican-led, and all left without a plan to replace it.

    Source: NPR [25]

  2. Hawaii joins ERIC
  3. Virginia ordered to rejoin ERIC

    Governor Abigail Spanberger signed an executive order directing the Commissioner of Elections to rejoin (from a secondary source).

    Source: Wikipedia [26]

Source: Electronic Registration Information Center (ERIC) [51]

Observations 2
ERIC has flagged 14.6 million cross-state movers since 2013

The Electronic Registration Information Center (ERIC), a members' compact of state election offices, matches voter files against motor-vehicle and Social Security death data and sends members leads to check. Its totals to the end of September 2026: 23

  • In-state address updates: 31,170,181
  • Cross-state movers: 14,600,683
  • In-state duplicates: 1,459,110
  • Deceased registrants: 681,231

These are leads, not removals: members must still contact movers under federal and state law. 23 ERIC itself says "Illegal voting is exceedingly rare". 24

Cross-state mover reports fell after 2021 as members left

Cross-state mover reports peaked in 2021 and fell steeply as members left; the members reading shows the drop. 23

A cross-state match needs both states in the compact, so fewer members means fewer possible matches. ERIC does not say how much of the fall is due to departures rather than fewer moves.

Members covered

Member states (District of Columbia counted as one), by calendar year

Records ERIC's cross-state matching flagged to its member states each year, by report type, and how many members it covered. These are leads for officials to check, not removals. Read as members covered: Member states (District of Columbia counted as one). 3 dated events are numbered on a strip under the graph and listed below it. Use the Table switch to see every value.

  • Members covered by reports
51525352013202020265101520253035201320202026

Events marked above

  1. NPR reports nine states have left ERIC

    NPR: all nine were Republican-led, and all left without a plan to replace it.

    Source: NPR [25]

  2. Hawaii joins ERIC
  3. Virginia ordered to rejoin ERIC

    Governor Abigail Spanberger signed an executive order directing the Commissioner of Elections to rejoin (from a secondary source).

    Source: Wikipedia [26]

Source: Electronic Registration Information Center (ERIC) [51]

Observations 1
Nine Republican-led states left ERIC in 2022–23

NPR reported in October 2023 that "Nine states — all Republican-led — have now withdrawn from ERIC" without a replacement. 25 In order of departure they were Louisiana, Alabama, Missouri, Florida, West Virginia, Iowa, Ohio, Virginia and Texas. 26 The chart marks the report, Hawaii's joining and Virginia's order to rejoin.

Iowa objected to ERIC's bylaws, including its requirement that members contact eligible but unregistered people; Virginia cited data security. 26 ERIC's current list has 27 states and the District of Columbia. 24

About this data

Full published range: 2013–2026. Every plotted line runs the whole of it – Every year ERIC has published since it began list-maintenance reports in 2013. 2026 runs only to 30 September 2026.

Records flagged

Cross-state movers appear to have registered or got a licence in another member state; in-state updates have a newer address in the motor-vehicle record; duplicates are two registrations for one person in the same state; deceased records match the Social Security death file. Each value is a row of the report-type table on ERIC's Statistics page ("Year States Cross-State Movers In-State Updates In-State Duplicates Deceased"), as of 30 September 2026.

Members covered

ERIC's own "States" column for each year of reports, e.g. "31 States + DC" is shown as 32.

Pew's estimate of inaccurate registrations, data to March 2011

The only direct national estimate of inaccurate or no-longer-valid voter registrations, by type. Categories overlap; the first bar is the de-duplicated total.

Registration records

  1. Inaccurate or no longer valid, de-duplicated total24,000,000
  2. Out of date12,700,000
  3. Incorrect address12,000,000
  4. Registered in more than one state2,758,578
  5. Deceased but still registered1,800,000

Source: Pew Center on the States [27]

Observations 2
The only direct measure of inaccurate registrations dates from 2011

Pew's study, using data from 2004 to March 2011 and published in February 2012, put inaccurate or no-longer-valid records at nearly 13 percent of the national total; the chart breaks that down by type. Pew said the analysis "likely underestimates" the problem. 27

The Supreme Court's majority in Husted (2018) opened with this estimate, 18 and ERIC's website still cites the same 2012 study for the scale of the problem. 24 No later national estimate of the same kind was found.

The figure predates ERIC, which began in 2012, and the growth in removals shown above, so it cannot be read as the size of the problem today.

"Inaccurate" in Pew's count is not "ineligible", and stale records are not votes

Pew counted as "inaccurate" an eligible voter whose file has wrong details, such as an old address, alongside "no longer valid" records of people who moved or died. 27 NPR's report on the study said "There's little evidence that this has led to widespread voter fraud". 28 The study measured records, not ballots cast in those names.

About this data

RTI International analysis of Catalist's commercial voter file for the Pew Center on the States, using data from 2004 to March 2011. Pew says it "likely underestimates" the problem. "Inaccurate" includes eligible voters whose records have wrong details, so this is not a count of ineligible people. The categories overlap and must not be added.

The federal rules for removing voters

The National Voter Registration Act of 1993 (NVRA) sets the rules for federal elections.

One row per rule for states
What the law says
Must run"a general program that makes a reasonable effort" to remove registrants who have died or moved [21]
Must finishAny program "to systematically remove the names of ineligible voters" no later than 90 days before a federal primary or general election [21]
May remove someone for a moveOnly on written confirmation, or after an unanswered forwardable notice followed by no voting through two federal general elections [21]

Source: Cornell Legal Information Institute [21]

Observations 3
The 90-day limit has stopped late programs

The Eleventh Circuit held in 2014 that Florida's 2012 non-citizen program, first using motor-vehicle records and then the federal SAVE database, broke the 90-day limit; two named plaintiffs flagged by it were citizens. 22

The court said eligible voters "removed days or weeks before Election Day will likely not be able to correct the State's errors in time to vote." 22 In October 2024 a federal judge blocked Alabama's program on the same ground, finding it began "eighty-four days before" the election. 37

The limit does not cover individual removals for death, request or conviction. 21

The Supreme Court upheld non-voting as a trigger for notices

In Husted v. A. Philip Randolph Institute (2018), the Court ruled 5–4 that Ohio's process, which uses failure to vote as the reason to send a confirmation notice and removes only after the notice and two-election steps, "does not violate the Failure-to-Vote Clause or any other part of the NVRA". Four justices dissented. 18 19

The Supreme Court let Virginia's 2024 removals stand

On 30 October 2024 the Supreme Court stayed a district-court order that had required Virginia to restore registrants removed under its non-citizen program; three justices would have denied the stay. 38

The district court had found, according to the challengers' filing, that the state "failed to show that any of the 1,610 people removed" were non-citizens. No count of citizens among them has been published. 39

Bulk removals that reached eligible voters, 2000–2026

Programs that matched whole voter lists against another database, with what was flagged, what was later shown, and how each ended. Figures come from courts, officials, journalists and advocacy groups, as marked in the sources.

One row per program
Matching methodFlaggedLater shown eligible, or not confirmedOutcome (as of)
Florida felon list, 2000Contractor database match181,157 names, about 65,776 of them felonsAbout 8,000 wrongly included; Leon County confirmed 34 of nearly 700 [31]US Commission on Civil Rights report (2001)
Florida non-citizens, 2012Licence records, then SAVENot stated in the opinionNamed plaintiffs were citizens [22]Held unlawful under the 90-day limit (2014)
Texas deceased, 2012Social Security death file, "weak" matchesAbout 80,000More than 68,000 were weak matches [29]Practice changed in a settlement (reported 2018)
Virginia movers, 2013Crosscheck (name and birth date)Nearly 39,000 removedError rates up to 17 percent in some counties [29]New state guidance after removals
New York City, 2014–16Non-voting, without the two-election waitMore than 200,000 deletedFound improper by the state attorney general [29]Federal settlement, October 2017 [30]
Arkansas felony list, 2016State crime-information recordsMore than 7,700Fewer than 5,000 corrected by September 2016 [29]—
Georgia "exact match", 2018Licence and Social Security recordsMore than 53,000 applications on holdCould vote by showing photo ID [34]—
Ohio inactive list, 2019Non-response routeMore than 235,000Activists said 4,000 wrongly listed; 14,000 became active [35] [36]Removals went ahead, September 2019
Alabama non-citizens, 2024Alien registration numbers in state agency data3,251About 2,000 citizens [37]Blocked under the 90-day limit (October 2024)
Virginia non-citizens, 2024Licence-agency citizenship checkbox1,610 removedState showed none were non-citizens (district court) [39]Removals allowed by Supreme Court stay [38]
Texas SAVE check, 2025–26SAVE against the whole roll2,724 of more than 18 million578 shown to be citizens, 506 of them because passport data reached SAVE after the first run [48]Counties told to reinstate them (September 2026)

Sources: U.S. Court of Appeals for the Eleventh Circuit [22]; Brennan Center for Justice [29]; Brennan Center for Justice [30]; U.S. Commission on Civil Rights [31]; Georgia Public Broadcasting [34]; WOSU Public Media [35]; WVXU [36]; The Denver Gazette [37]; Supreme Court of the United States [38]; Campaign Legal Center and Lawyers’ Committee for Civil Rights Under Law [39]; Texas Secretary of State [48]

Observations 4
Bulk matches have repeatedly flagged eligible voters

Every programme in the table flagged people who were eligible. The Brennan Center describes the two usual causes as bad source data (Arkansas's felony list) and loose matching rules (Texas's "weak" death matches, Crosscheck's name-and-birth-date match). 29

A 2017 Stanford-led study estimated that Crosscheck applied nationally would "impede 300 legal votes for every double vote prevented." 30 In North Carolina, the challengers' brief quotes the Fourth Circuit as finding "97.6% of persons identified by the DMV as noncitizens, in fact were citizens". 39

Florida's 2000 list was inaccurate; whether errors fell more on Black voters is disputed

A Harvard Kennedy School analysis estimated that "probably more than 25%" of names on the list were there in error, that more Black registrants were wrongly listed than white or Latino ones, and that Republican county supervisors were more likely to use it. 32 In Miami-Dade, over half of the African Americans who appealed were reinstated. 31

Abigail Thernstrom, a dissenting member of the US Commission on Civil Rights, testified that the commission's own data showed "whites were erroneously placed on the purge list at almost twice the rate of blacks." 33

SAVE flags include citizens, at an unknown rate

The federal SAVE database was overhauled in 2025 to check citizenship in bulk. The Solicitor General's figures, which are not audited: 46

  • Checked: more than 65 million registrants in 26 states.
  • Flagged as potential non-citizens: 28,635.

In Texas: 47 45 48

  • Flagged: 2,724, about 0.015% of its registrants.
  • July 2026: the elections director said SAVE had "some inaccurate information" while "most of the data" matched the licence agency's.
  • September 2026: 578 of the 2,724 (21.2%) had demonstrated citizenship, 506 of them because passport information was added to SAVE after the first run.

Flagged Texans who do not reply within 30 days are cancelled but can be reinstated at the polls with proof of citizenship. 44 The non-citizen findings themselves are in Non-Citizens on US Voter Rolls.

Advocates' purge totals are mostly the lawful removals in the federal data

The Brennan Center's "almost 16 million voters" purged between 2014 and 2016 is the EAC's total of removals for every reason, more than half of them moves and deaths (see the first two charts). 29 9

The Brennan Center itself says that "When done correctly, purges ensure the voter rolls are accurate and up-to-date." 29 The errors in the table are real but are thousands to hundreds of thousands of records against removals in the tens of millions; no national count of wrongful removals exists.

Claims of bloated rolls, and what they counted

Four claims about ineligible names on voter lists, with what each compared.

One row per claim
What was comparedWhat the comparison countsOutcome (as of)
Judicial Watch, 2019: 378 counties above 100% registrationEAC registration data against Census survey estimates for 2013–17Registrations, including inactive ones, against a sample estimate of eligible citizens [40]—
Judicial Watch, October 2020: 353 counties with 1.8 million more registrants than eligible citizensState-posted registration against Census survey estimates for 2014–18The same; a statistician called including inactive voters "misleading" [40] [41]—
Public Interest Legal Foundation, October 2020: more than 21,000 dead Pennsylvania registrantsGroup's own death matchingMore than half of its earlier 9,300 names were missing from the later list [42]Removal order refused; settled April 2021 with an agreement to use ERIC death data [42]
Judicial Watch tally, 2025: over five million names removed after its lawsuits since 2017Removals states made under settlementsRegistrations removed through the NVRA process: 1.2 million in Los Angeles County, 918,139 in New York City and 735,000 in Kentucky [43]Reported April 2025

Sources: Judicial Watch [40]; Snopes [41]; FactCheck.org [42]; Washington Examiner (via Colorado Politics) [43]

Observations 2
Lawsuits have pushed states to remove millions of stale registrations

Judicial Watch counts more than five million names removed since 2017 after its NVRA suits, the largest in Los Angeles County, New York City and Kentucky (see the table). 43 These were registrations removed through the notice-and-wait process; the group describes them as ineligible, and they are part of the national totals in the first chart.

Over-100% claims count inactive records against survey estimates

The county claims compare registrations, including inactive registrants awaiting the two-election clock, with sample-based Census estimates of eligible citizens. Judicial Watch's release says inactive voters "are still registered voters"; the statistician quoted by Snopes said "If you haven't voted, you haven't voted fraudulently." 40 41

A registration rate above 100% therefore measures stale records the process has not yet removed, which the EAC says lists will always carry, rather than ballots cast. 3

Data still needed

  • A comparison across states of measured outcomes (turnout, rejected ballots, detected fraud, voter confidence) before and after each state adopted photo-ID or documentary-proof-of-citizenship rulesThe record shows that state rules vary widely and keep changing, but no source read links a state's choice of rule to its results, so the claim that letting states differ shows which rules work rests on the value of local choice rather than on evidence.
  • An appellate or Supreme Court ruling on the merits of presidential power over federal election rulesThe only merits rulings are from two district courts on the 2025 order; the Supreme Court's 2026 rulings were on standing and stays. The First Circuit appeals and any certiorari petition will settle whether the district courts' view holds.
Sources

Federal and State Power Over Voter ID and Registration Rules

  1. U.S. Constitution, Article I, Section 4, Clause 1 (the Elections Clause)

    Legal Information Institute, Cornell Law School, 1788 · supports

    “The times, places and manner of holding elections for Senators and Representatives, shall be prescribed in each state by the legislature thereof; but the Congress may at any time by law make or alter such regulations, except as to the places of choosing Senators.”Hide quote
    The times, places and manner of holding elections for Senators and Representatives, shall be prescribed in each state by the legislature thereof; but the Congress may at any time by law make or alter such regulations, except as to the places of choosing Senators.
  2. U.S. Constitution, Article I, Section 7, Clause 2 (presentment)

    Legal Information Institute, Cornell Law School, 1788 · supports

    “Every bill which shall have passed the House of Representatives and the Senate, shall, before it become a law, be presented to the President of the United States; if he approve he shall sign it, but if not he shall return it, with his objections to that House in which it shall have originated”Hide quote
    Every bill which shall have passed the House of Representatives and the Senate, shall, before it become a law, be presented to the President of the United States; if he approve he shall sign it, but if not he shall return it, with his objections to that House in which it shall have originated
  3. Arizona v. Inter Tribal Council of Arizona, Inc., 570 U.S. 1 (2013), opinion of the Court

    Supreme Court of the United States (via Cornell LII), 2013-06-17 · supports

    “The power of Congress over the “Times, Places and Manner” of congressional elections “is paramount, and may be exercised at any time, and to any extent which it deems expedient; and so far as it is exercised, and no farther, the regulations effected supersede those of the State which are inconsistent therewith.””Hide quote
    The power of Congress over the “Times, Places and Manner” of congressional elections “is paramount, and may be exercised at any time, and to any extent which it deems expedient; and so far as it is exercised, and no farther, the regulations effected supersede those of the State which are inconsistent therewith.”
  4. Arizona v. Inter Tribal Council of Arizona, Inc., 570 U.S. 1 (2013), opinion of the Court

    Supreme Court of the United States (via Cornell LII), 2013-06-17 · supports

    “Arizona is correct that the Elections Clause empowers Congress to regulate how federal elections are held, but not who may vote in them. The Constitution prescribes a straightforward rule for the composition of the federal electorate. … Since the power to establish voting requirements is of little value without the power to enforce those requirements, Arizona is correct that it would raise serious constitutional doubts if a federal statute precluded a State from obtaining the information necessary to enforce its voter qualifications.”Hide quote
    Arizona is correct that the Elections Clause empowers Congress to regulate how federal elections are held, but not who may vote in them. The Constitution prescribes a straightforward rule for the composition of the federal electorate. … Since the power to establish voting requirements is of little value without the power to enforce those requirements, Arizona is correct that it would raise serious constitutional doubts if a federal statute precluded a State from obtaining the information necessary to enforce its voter qualifications.
  5. Arizona v. Inter Tribal Council of Arizona, Inc., 570 U.S. 1 (2013), opinion of the Court

    Supreme Court of the United States (via Cornell LII), 2013-06-17 · supports

    “We hold that 42 U. S. C. §1973gg–4 precludes Arizona from requiring a Federal Form applicant to submit information beyond that required by the form itself. Arizona may, however, request anew that the EAC include such a requirement among the Federal Form’s state-specific instructions, and may seek judicial review of the EAC’s decision under the Administrative Procedure Act.”Hide quote
    We hold that 42 U. S. C. §1973gg–4 precludes Arizona from requiring a Federal Form applicant to submit information beyond that required by the form itself. Arizona may, however, request anew that the EAC include such a requirement among the Federal Form’s state-specific instructions, and may seek judicial review of the EAC’s decision under the Administrative Procedure Act.
  6. Arizona v. Inter Tribal Council of Arizona, Inc., 570 U.S. 1 (2013), syllabus

    Supreme Court of the United States (via Cornell LII), 2013-06-17 · supports

    “That “Federal Form,” developed by the federal Election Assistance Commission (EAC), requires only that an applicant aver, under penalty of perjury, that he is a citizen. Arizona law, however, requires voter-registration officials to “reject” any application for registration, including a Federal Form, that is not accompanied by documentary evidence of citizenship. … Scalia, J., delivered the opinion of the Court, in which Roberts, C. J., and Ginsburg, Breyer, Sotomayor, and Kagan, JJ., joined, and in which Kennedy, J., joined in part. Kennedy, J., filed an opinion concurring in part and concurring in the judgment. Thomas, J., and Alito, J., filed dissenting opinions.”Hide quote
    That “Federal Form,” developed by the federal Election Assistance Commission (EAC), requires only that an applicant aver, under penalty of perjury, that he is a citizen. Arizona law, however, requires voter-registration officials to “reject” any application for registration, including a Federal Form, that is not accompanied by documentary evidence of citizenship. … Scalia, J., delivered the opinion of the Court, in which Roberts, C. J., and Ginsburg, Breyer, Sotomayor, and Kagan, JJ., joined, and in which Kennedy, J., joined in part. Kennedy, J., filed an opinion concurring in part and concurring in the judgment. Thomas, J., and Alito, J., filed dissenting opinions.
  7. Crawford v. Marion County Election Board, 553 U.S. 181 (2008), syllabus

    Supreme Court of the United States (via Cornell LII), 2008-04-28 · supports

    “Stevens, J., announced the judgment of the Court and delivered an opinion, in which Roberts, C. J., and Kennedy, J., joined. Scalia, J., filed an opinion concurring in the judgment, in which Thomas and Alito, JJ., joined. Souter, J., filed a dissenting opinion, in which Ginsburg, J., joined. Breyer, J., filed a dissenting opinion.”Hide quote
    Stevens, J., announced the judgment of the Court and delivered an opinion, in which Roberts, C. J., and Kennedy, J., joined. Scalia, J., filed an opinion concurring in the judgment, in which Thomas and Alito, JJ., joined. Souter, J., filed a dissenting opinion, in which Ginsburg, J., joined. Breyer, J., filed a dissenting opinion.
  8. Crawford v. Marion County Election Board, 553 U.S. 181 (2008), opinion of Stevens, J.

    Supreme Court of the United States (via Cornell LII), 2008-04-28 · complicates

    “The requirement does not apply to absentee ballots submitted by mail … the State offers free photo identification to qualified voters able to establish their residence and identity. … The only kind of voter fraud that SEA 483 addresses is in-person voter impersonation at polling places. The record contains no evidence of any such fraud actually occurring in Indiana at any time in its history. … It remains true, however, that flagrant examples of such fraud in other parts of the country have been documented throughout this Nation’s history by respected historians and journalists”Hide quote
    The requirement does not apply to absentee ballots submitted by mail … the State offers free photo identification to qualified voters able to establish their residence and identity. … The only kind of voter fraud that SEA 483 addresses is in-person voter impersonation at polling places. The record contains no evidence of any such fraud actually occurring in Indiana at any time in its history. … It remains true, however, that flagrant examples of such fraud in other parts of the country have been documented throughout this Nation’s history by respected historians and journalists
  9. Crawford v. Marion County Election Board, 553 U.S. 181 (2008), opinion of Stevens, J.

    Supreme Court of the United States (via Cornell LII), 2008-04-28 · supports

    “While that interest is closely related to the State’s interest in preventing voter fraud, public confidence in the integrity of the electoral process has independent significance, because it encourages citizen participation in the democratic process.”Hide quote
    While that interest is closely related to the State’s interest in preventing voter fraud, public confidence in the integrity of the electoral process has independent significance, because it encourages citizen participation in the democratic process.
  10. Crawford v. Marion County Election Board, 553 U.S. 181 (2008), opinion of Stevens, J.

    Supreme Court of the United States (via Cornell LII), 2008-04-28 · supports

    “In sum, on the basis of the record that has been made in this litigation, we cannot conclude that the statute imposes “excessively burdensome requirements” on any class of voters. … The state interests identified as justifications for SEA 483 are both neutral and sufficiently strong to require us to reject petitioners’ facial attack on the statute.”Hide quote
    In sum, on the basis of the record that has been made in this litigation, we cannot conclude that the statute imposes “excessively burdensome requirements” on any class of voters. … The state interests identified as justifications for SEA 483 are both neutral and sufficiently strong to require us to reject petitioners’ facial attack on the statute.
  11. Crawford v. Marion County Election Board, 553 U.S. 181 (2008), opinion of Stevens, J.

    Supreme Court of the United States (via Cornell LII), 2008-04-28 · complicates

    “She estimated that as of 2005, when the statute was enacted, around 43,000 Indiana residents lacked a state-issued driver’s license or identification card.”Hide quote
    She estimated that as of 2005, when the statute was enacted, around 43,000 Indiana residents lacked a state-issued driver’s license or identification card.
  12. Crawford v. Marion County Election Board, 553 U.S. 181 (2008), Souter, J., dissenting

    Supreme Court of the United States (via Cornell LII), 2008-04-28 · complicates

    “threatens to impose nontrivial burdens on the voting right of tens of thousands of the State’s citizens, see ante, at 14–15 (lead opinion), and a significant percentage of those individuals are likely to be deterred from voting, see ante, at 15–16.”Hide quote
    threatens to impose nontrivial burdens on the voting right of tens of thousands of the State’s citizens, see ante, at 14–15 (lead opinion), and a significant percentage of those individuals are likely to be deterred from voting, see ante, at 15–16.
  13. Crawford v. Marion County Election Board, 553 U.S. 181 (2008), Scalia, J., concurring in the judgment

    Supreme Court of the United States (via Cornell LII), 2008-04-28 · supports

    “The burden of acquiring, possessing, and showing a free photo identification is simply not severe, because it does not “even represent a significant increase over the usual burdens of voting.””Hide quote
    The burden of acquiring, possessing, and showing a free photo identification is simply not severe, because it does not “even represent a significant increase over the usual burdens of voting.”
  14. Moore v. Harper, 600 U.S. 1 (2023), opinion of the Court

    Supreme Court of the United States (via Cornell LII), 2023-06-27 · complicates

    “We are asked to decide whether the Elections Clause carves out an exception to this basic principle. We hold that it does not. The Elections Clause does not insulate state legislatures from the ordinary exercise of state judicial review.”Hide quote
    We are asked to decide whether the Elections Clause carves out an exception to this basic principle. We hold that it does not. The Elections Clause does not insulate state legislatures from the ordinary exercise of state judicial review.
  15. Husted v. A. Philip Randolph Institute, 584 U.S. 756 (2018), syllabus

    Supreme Court of the United States (via Cornell LII), 2018-06-11 · supports

    “Held: The process that Ohio uses to remove voters on change-of-residence grounds does not violate the Failure-to-Vote Clause or any other part of the NVRA.”Hide quote
    Held: The process that Ohio uses to remove voters on change-of-residence grounds does not violate the Failure-to-Vote Clause or any other part of the NVRA.
  16. Statutes Enforced By The Voting Section

    U.S. Department of Justice, Civil Rights Division, 2024-08-15 · supports

    “Section 2 of the VRA is a nationwide prohibition against voting practices and procedures (including redistricting plans and at-large election systems and voter registration procedures) that discriminate on the basis of race, color or membership in a language minority group. … On June 25, 2013, the Supreme Court held that it is unconstitutional to use the coverage formula in Section 4(b) of the VRA to determine which jurisdictions are subject to the preclearance requirement of Section 5 of the VRA.”Hide quote
    Section 2 of the VRA is a nationwide prohibition against voting practices and procedures (including redistricting plans and at-large election systems and voter registration procedures) that discriminate on the basis of race, color or membership in a language minority group. … On June 25, 2013, the Supreme Court held that it is unconstitutional to use the coverage formula in Section 4(b) of the VRA to determine which jurisdictions are subject to the preclearance requirement of Section 5 of the VRA.
  17. Statutes Enforced By The Voting Section

    U.S. Department of Justice, Civil Rights Division, 2024-08-15 · supports

    “The National Voter Registration Act, also known as the NVRA or the Motor Voter Act was enacted by Congress in 1993. The NVRA requires states to make voter registration opportunities for federal elections available through the mail and when people apply for or receive driver licenses, public assistance, disability services, and other government services. The NVRA also provides rules regarding maintenance of voter registration lists for federal elections.”Hide quote
    The National Voter Registration Act, also known as the NVRA or the Motor Voter Act was enacted by Congress in 1993. The NVRA requires states to make voter registration opportunities for federal elections available through the mail and when people apply for or receive driver licenses, public assistance, disability services, and other government services. The NVRA also provides rules regarding maintenance of voter registration lists for federal elections.
  18. Statutes Enforced By The Voting Section

    U.S. Department of Justice, Civil Rights Division, 2024-08-15 · supports

    “The Help America Vote Act, also known as HAVA, was enacted by Congress in 2002. HAVA establishes minimum standards for states to follow in several key aspects of administration of federal elections, including voting systems, provisional ballots, voter information posters on election days, first time voters who register to vote by mail and statewide voter registration databases.”Hide quote
    The Help America Vote Act, also known as HAVA, was enacted by Congress in 2002. HAVA establishes minimum standards for states to follow in several key aspects of administration of federal elections, including voting systems, provisional ballots, voter information posters on election days, first time voters who register to vote by mail and statewide voter registration databases.
  19. 52 U.S.C. §21083(b), Requirements for voters who register by mail (HAVA §303(b))

    Legal Information Institute, Cornell Law School, 2002 · supports

    “An individual meets the requirements of this paragraph if the individual— (i) in the case of an individual who votes in person— (I) presents to the appropriate State or local election official a current and valid photo identification; or (II) presents to the appropriate State or local election official a copy of a current utility bill, bank statement, government check, paycheck, or other government document that shows the name and address of the voter … An individual who desires to vote in person, but who does not meet the requirements of subparagraph (A)(i), may cast a provisional ballot under section 21082(a) of this title.”Hide quote
    An individual meets the requirements of this paragraph if the individual— (i) in the case of an individual who votes in person— (I) presents to the appropriate State or local election official a current and valid photo identification; or (II) presents to the appropriate State or local election official a copy of a current utility bill, bank statement, government check, paycheck, or other government document that shows the name and address of the voter … An individual who desires to vote in person, but who does not meet the requirements of subparagraph (A)(i), may cast a provisional ballot under section 21082(a) of this title.
  20. 52 U.S.C. §21083(a)(5), Verification of voter registration information (HAVA §303(a))

    Legal Information Institute, Cornell Law School, 2002 · supports

    “an application for voter registration for an election for Federal office may not be accepted or processed by a State unless the application includes— (I) in the case of an applicant who has been issued a current and valid driver’s license, the applicant’s driver’s license number; or (II) in the case of any other applicant (other than an applicant to whom clause (ii) applies), the last 4 digits of the applicant’s social security number.”Hide quote
    an application for voter registration for an election for Federal office may not be accepted or processed by a State unless the application includes— (I) in the case of an applicant who has been issued a current and valid driver’s license, the applicant’s driver’s license number; or (II) in the case of any other applicant (other than an applicant to whom clause (ii) applies), the last 4 digits of the applicant’s social security number.
  21. 52 U.S.C. §20507(c)(2)(A) (NVRA §8)

    Legal Information Institute, Cornell Law School, 1993 · supports

    “A State shall complete, not later than 90 days prior to the date of a primary or general election for Federal office, any program the purpose of which is to systematically remove the names of ineligible voters from the official lists of eligible voters.”Hide quote
    A State shall complete, not later than 90 days prior to the date of a primary or general election for Federal office, any program the purpose of which is to systematically remove the names of ineligible voters from the official lists of eligible voters.
  22. The Freedom to Vote Act (S. 2747): Overview of Major Provisions (IN11781)

    Congressional Research Service, 2021-10-21 · supports

    “On September 14, 2021, Senator Klobuchar introduced S. 2747, the Freedom to Vote Act. On October 20, 2021, the Senate failed to invoke cloture on the motion to proceed to the bill. … require states to offer preregistration for 16- and 17-year-olds, online registration, and same-day registration; … require states to offer early voting and no-excuse absentee voting; … require jurisdictions with voter identification requirements to accept specified information or documentation to satisfy ID requirements;”Hide quote
    On September 14, 2021, Senator Klobuchar introduced S. 2747, the Freedom to Vote Act. On October 20, 2021, the Senate failed to invoke cloture on the motion to proceed to the bill. … require states to offer preregistration for 16- and 17-year-olds, online registration, and same-day registration; … require states to offer early voting and no-excuse absentee voting; … require jurisdictions with voter identification requirements to accept specified information or documentation to satisfy ID requirements;
  23. Wednesday, January 19, 2022

    United States Senate Periodical Press Gallery, 2022-01-19 · supports

    “Not agreed to, 49-51: Motion to invoke cloture on the motion to concur in the House amendment to the Senate amendment to H.R. 5746 (Legislative vehicle for the Freedom to Vote: John R. Lewis Act). Required 60-affirmative votes.”Hide quote
    Not agreed to, 49-51: Motion to invoke cloture on the motion to concur in the House amendment to the Senate amendment to H.R. 5746 (Legislative vehicle for the Freedom to Vote: John R. Lewis Act). Required 60-affirmative votes.
  24. House passes bill requiring proof of citizenship to vote in federal elections

    NBC News, 2025-04-10 · supports

    “Lawmakers approved the Safeguard American Voter Eligibility (SAVE) Act in a 220-208 vote, with four Democrats — Reps. Ed Case of Hawaii, Henry Cuellar of Texas, Jared Golden of Maine and Marie Gluesenkamp Perez of Washington — joining every Republican present in support of the measure.”Hide quote
    Lawmakers approved the Safeguard American Voter Eligibility (SAVE) Act in a 220-208 vote, with four Democrats — Reps. Ed Case of Hawaii, Henry Cuellar of Texas, Jared Golden of Maine and Marie Gluesenkamp Perez of Washington — joining every Republican present in support of the measure.
  25. House passes GOP's SAVE America Act

    Just The News, 2026-02-11 · supports

    “The House of Representatives on Wednesday night passed the new Republican-led Safeguard American Voter Eligibility (SAVE) America Act, which requires individuals to present proof of citizenship to register to vote and requires Americans to show ID when voting. The House passed the legislation, which combined two bills, in a 218-213 vote.”Hide quote
    The House of Representatives on Wednesday night passed the new Republican-led Safeguard American Voter Eligibility (SAVE) America Act, which requires individuals to present proof of citizenship to register to vote and requires Americans to show ID when voting. The House passed the legislation, which combined two bills, in a 218-213 vote.
  26. U.S. House Passes the SAVE America Act and Will Combine It With a Defense Appropriations Bill to Make it Harder to Vote Down in the Senate

    American Democracy Minute, 2026-07-23 · supports

    “July 22nd the House passed the bill, which would end universal mail voting in eight states and DC, mandate voter ID narrow its options, and mandate documentary proof of citizenship at registration. MIRVing inserts language which, in this case, packages the SAVE America Act with the ordinarily bipartisan National Defense Authorization Act to make it harder to vote down in the Senate.”Hide quote
    July 22nd the House passed the bill, which would end universal mail voting in eight states and DC, mandate voter ID narrow its options, and mandate documentary proof of citizenship at registration. MIRVing inserts language which, in this case, packages the SAVE America Act with the ordinarily bipartisan National Defense Authorization Act to make it harder to vote down in the Senate.
  27. Roll Call Vote 119th Congress - 2nd Session, Vote Number 231

    United States Senate, 2026-08-08 · supports

    “Vote Number: 231 Vote Date: August 8, 2026, 04:36 AM Required For Majority: 3/5 Vote Result: Cloture on the Motion to Proceed Rejected Measure Number: S. 5271 Measure Title: A bill to amend the Help America Vote Act of 2002 to require voters to provide photo identification. Vote Counts: YEAs 52 NAYs 46 Not Voting 2”Hide quote
    Vote Number: 231 Vote Date: August 8, 2026, 04:36 AM Required For Majority: 3/5 Vote Result: Cloture on the Motion to Proceed Rejected Measure Number: S. 5271 Measure Title: A bill to amend the Help America Vote Act of 2002 to require voters to provide photo identification. Vote Counts: YEAs 52 NAYs 46 Not Voting 2
  28. Trump pumps brakes on Senate budget plan, delaying GOP SAVE America push

    Fox News, 2026-08-08 · supports

    “That process is how Republicans hope to pass the SAVE America Act without Democrats getting the chance to block it with the filibuster. Republicans were ready to vote on the $150 billion budget blueprint drafted by Sen. Ron Johnson, R-Wis., until Trump intervened over concerns that it would fail.”Hide quote
    That process is how Republicans hope to pass the SAVE America Act without Democrats getting the chance to block it with the filibuster. Republicans were ready to vote on the $150 billion budget blueprint drafted by Sen. Ron Johnson, R-Wis., until Trump intervened over concerns that it would fail.
  29. Executive Order 14248, Preserving and Protecting the Integrity of American Elections, 90 FR 14005

    Federal Register, 2025-03-28 · supports

    “(a)(i) Within 30 days of the date of this order, the Election Assistance Commission shall take appropriate action to require, in its national mail voter registration form issued under 52 U.S.C. 20508: (A) documentary proof of United States citizenship, consistent with 52 U.S.C. 20508(b)(3)”Hide quote
    (a)(i) Within 30 days of the date of this order, the Election Assistance Commission shall take appropriate action to require, in its national mail voter registration form issued under 52 U.S.C. 20508: (A) documentary proof of United States citizenship, consistent with 52 U.S.C. 20508(b)(3)
  30. League of United Latin American Citizens v. Executive Office of the President, No. 25-cv-0946 (CKK), Order (Doc. 217)

    U.S. District Court for the District of Columbia, 2025-10-31 · supports

    “are PERMANENTLY ENJOINED from taking any action to implement or give effect to Section 2(a) of Executive Order No. 14,248, including taking any action based on the Executive Order to modify the content of the federal voter registration application form described in 52 U.S.C. § 20508(a)(2) to require documentary proof of United States citizenship.”Hide quote
    are PERMANENTLY ENJOINED from taking any action to implement or give effect to Section 2(a) of Executive Order No. 14,248, including taking any action based on the Executive Order to modify the content of the federal voter registration application form described in 52 U.S.C. § 20508(a)(2) to require documentary proof of United States citizenship.
  31. California v. Trump (D. Mass., No. 1:25-cv-10810): case summary

    Civil Rights Litigation Clearinghouse, University of Michigan Law School, 2026-10-23 · supports

    “However, as to the remaining states, the court concluded that the challenged EO sections exceeded the President's constitutional authority, violated the separation of powers, and conflicted with federal statutes such as the NVRA, the UOCAVA, and the HAVA.”Hide quote
    However, as to the remaining states, the court concluded that the challenged EO sections exceeded the President's constitutional authority, violated the separation of powers, and conflicted with federal statutes such as the NVRA, the UOCAVA, and the HAVA.
  32. California v. Trump (D. Mass., No. 1:25-cv-10810): case summary

    Civil Rights Litigation Clearinghouse, University of Michigan Law School, 2026-10-23 · supports

    “On July 13, 2026, District Judge Casper entered a judgment and order of permanent injunction. The Court permanently enjoined federal defendants, including the EAC and the Attorney General, from enforcing the invalidated provisions that required documentary proof of citizenship, alterations to federal post card forms, grant conditioning, and Election Day ballot receipt deadlines. On September 9, 2026, the defendants appealed this judgment to the United States Court of Appeals for the First Circuit (Case No. 26-2038).”Hide quote
    On July 13, 2026, District Judge Casper entered a judgment and order of permanent injunction. The Court permanently enjoined federal defendants, including the EAC and the Attorney General, from enforcing the invalidated provisions that required documentary proof of citizenship, alterations to federal post card forms, grant conditioning, and Election Day ballot receipt deadlines. On September 9, 2026, the defendants appealed this judgment to the United States Court of Appeals for the First Circuit (Case No. 26-2038).
  33. Executive Order 14399, Ensuring Citizenship Verification and Integrity in Federal Elections, 91 FR 17125

    Federal Register, 2026-04-03 · supports

    “shall take appropriate action to compile and transmit to the chief election official of each State a list of individuals confirmed to be United States citizens who will be above the age of 18 at the time of an upcoming Federal election and who maintain a residence in the subject State (State Citizenship List). The State Citizenship List shall be derived from Federal citizenship and naturalization records, SSA records, SAVE data, and other relevant Federal databases.”Hide quote
    shall take appropriate action to compile and transmit to the chief election official of each State a list of individuals confirmed to be United States citizens who will be above the age of 18 at the time of an upcoming Federal election and who maintain a residence in the subject State (State Citizenship List). The State Citizenship List shall be derived from Federal citizenship and naturalization records, SSA records, SAVE data, and other relevant Federal databases.
  34. Trump v. California, No. 26A124 (per curiam, on application for stay)

    Supreme Court of the United States, 2026-08-24 · supports

    “The Order is an internal directive from the President to his subordinates mandating that certain agencies pursue certain policies. It neither requires nor forbids anything of anyone outside the Executive Branch. … see also post, at 2–3 (SOTOMAYOR, J., dissenting); post, at 14–15 (JACKSON, J., dissenting).”Hide quote
    The Order is an internal directive from the President to his subordinates mandating that certain agencies pursue certain policies. It neither requires nor forbids anything of anyone outside the Executive Branch. … see also post, at 2–3 (SOTOMAYOR, J., dissenting); post, at 14–15 (JACKSON, J., dissenting).
  35. Trump v. California, No. 26A124 (per curiam, on application for stay)

    Supreme Court of the United States, 2026-08-24 · supports

    “The Court’s disposition of this application does not mean that any measure taken by the Government to implement the Order will necessarily be lawful. On that score, time will tell. But the Order itself does not harm the States, so the District Court lacked jurisdiction to bar the Government from trying to implement it.”Hide quote
    The Court’s disposition of this application does not mean that any measure taken by the Government to implement the Order will necessarily be lawful. On that score, time will tell. But the Order itself does not harm the States, so the District Court lacked jurisdiction to bar the Government from trying to implement it.
  36. Trump v. California, No. 26A124, Sotomayor, J., with whom Kagan, J., joins, dissenting

    Supreme Court of the United States, 2026-08-24 · complicates

    “Today’s decision does not address whether the President’s attempts to interfere with States’ administration of the November 2026 elections are lawful. Nor does it suggest that the Executive Branch has any constitutional or statutory authority to implement the President’s directives. Instead, today’s decision merely postpones adjudication of those challenges.”Hide quote
    Today’s decision does not address whether the President’s attempts to interfere with States’ administration of the November 2026 elections are lawful. Nor does it suggest that the Executive Branch has any constitutional or statutory authority to implement the President’s directives. Instead, today’s decision merely postpones adjudication of those challenges.
  37. The Supreme Court revives a controversial data system for citizenship checks

    OPB (NPR), 2026-09-25 · supports

    “In siding with the Trump administration, the court’s majority wrote that the lower court order that halted the expanded SAVE prevents the federal government “from using the modified SAVE program to conduct individualized inquiries, which are permitted under federal law during this [90-day] period. The District Court’s order thus inhibits the Federal Government’s efforts to assist state and local agencies in the proper administration of the midterm elections.””Hide quote
    In siding with the Trump administration, the court’s majority wrote that the lower court order that halted the expanded SAVE prevents the federal government “from using the modified SAVE program to conduct individualized inquiries, which are permitted under federal law during this [90-day] period. The District Court’s order thus inhibits the Federal Government’s efforts to assist state and local agencies in the proper administration of the midterm elections.”
  38. The Supreme Court revives a controversial data system for citizenship checks

    OPB (NPR), 2026-09-25 · complicates

    “In his appeal, Sauer wrote that since May 2025, the updated version of SAVE has verified more than 65 million voters across 26 states, and has flagged 28,635 as potential noncitizens. … They wrote that even though 65 million voters had been verified by the revamped SAVE, the government had not yet released the system’s error rate”Hide quote
    In his appeal, Sauer wrote that since May 2025, the updated version of SAVE has verified more than 65 million voters across 26 states, and has flagged 28,635 as potential noncitizens. … They wrote that even though 65 million voters had been verified by the revamped SAVE, the government had not yet released the system’s error rate
  39. The Supreme Court revives a controversial data system for citizenship checks

    OPB (NPR), 2026-09-25 · complicates

    “Then, DHS overhauled SAVE last year by linking it for the first time with Social Security Administration records, which include most Americans. The overhaul also allowed bulk queries to SAVE, and DHS encouraged states to upload their entire voter rolls to SAVE to verify those registered are U.S. citizens and not listed as deceased in federal records. In June, U.S. District Judge Sparkle Sooknanan, a Biden appointee, blocked use of the modified version of SAVE, finding that its aggregation and disclosure of sensitive data violated the Social Security Act, the Privacy Act and the Administrative Procedures Act.”Hide quote
    Then, DHS overhauled SAVE last year by linking it for the first time with Social Security Administration records, which include most Americans. The overhaul also allowed bulk queries to SAVE, and DHS encouraged states to upload their entire voter rolls to SAVE to verify those registered are U.S. citizens and not listed as deceased in federal records. In June, U.S. District Judge Sparkle Sooknanan, a Biden appointee, blocked use of the modified version of SAVE, finding that its aggregation and disclosure of sensitive data violated the Social Security Act, the Privacy Act and the Administrative Procedures Act.
  40. The Canvass, October 2021

    National Conference of State Legislatures, 2021-09-27 · supports

    “Requirements for voters to show some form of identification at the polls have become much more widespread since 2000. Back then, 13 states had voter ID requirements—by 2020, that number had nearly tripled to 34.”Hide quote
    Requirements for voters to show some form of identification at the polls have become much more widespread since 2000. Back then, 13 states had voter ID requirements—by 2020, that number had nearly tripled to 34.
  41. Voter ID Laws

    National Conference of State Legislatures, 2026-09-03 · supports

    “Thirty-six states have laws requesting or requiring voters to show some form of identification at the polls. The remaining 14 states and Washington, D.C., use other methods to verify the identity of voters.”Hide quote
    Thirty-six states have laws requesting or requiring voters to show some form of identification at the polls. The remaining 14 states and Washington, D.C., use other methods to verify the identity of voters.
  42. Voter Citizenship Bills Top Lawmaker To-Do Lists in 2026

    National Conference of State Legislatures, 2026-07-24 · supports

    “This year, four states required documentary proof of citizenship, or DPOC, to register to vote, bringing the total number of states with such laws to 13 (though not all are in effect due to past court decisions).”Hide quote
    This year, four states required documentary proof of citizenship, or DPOC, to register to vote, bringing the total number of states with such laws to 13 (though not all are in effect due to past court decisions).
  43. U.S. Supreme Court Reverses Lower Courts, Citing Proximity to the Election, to Allow NH to Ban Use of Student IDs for Voting

    American Democracy Minute, 2026-10-23 · supports

    “Oct. 22, the U.S. Supreme Court, quoted an earlier case using the Purcell principle: “This Court has repeatedly emphasized that lower federal courts should ordinarily not alter the election rules on the eve of an election.””Hide quote
    Oct. 22, the U.S. Supreme Court, quoted an earlier case using the Purcell principle: “This Court has repeatedly emphasized that lower federal courts should ordinarily not alter the election rules on the eve of an election.”

Voter ID and Citizenship-Proof Rules in the US and Other Democracies

  1. Voter ID Laws

    National Conference of State Legislatures, 2026-09-03 · supports

    “Thirty-six states have laws requesting or requiring voters to show some form of identification at the polls. The remaining 14 states and Washington, D.C., use other methods to verify the identity of voters. … Using this categorization for laws that are in effect as of August 2026, 24 states ask for a photo ID and 12 states also accept non-photo IDs.”Hide quote
    Thirty-six states have laws requesting or requiring voters to show some form of identification at the polls. The remaining 14 states and Washington, D.C., use other methods to verify the identity of voters. … Using this categorization for laws that are in effect as of August 2026, 24 states ask for a photo ID and 12 states also accept non-photo IDs.
  2. Voter ID Laws: Table 1, Voter Identification Laws In Force in 2026

    National Conference of State Legislatures, 2026-09-03 · supports

    “Strict: Voters without acceptable identification must vote on a provisional ballot and also take additional steps after Election Day for it to be counted. … Table 1: Voter Identification Laws In Force in 2026 … Strict … Arkansas Georgia Indiana Kansas Mississippi New Hampshire [6] North Carolina Ohio Tennessee Wisconsin [5] … Arizona North Dakota Wyoming [3] Iowa … Non-Strict … Alabama [1] Florida Idaho Kentucky Louisiana Michigan Missouri Montana Nebraska Rhode Island South Carolina [4] South Dakota Texas West Virginia … Alaska Colorado Connecticut Delaware Oklahoma [2] Utah Virginia Washington”Hide quote
    Strict: Voters without acceptable identification must vote on a provisional ballot and also take additional steps after Election Day for it to be counted. … Table 1: Voter Identification Laws In Force in 2026 … Strict … Arkansas Georgia Indiana Kansas Mississippi New Hampshire [6] North Carolina Ohio Tennessee Wisconsin [5] … Arizona North Dakota Wyoming [3] Iowa … Non-Strict … Alabama [1] Florida Idaho Kentucky Louisiana Michigan Missouri Montana Nebraska Rhode Island South Carolina [4] South Dakota Texas West Virginia … Alaska Colorado Connecticut Delaware Oklahoma [2] Utah Virginia Washington
  3. Voter ID Laws: Table 2, State-by-State Details of In-Effect Voter Identification Requirements

    National Conference of State Legislatures, 2026-09-03 · supports

    “Georgia … Free voter ID card issued by the state or county. … Then in August 2016 an appeals court ruled that the law could be implemented as long as the state keeps its pledge to provide temporary free IDs to those in need, and to publicize the law. … "a voter who is indigent and unable to obtain proof of identification without payment of a fee or who has a religious objection to being photographed shall be required to execute an affidavit of identity on a form provided by the county election commission and then shall be allowed to vote." (Tenn. Code Ann. §2-7-112(f))”Hide quote
    Georgia … Free voter ID card issued by the state or county. … Then in August 2016 an appeals court ruled that the law could be implemented as long as the state keeps its pledge to provide temporary free IDs to those in need, and to publicize the law. … "a voter who is indigent and unable to obtain proof of identification without payment of a fee or who has a religious objection to being photographed shall be required to execute an affidavit of identity on a form provided by the county election commission and then shall be allowed to vote." (Tenn. Code Ann. §2-7-112(f))
  4. Voter ID Laws: Voter ID News

    National Conference of State Legislatures, 2026-09-03 · supports

    “2026 … Louisiana … Enacted SB 319 removes the option for a voter without an acceptable form of ID to complete an affidavit of identification in lieu of presenting ID, effective 2027. … 2026 … New Hampshire … Enacted HB 323 , removing student ID cards as a valid form of voter ID. … 2025 … West Virginia … Enacted HB 3016 requiring photo ID to vote; previously required non-photo ID. … 2025 … Wisconsin … Voters approved a constitutional amendment enshrining existing photo ID requirements.”Hide quote
    2026 … Louisiana … Enacted SB 319 removes the option for a voter without an acceptable form of ID to complete an affidavit of identification in lieu of presenting ID, effective 2027. … 2026 … New Hampshire … Enacted HB 323 , removing student ID cards as a valid form of voter ID. … 2025 … West Virginia … Enacted HB 3016 requiring photo ID to vote; previously required non-photo ID. … 2025 … Wisconsin … Voters approved a constitutional amendment enshrining existing photo ID requirements.
  5. History of Voter ID (archived copy)

    National Conference of State Legislatures, 2020-01-17 · supports

    “That was when South Carolina became the first state to request that voters show some kind of identification document at the polls. No photo was required—just a document bearing the voter’s name. In 1970, Hawaii joined South Carolina with a voter ID requirement. Texas (1971), Florida (1977), and Alaska (1980) rounded out the first five. … By 2000, 14 states did so. These states had Democratic and Republican majorities. … Soon thereafter, Georgia and Indiana pioneered a new, “strict” form of voter ID. … These were first implemented in 2008 (after Indiana’s law was given the go-ahead by the U.S. Supreme Court, in Crawford v. Marion County). In 2011, 2012 and 2013, the pace of adoption accelerated.”Hide quote
    That was when South Carolina became the first state to request that voters show some kind of identification document at the polls. No photo was required—just a document bearing the voter’s name. In 1970, Hawaii joined South Carolina with a voter ID requirement. Texas (1971), Florida (1977), and Alaska (1980) rounded out the first five. … By 2000, 14 states did so. These states had Democratic and Republican majorities. … Soon thereafter, Georgia and Indiana pioneered a new, “strict” form of voter ID. … These were first implemented in 2008 (after Indiana’s law was given the go-ahead by the U.S. Supreme Court, in Crawford v. Marion County). In 2011, 2012 and 2013, the pace of adoption accelerated.
  6. The Canvass: Voter ID: Where Are We Going, Where Have We Been?

    National Conference of State Legislatures, 2021-09-27 · supports

    “Back then, 13 states had voter ID requirements—by 2020, that number had nearly tripled to 34. … Of the 21 states that started with non-photo, non-strict requirements, nine have made their laws stricter. Just two states have eased their ID requirements: Texas in 2017 and Virginia in 2020. The Texas change came after a 2011 voter ID bill was found to intentionally discriminate against Latino and Black voters … Most notably, Wyoming enacted the state’s first voter ID law after similar bills failed in 2013, 2017 and 2020, bringing the total of states with voter ID laws to 35. … Like virtually all bills to add voter ID requirements or make existing requirements stricter, the action this year has been in Republican-led states.”Hide quote
    Back then, 13 states had voter ID requirements—by 2020, that number had nearly tripled to 34. … Of the 21 states that started with non-photo, non-strict requirements, nine have made their laws stricter. Just two states have eased their ID requirements: Texas in 2017 and Virginia in 2020. The Texas change came after a 2011 voter ID bill was found to intentionally discriminate against Latino and Black voters … Most notably, Wyoming enacted the state’s first voter ID law after similar bills failed in 2013, 2017 and 2020, bringing the total of states with voter ID laws to 35. … Like virtually all bills to add voter ID requirements or make existing requirements stricter, the action this year has been in Republican-led states.
  7. Voter Identification Requirements (archived copy, September 2009)

    National Conference of State Legislatures, 2009-08-31 · supports

    “Twenty-five states have broader voter identification requirements than what HAVA mandates. In these states, all voters are asked to show identification prior to voting. Seven of these states specify that voters must show a photo ID; the other eighteen states accept additional forms of identification that do not necessarily include a photo (Table 1). … However, in Georgia and Indiana, voters without ID vote a provisional ballot, and must return to election officials within a few days and show a photo ID in order for their ballots to be counted.”Hide quote
    Twenty-five states have broader voter identification requirements than what HAVA mandates. In these states, all voters are asked to show identification prior to voting. Seven of these states specify that voters must show a photo ID; the other eighteen states accept additional forms of identification that do not necessarily include a photo (Table 1). … However, in Georgia and Indiana, voters without ID vote a provisional ballot, and must return to election officials within a few days and show a photo ID in order for their ballots to be counted.
  8. Voter Identification Requirements (archived copy, October 2010)

    National Conference of State Legislatures, 2010-09-30 · supports

    “Twenty-six states have broader voter identification requirements than what HAVA mandates. In these states, all voters are asked to show identification prior to voting. Eight of these states specify that voters must show a photo ID; the other eighteen states accept additional forms of identification that do not necessarily include a photo (Table 1). … However, in Georgia and Indiana, voters without ID vote a provisional ballot, and must return to election officials within a few days and show a photo ID in order for their ballots to be counted.”Hide quote
    Twenty-six states have broader voter identification requirements than what HAVA mandates. In these states, all voters are asked to show identification prior to voting. Eight of these states specify that voters must show a photo ID; the other eighteen states accept additional forms of identification that do not necessarily include a photo (Table 1). … However, in Georgia and Indiana, voters without ID vote a provisional ballot, and must return to election officials within a few days and show a photo ID in order for their ballots to be counted.
  9. Voter Identification Requirements (archived copy, October 2012)

    National Conference of State Legislatures, 2012-09-05 · supports

    “Thirty-one states presently have laws in place that will require all voters to show ID at the polls this November.”Hide quote
    Thirty-one states presently have laws in place that will require all voters to show ID at the polls this November.
  10. Voter Identification Requirements (archived copy, October 2014)

    National Conference of State Legislatures, 2014-10-02 · supports

    “Introduction: A total of 34 states have passed laws requiring voters to show some form of identification at the polls. As of September 12, 2014, 32 of these voter identification laws are in force. … Using this categorization for laws that are in effect in 2014, 16 states ask for a photo ID and 16 states also accept non-photo IDs. … Table One: Voter Identification Laws In Force in 2014 … Strict … Arkansas* Georgia Indiana Kansas Mississippi Tennessee Texas Virginia Wisconsin[1]”Hide quote
    Introduction: A total of 34 states have passed laws requiring voters to show some form of identification at the polls. As of September 12, 2014, 32 of these voter identification laws are in force. … Using this categorization for laws that are in effect in 2014, 16 states ask for a photo ID and 16 states also accept non-photo IDs. … Table One: Voter Identification Laws In Force in 2014 … Strict … Arkansas* Georgia Indiana Kansas Mississippi Tennessee Texas Virginia Wisconsin[1]
  11. Voter Identification Requirements (archived copy, October 2016)

    National Conference of State Legislatures, 2016-10-08 · supports

    “Introduction: A total of 34 states have laws requesting or requiring voters to show some form of identification at the polls. 32 of these voter identification laws are in force in 2016. … Using this categorization for laws that are in effect in 2016, 17 states ask for a photo ID and 16 states also accept non-photo IDs. … Table 1: Voter Identification Laws In Force in 2016** … Strict … Georgia Indiana Kansas Mississippi Tennessee Virginia Wisconsin [7]”Hide quote
    Introduction: A total of 34 states have laws requesting or requiring voters to show some form of identification at the polls. 32 of these voter identification laws are in force in 2016. … Using this categorization for laws that are in effect in 2016, 17 states ask for a photo ID and 16 states also accept non-photo IDs. … Table 1: Voter Identification Laws In Force in 2016** … Strict … Georgia Indiana Kansas Mississippi Tennessee Virginia Wisconsin [7]
  12. Voter Identification Requirements (archived copy, October 2018)

    National Conference of State Legislatures, 2018-10-01 · supports

    “Introduction: A total of 34 states have laws requesting or requiring voters to show some form of identification at the polls, all of which are in force in 2018. … Using this categorization for laws that are in effect in 2018, 17 states ask for a photo ID and 17 states also accept non-photo IDs. … Table 1: Voter Identification Laws In Force in 2018** … Strict … Georgia Indiana Kansas Mississippi Tennessee Virginia Wisconsin [6]”Hide quote
    Introduction: A total of 34 states have laws requesting or requiring voters to show some form of identification at the polls, all of which are in force in 2018. … Using this categorization for laws that are in effect in 2018, 17 states ask for a photo ID and 17 states also accept non-photo IDs. … Table 1: Voter Identification Laws In Force in 2018** … Strict … Georgia Indiana Kansas Mississippi Tennessee Virginia Wisconsin [6]
  13. Voter Identification Requirements (archived copy, October 2020)

    National Conference of State Legislatures, 2020-10-01 · supports

    “Introduction: A total of 36 states have laws requesting or requiring voters to show some form of identification at the polls, 35 of which are in force in 2020. (North Carolina's law has a temporary injunction on it, as of Dec. 31, 2019.) … Using this categorization for laws that are in effect in 2020, 18 states ask for a photo ID (althought North Carolina's is on hold based on a preliminary injunction from a federal judge) and 17 states also accept non-photo IDs. … Strict … Georgia Indiana Kansas Mississippi Tennessee Wisconsin [6]”Hide quote
    Introduction: A total of 36 states have laws requesting or requiring voters to show some form of identification at the polls, 35 of which are in force in 2020. (North Carolina's law has a temporary injunction on it, as of Dec. 31, 2019.) … Using this categorization for laws that are in effect in 2020, 18 states ask for a photo ID (althought North Carolina's is on hold based on a preliminary injunction from a federal judge) and 17 states also accept non-photo IDs. … Strict … Georgia Indiana Kansas Mississippi Tennessee Wisconsin [6]
  14. Voter Identification Requirements (archived copy, October 2022)

    National Conference of State Legislatures, 2022-10-01 · supports

    “A total of 35 states have laws requesting or requiring voters to show some form of identification at the polls. … Using this categorization for laws that are in effect as of July 2022, 18 states ask for a photo ID and 17 states also accept non-photo IDs. … Table 1: Voter Identification Laws In Force in 2022 … Strict … Arkansas Georgia Indiana Kansas Mississippi Missouri Tennessee Wisconsin [5]”Hide quote
    A total of 35 states have laws requesting or requiring voters to show some form of identification at the polls. … Using this categorization for laws that are in effect as of July 2022, 18 states ask for a photo ID and 17 states also accept non-photo IDs. … Table 1: Voter Identification Laws In Force in 2022 … Strict … Arkansas Georgia Indiana Kansas Mississippi Missouri Tennessee Wisconsin [5]
  15. Voter ID Laws (archived copy, October 2024)

    National Conference of State Legislatures, 2024-02-02 · supports

    “Thirty-six states have laws requesting or requiring voters to show some form of identification at the polls. … Using this categorization for laws that are in effect as of April 2024, 21 states ask for a photo ID and 15 states also accept non-photo IDs. … Table 1: Voter Identification Laws In Force in 2024 … Strict … Arkansas Georgia Indiana Kansas Mississippi North Carolina Ohio Tennessee Wisconsin [5]”Hide quote
    Thirty-six states have laws requesting or requiring voters to show some form of identification at the polls. … Using this categorization for laws that are in effect as of April 2024, 21 states ask for a photo ID and 15 states also accept non-photo IDs. … Table 1: Voter Identification Laws In Force in 2024 … Strict … Arkansas Georgia Indiana Kansas Mississippi North Carolina Ohio Tennessee Wisconsin [5]
  16. Voter Identification Requirements (archived copy, January 2015)

    National Conference of State Legislatures, 2014-06-25 · complicates

    “As of October 13, 2014, 31 of these voter identification laws are in force. Pennsylvania's law has been struck down and will not be appealed; North Carolina's law, enacted in 2013, goes into effect in 2016; and Wisconsin has been blocked by the U.S. Supreme Court from implementing its law for 2014, pending a court case.”Hide quote
    As of October 13, 2014, 31 of these voter identification laws are in force. Pennsylvania's law has been struck down and will not be appealed; North Carolina's law, enacted in 2013, goes into effect in 2016; and Wisconsin has been blocked by the U.S. Supreme Court from implementing its law for 2014, pending a court case.
  17. Requiring Documentary Proof of Citizenship

    National Conference of State Legislatures, 2026-09-01 · supports

    “States with Laws Requiring Documentary Proof of Citizenship to Register to Vote … Alabama … Enacted in 2011. Not currently in effect. … Arizona … Enacted in 2004. … Florida … Enacted 2026, effective Jan. 1, 2027 … Georgia … Enacted in 2010. … Indiana … Enacted in 2024. … Kansas … Enacted in 2011. Not currently in effect due to court decision. … Louisiana … Enacted in 2024. … Mississippi … Enacted in 2026. … New Hampshire … Enacted in 2024. On May 28, 2026, a federal judge issued an injunction ruling that removal of the qualified voter affidavit is unconstitutional. … South Dakota … Enacted in 2026. … Tennessee … Enacted in 2011. … Utah … Enacted in 2026. … Wyoming … Enacted in 2025.”Hide quote
    States with Laws Requiring Documentary Proof of Citizenship to Register to Vote … Alabama … Enacted in 2011. Not currently in effect. … Arizona … Enacted in 2004. … Florida … Enacted 2026, effective Jan. 1, 2027 … Georgia … Enacted in 2010. … Indiana … Enacted in 2024. … Kansas … Enacted in 2011. Not currently in effect due to court decision. … Louisiana … Enacted in 2024. … Mississippi … Enacted in 2026. … New Hampshire … Enacted in 2024. On May 28, 2026, a federal judge issued an injunction ruling that removal of the qualified voter affidavit is unconstitutional. … South Dakota … Enacted in 2026. … Tennessee … Enacted in 2011. … Utah … Enacted in 2026. … Wyoming … Enacted in 2025.
  18. Voter Citizenship Bills Top Lawmaker To-Do Lists in 2026

    National Conference of State Legislatures, 2026-07-24 · supports

    “This year, four states required documentary proof of citizenship, or DPOC, to register to vote, bringing the total number of states with such laws to 13 (though not all are in effect due to past court decisions). Laws in Utah and South Dakota establish bifurcated systems where eligible voters who have not provided documentary proof of citizenship at some point in the registration process are placed on a “federal only” list allowing them to cast ballots in federal but not state elections. … Once the law is effective, Louisiana will become the 11th state to have what NCSL defines as a “strict” photo ID law.”Hide quote
    This year, four states required documentary proof of citizenship, or DPOC, to register to vote, bringing the total number of states with such laws to 13 (though not all are in effect due to past court decisions). Laws in Utah and South Dakota establish bifurcated systems where eligible voters who have not provided documentary proof of citizenship at some point in the registration process are placed on a “federal only” list allowing them to cast ballots in federal but not state elections. … Once the law is effective, Louisiana will become the 11th state to have what NCSL defines as a “strict” photo ID law.
  19. Early In-Person Voting

    National Conference of State Legislatures, 2026-08-11 · supports

    “As of April 2026, 47 states, the District of Columbia, Guam, Puerto Rico, and the Virgin Islands offer early in-person voting to all voters (this includes states with all-mail elections). Three states—Alabama, Mississippi and New Hampshire—do not offer early in-person voting … The average start date is 27 days before the election. … Arkansas | Fifteen days before election … Georgia | Fourth Monday prior to a primary or election … Indiana | Twenty-eight days before election (in-person absentee) … Kansas | Twenty days before election or Tuesday before election (varies by county) … North Carolina | Third Thursday before election … Ohio | Twenty-nine days before election (the day after voter registration closes). … Tennessee | Twenty days before election … Wisconsin | Fourteen days preceding the election (in-person absentee).”Hide quote
    As of April 2026, 47 states, the District of Columbia, Guam, Puerto Rico, and the Virgin Islands offer early in-person voting to all voters (this includes states with all-mail elections). Three states—Alabama, Mississippi and New Hampshire—do not offer early in-person voting … The average start date is 27 days before the election. … Arkansas | Fifteen days before election … Georgia | Fourth Monday prior to a primary or election … Indiana | Twenty-eight days before election (in-person absentee) … Kansas | Twenty days before election or Tuesday before election (varies by county) … North Carolina | Third Thursday before election … Ohio | Twenty-nine days before election (the day after voter registration closes). … Tennessee | Twenty days before election … Wisconsin | Fourteen days preceding the election (in-person absentee).
  20. Building Confidence in U.S. Elections: Report of the Commission on Federal Election Reform

    Commission on Federal Election Reform (Carter–Baker Commission), 2005-09 · supports

    “2.5.1 … States should provide an EAC-template ID with a photo to non-drivers free of charge. 2.5.2 The right to vote is a vital component of U.S. citizenship, and all states should use their best efforts to obtain proof of citizenship before registering voters. … States should play an affirmative role in reaching out to non-drivers by providing more offices, including mobile ones, to register voters and provide photo IDs free of charge. … There is no evidence of extensive fraud in U.S. elections or of multiple voting, but both occur, and it could affect the outcome of a close election. … it is worth recalling that most advanced democracies have fraud-proof voting or national ID cards, and their democracies remain strong.”Hide quote
    2.5.1 … States should provide an EAC-template ID with a photo to non-drivers free of charge. 2.5.2 The right to vote is a vital component of U.S. citizenship, and all states should use their best efforts to obtain proof of citizenship before registering voters. … States should play an affirmative role in reaching out to non-drivers by providing more offices, including mobile ones, to register voters and provide photo IDs free of charge. … There is no evidence of extensive fraud in U.S. elections or of multiple voting, but both occur, and it could affect the outcome of a close election. … it is worth recalling that most advanced democracies have fraud-proof voting or national ID cards, and their democracies remain strong.
  21. Building Confidence in U.S. Elections: statement of Tom Daschle, joined by Spencer Overton and Raul Yzaguirre

    Commission on Federal Election Reform (Carter–Baker Commission), 2005-09 · complicates

    “The call for States to use the new REAL ID driver’s license for voter identification at the polls is the most troublesome recommendation in the Report. … REAL ID is a driver’s license, not a citizenship or a voting card. The Report notes that 12% of the voting age population lack a driver’s license. … For some, the Commission’s ID proposal constitutes nothing short of a modern day poll tax.”Hide quote
    The call for States to use the new REAL ID driver’s license for voter identification at the polls is the most troublesome recommendation in the Report. … REAL ID is a driver’s license, not a citizenship or a voting card. The Report notes that 12% of the voting age population lack a driver’s license. … For some, the Commission’s ID proposal constitutes nothing short of a modern day poll tax.
  22. Jimmy Carter and James Baker

    PBS NewsHour, 2005-09-19 · complicates

    “In Georgia, legislation which I condemn, it is a poll tax because the Georgia law which ought to be overthrown by the courts requires that you buy a voter ID card, which costs you about $20 for five years, or $35 for 10 years. That is a poll tax. We require in our recommendations that the voter ID card be free of charge.”Hide quote
    In Georgia, legislation which I condemn, it is a poll tax because the Georgia law which ought to be overthrown by the courts requires that you buy a voter ID card, which costs you about $20 for five years, or $35 for 10 years. That is a poll tax. We require in our recommendations that the voter ID card be free of charge.
  23. Voter ID (Research Briefing CBP 9187)

    House of Commons Library, 2025-08-06 · supports

    “Voters must show photo ID in a polling station before being issued with a ballot paper. … The provisions for Great Britain were introduced by Elections Act 2022. Voters in Northern Ireland have been required to show ID when voting in all elections there since 1985, and photo ID since 2003. … These requirements to do not apply to elections to the Scottish Parliament and Senedd Cymru and to council elections in Scotland and Wales. … We do not believe there is a practical way to assure the attestation process in the polling station, that it would undermine the integrity of the check, and risk adding time and complexity to the polling station process both to those running it, and to those using it. … People without an existing acceptable form of voter ID can apply online or by post for a free Voter Authority Certificate (VAC). … The UK first elections outside of Northern Ireland to use voter ID were the local elections in England in 2023. The first general election to require voter ID was the July 2024 election.”Hide quote
    Voters must show photo ID in a polling station before being issued with a ballot paper. … The provisions for Great Britain were introduced by Elections Act 2022. Voters in Northern Ireland have been required to show ID when voting in all elections there since 1985, and photo ID since 2003. … These requirements to do not apply to elections to the Scottish Parliament and Senedd Cymru and to council elections in Scotland and Wales. … We do not believe there is a practical way to assure the attestation process in the polling station, that it would undermine the integrity of the check, and risk adding time and complexity to the polling station process both to those running it, and to those using it. … People without an existing acceptable form of voter ID can apply online or by post for a free Voter Authority Certificate (VAC). … The UK first elections outside of Northern Ireland to use voter ID were the local elections in England in 2023. The first general election to require voter ID was the July 2024 election.
  24. Voter ID (Research Briefing CBP 9187): How much of a problem is personation?

    House of Commons Library, 2025-08-06 · complicates

    “The Electoral Commission has found little evidence of widespread electoral fraud in the UK. … Since 2016 there have been five convictions and six cautions for polling station personation. … In 2023 there were two allegations of polling station personation. Neither resulted in any further action as police no offence had been committed. In 2024 there were seven allegations of polling station personation, but none led to prosecution.”Hide quote
    The Electoral Commission has found little evidence of widespread electoral fraud in the UK. … Since 2016 there have been five convictions and six cautions for polling station personation. … In 2023 there were two allegations of polling station personation. Neither resulted in any further action as police no offence had been committed. In 2024 there were seven allegations of polling station personation, but none led to prosecution.
  25. Voter ID (Research Briefing CBP 9187): Why was voter ID introduced?

    House of Commons Library, 2025-08-06 · supports

    “However, it recommended in 2014 that voter ID should be extended from Northern Ireland to the whole of the UK, particularly as registration and postal voting had been made more secure but polling station voting had few checks in place to detect fraud. A report by the then government’s Anti-Corruption Champion recommended in 2016 that the government should consider pilot voter ID schemes in Great Britain. … Lord Pickles acknowledged the number of allegations of polling station fraud were low and prosecutions were rare in his 2016 review of electoral fraud. However, he cautioned that: …there is a concern that the absence of evidence does not mean this practice is not taking place. And even if it is not, there is a precautionary principle that comes into play in terms of the potential for it to happen…”Hide quote
    However, it recommended in 2014 that voter ID should be extended from Northern Ireland to the whole of the UK, particularly as registration and postal voting had been made more secure but polling station voting had few checks in place to detect fraud. A report by the then government’s Anti-Corruption Champion recommended in 2016 that the government should consider pilot voter ID schemes in Great Britain. … Lord Pickles acknowledged the number of allegations of polling station fraud were low and prosecutions were rare in his 2016 review of electoral fraud. However, he cautioned that: …there is a concern that the absence of evidence does not mean this practice is not taking place. And even if it is not, there is a precautionary principle that comes into play in terms of the potential for it to happen…
  26. Voter ID (Research Briefing CBP 9187): Voters turned away

    House of Commons Library, 2025-08-06 · supports

    “At the 2024 general election at least 0.25% of electors were turned away from polling stations, around 50,000 people. Two-thirds (34,000) did return with acceptable ID and were issued with a ballot paper. This meant 16,000 did not return. This is equivalent of 0.08% of all polling station voters. This is an underestimate as 20 constituencies in Great Britain did not provide data. At the 2023 local elections in England, at least 0.7% of voters were turned away initially. Most people did come back after being turned away (63%), but some did not (37%). This means at least 0.25% of all people who tried to vote in person (or around 14,000 people) did not get a ballot paper. … These figures are likely to be an underestimate because of the way the data was collected.”Hide quote
    At the 2024 general election at least 0.25% of electors were turned away from polling stations, around 50,000 people. Two-thirds (34,000) did return with acceptable ID and were issued with a ballot paper. This meant 16,000 did not return. This is equivalent of 0.08% of all polling station voters. This is an underestimate as 20 constituencies in Great Britain did not provide data. At the 2023 local elections in England, at least 0.7% of voters were turned away initially. Most people did come back after being turned away (63%), but some did not (37%). This means at least 0.25% of all people who tried to vote in person (or around 14,000 people) did not get a ballot paper. … These figures are likely to be an underestimate because of the way the data was collected.
  27. Voter ID (Research Briefing CBP 9187): Does it prevent personation?

    House of Commons Library, 2025-08-06 · supports

    “The then Chief Electoral Officer of Northern Ireland reported that in the early 1980s personation was taking place on a “planned and well organised basis”. Concerns about the level of voter fraud in Northern Ireland culminated in 1983 when 149 arrests were made for personation during the June 1983 General Election. … There was no evidence to suggest a fall in turnout, but there was plenty of evidence that fraud declined sharply. At the 2005 UK General Election, just 55 tendered ballots were issued in Northern Ireland, a 94% reduction compared to 1983. There has been just one conviction for personation in Northern Ireland since 2002. Meanwhile, public confidence in the integrity of elections in Northern Ireland is up. In the early 2000s, 66% of Northern Irish electors believed electoral fraud was commonplace in some areas. By 2017, the proportion who thought at least some fraud took place was 28%, in line with the rest of the UK.”Hide quote
    The then Chief Electoral Officer of Northern Ireland reported that in the early 1980s personation was taking place on a “planned and well organised basis”. Concerns about the level of voter fraud in Northern Ireland culminated in 1983 when 149 arrests were made for personation during the June 1983 General Election. … There was no evidence to suggest a fall in turnout, but there was plenty of evidence that fraud declined sharply. At the 2005 UK General Election, just 55 tendered ballots were issued in Northern Ireland, a 94% reduction compared to 1983. There has been just one conviction for personation in Northern Ireland since 2002. Meanwhile, public confidence in the integrity of elections in Northern Ireland is up. In the early 2000s, 66% of Northern Irish electors believed electoral fraud was commonplace in some areas. By 2017, the proportion who thought at least some fraud took place was 28%, in line with the rest of the UK.
  28. Voter ID (Research Briefing CBP 9187): The impact of voter ID

    House of Commons Library, 2025-08-06 · complicates

    “It is not possible to attribute a change in turnout to one factor. … The report noted 3% of non-voters said they did not vote because they did not have ID, and 1% said it was because they did not agree with the requirement to show ID to vote at a polling station. … It concluded there is not enough evidence to determine whether this is the case and that it cannot be determined whether or not the identification checks made it easier to detect personation … 87% of people said that they thought voting in general was safe from fraud and abuse … This is a positive change from the 2019 general election when 72% said that they thought voting was safe from fraud and abuse.”Hide quote
    It is not possible to attribute a change in turnout to one factor. … The report noted 3% of non-voters said they did not vote because they did not have ID, and 1% said it was because they did not agree with the requirement to show ID to vote at a polling station. … It concluded there is not enough evidence to determine whether this is the case and that it cannot be determined whether or not the identification checks made it easier to detect personation … 87% of people said that they thought voting in general was safe from fraud and abuse … This is a positive change from the 2019 general election when 72% said that they thought voting was safe from fraud and abuse.
  29. Voter ID at the 2024 UK general election (page last updated 19 August 2025)

    Electoral Commission, 2024-07-29 · supports

    “This means that one in 1,200 voters who tried to vote at a polling station were not given a ballot paper at the UK general election due to the ID requirement. … Our research carried out immediately following the general election found that 87% of people were aware of the need to bring ID when voting in person. … Awareness levels were slightly higher in Scotland and Wales (90% and 89%) compared to England (87%). These are in line with the awareness levels in Northern Ireland (89%), where the requirement to show photo ID has been in place since 2003. However, as we have previously found, awareness levels varied across the population and were lower for: 18 to 24-year-olds (71%) compared to older age groups (at least 91% for those aged 45 and over) people from ethnic minority communities (76%) compared to white people (90%) people in social grades C2DE (86%) compared to ABC1 (88%). … By the close of poll, 0.08% of people who tried to vote in person were not issued with a ballot paper due to the ID requirement. This means around 16,000 people who tried to vote at a polling station were not issued with a ballot paper because they could not show an accepted form of ID. … Table 1: Polling station voters who were initially turned away and percentage of those who did not return May 2023 (England) May 2024* (England and Wales) July 2024 (Great Britain) Initially turned away 0.7% (37,000) 0.6% 0.25% (50,000) Turned away and did not return 0.25% (14,000) 0.2% 0.08% (16,000) * May 2024 figures are based on data from the 278 English and Welsh local authorities that submitted figures before the UK general election. Due to the timing of the UK general election, only limited data quality checks were possible on the May 2024 data – data which could not be checked was removed. Absolute numbers are not available for the May 2024 elections … greeters were used in some polling stations to welcome voters, remind them about the need to show photographic ID, and help speed up the voting process (they did not have the power to turn people away from polling stations). Voters may therefore have been made aware of the requirement by greeters before they got to the ballot issuing desk where they would have been recorded as unable to vote. … missing returns from polling stations, for example where some stations in a local authority did not submit a data return … It is not possible to quantify the level of inaccuracy in the data but, overall, these types of errors would result in an underestimate of the impact of the ID requirement. … We found that 4% of the people who said they did not vote gave an unprompted reason that was related to the ID rules. … However, we cannot use these figures to accurately quantify the impact of voter ID on turnout. … The clearest evidence relates to the lower, C2DE social grade. When prompted, 10% of people who did not vote said that the ID requirement was the reason, with 6% saying that this was because they did not have the required ID. This was higher for C2DE non-voters compared to ABC1 non-voters (8% compared to 3%).”Hide quote
    This means that one in 1,200 voters who tried to vote at a polling station were not given a ballot paper at the UK general election due to the ID requirement. … Our research carried out immediately following the general election found that 87% of people were aware of the need to bring ID when voting in person. … Awareness levels were slightly higher in Scotland and Wales (90% and 89%) compared to England (87%). These are in line with the awareness levels in Northern Ireland (89%), where the requirement to show photo ID has been in place since 2003. However, as we have previously found, awareness levels varied across the population and were lower for: 18 to 24-year-olds (71%) compared to older age groups (at least 91% for those aged 45 and over) people from ethnic minority communities (76%) compared to white people (90%) people in social grades C2DE (86%) compared to ABC1 (88%). … By the close of poll, 0.08% of people who tried to vote in person were not issued with a ballot paper due to the ID requirement. This means around 16,000 people who tried to vote at a polling station were not issued with a ballot paper because they could not show an accepted form of ID. … Table 1: Polling station voters who were initially turned away and percentage of those who did not return May 2023 (England) May 2024* (England and Wales) July 2024 (Great Britain) Initially turned away 0.7% (37,000) 0.6% 0.25% (50,000) Turned away and did not return 0.25% (14,000) 0.2% 0.08% (16,000) * May 2024 figures are based on data from the 278 English and Welsh local authorities that submitted figures before the UK general election. Due to the timing of the UK general election, only limited data quality checks were possible on the May 2024 data – data which could not be checked was removed. Absolute numbers are not available for the May 2024 elections … greeters were used in some polling stations to welcome voters, remind them about the need to show photographic ID, and help speed up the voting process (they did not have the power to turn people away from polling stations). Voters may therefore have been made aware of the requirement by greeters before they got to the ballot issuing desk where they would have been recorded as unable to vote. … missing returns from polling stations, for example where some stations in a local authority did not submit a data return … It is not possible to quantify the level of inaccuracy in the data but, overall, these types of errors would result in an underestimate of the impact of the ID requirement. … We found that 4% of the people who said they did not vote gave an unprompted reason that was related to the ID rules. … However, we cannot use these figures to accurately quantify the impact of voter ID on turnout. … The clearest evidence relates to the lower, C2DE social grade. When prompted, 10% of people who did not vote said that the ID requirement was the reason, with 6% saying that this was because they did not have the required ID. This was higher for C2DE non-voters compared to ABC1 non-voters (8% compared to 3%).
  30. The Electoral Fraud (Northern Ireland) Act 2002: An assessment of its first year in operation

    Electoral Commission, 2003-12 · complicates

    “In August 2002, the month prior to the first canvass under the new system, a total of 1,192,136 names were on the electoral register for Northern Ireland. When the December 2002 register was published the number of names had reduced by 119,790 to 1,072,346. … We concluded that the reduction could be explained by a number of factors, of which the removal of the practice of carrying names forward from the previous register for a period of one year is likely to have been the most significant. … We do not agree with the assertion that 120,000 or so persons were disenfranchised as a result of the new legislation being introduced although there is some evidence to suggest that eligible persons previously registered have not enrolled under the new system.”Hide quote
    In August 2002, the month prior to the first canvass under the new system, a total of 1,192,136 names were on the electoral register for Northern Ireland. When the December 2002 register was published the number of names had reduced by 119,790 to 1,072,346. … We concluded that the reduction could be explained by a number of factors, of which the removal of the practice of carrying names forward from the previous register for a period of one year is likely to have been the most significant. … We do not agree with the assertion that 120,000 or so persons were disenfranchised as a result of the new legislation being introduced although there is some evidence to suggest that eligible persons previously registered have not enrolled under the new system.
  31. The Electoral Fraud (Northern Ireland) Act 2002: An assessment of its first year in operation (quoting the 1998 review, Administering Elections in Northern Ireland)

    Electoral Commission, 2003-12 · complicates

    “Personation at polling stations has, however, been impossible to quantify. No evidence has been presented and the review has been unable to discover any concrete proof that it occurs at a significant level. However, despite the fact that no one has come forward with evidence, either to the Review, or indeed, during the last three elections, the experience of RUC officers on duty at polling stations certainly suggests that abuse is taking place. … the precise extent of electoral fraud in Northern Ireland has never been quantified and therefore it is not possible to assess accurately the impact of the measures put in place to prevent it.”Hide quote
    Personation at polling stations has, however, been impossible to quantify. No evidence has been presented and the review has been unable to discover any concrete proof that it occurs at a significant level. However, despite the fact that no one has come forward with evidence, either to the Review, or indeed, during the last three elections, the experience of RUC officers on duty at polling stations certainly suggests that abuse is taking place. … the precise extent of electoral fraud in Northern Ireland has never been quantified and therefore it is not possible to assess accurately the impact of the measures put in place to prevent it.
  32. Legislative Summary of Bill C-31: An Act to amend the Canada Elections Act and the Public Service Employment Act

    Library of Parliament (Canada), 2007-06-22 · supports

    “The changes proposed in the bill are a response by the government to a series of recommendations proposed by the House of Commons Standing Committee on Procedure and House Affairs in its 13th Report in June 2006, entitled Improving the Integrity of the Electoral Process: Recommendations for Legislative Change. … In the course of its deliberations the Committee was struck by the absence of any requirement for an elector to confirm his or her identity when presenting himself or herself at a polling station to vote. As long as the person’s name is on the list of electors, he or she is entitled to vote. … The Committee considered this lack of proper identification to be a significant deficiency in the voting process and one that could encourage fraudulent voting practices.”Hide quote
    The changes proposed in the bill are a response by the government to a series of recommendations proposed by the House of Commons Standing Committee on Procedure and House Affairs in its 13th Report in June 2006, entitled Improving the Integrity of the Electoral Process: Recommendations for Legislative Change. … In the course of its deliberations the Committee was struck by the absence of any requirement for an elector to confirm his or her identity when presenting himself or herself at a polling station to vote. As long as the person’s name is on the list of electors, he or she is entitled to vote. … The Committee considered this lack of proper identification to be a significant deficiency in the voting process and one that could encourage fraudulent voting practices.
  33. Canada Elections Act, section 143

    Justice Laws Website, Government of Canada, 2026-09-30 · supports

    “(a) one piece of identification issued by a Canadian government, whether federal, provincial or local, or an agency of such a government, that contains a photograph of the elector and his or her name and address; or (b) two pieces of identification of a type authorized under subsection (2.1), each of which establishes the elector’s name and at least one of which establishes the elector’s address. … (3) An elector may instead prove his or her identity and residence by making the solemn declaration referred to in subsection 549.1(1) in writing if he or she is accompanied by another elector whose name appears on the list of electors for the same polling station and who … vouches for the elector by making the solemn declaration referred to in subsection 549.1(2) in writing.”Hide quote
    (a) one piece of identification issued by a Canadian government, whether federal, provincial or local, or an agency of such a government, that contains a photograph of the elector and his or her name and address; or (b) two pieces of identification of a type authorized under subsection (2.1), each of which establishes the elector’s name and at least one of which establishes the elector’s address. … (3) An elector may instead prove his or her identity and residence by making the solemn declaration referred to in subsection 549.1(1) in writing if he or she is accompanied by another elector whose name appears on the list of electors for the same polling station and who … vouches for the elector by making the solemn declaration referred to in subsection 549.1(2) in writing.
  34. Reasons for not voting in the federal election, October 19, 2015

    Statistics Canada, 2016-02-22 · supports

    “During the 2015 federal election, 8% of non-voters identified reasons related to the electoral process as the cause for not voting. This included reasons such as not being able to prove one's identity or address, or not being on the voters list.”Hide quote
    During the 2015 federal election, 8% of non-voters identified reasons related to the electoral process as the cause for not voting. This included reasons such as not being able to prove one's identity or address, or not being on the voters list.
  35. Reasons for not voting in the federal election, October 21, 2019

    Statistics Canada, 2020-02-26 · supports

    “Among Canadians who did not vote in the 2019 federal election, 5% identified issues with the electoral process as the reason for not voting, including not being able to prove their identity or address, a lack of information about the voting process, or issues with the voter information card.”Hide quote
    Among Canadians who did not vote in the 2019 federal election, 5% identified issues with the electoral process as the reason for not voting, including not being able to prove their identity or address, a lack of information about the voting process, or issues with the voter information card.
  36. Reasons for not voting in the federal election, September 20, 2021

    Statistics Canada, 2022-02-16 · supports

    “Among Canadians who did not vote in the 2021 federal election, electoral process issues accounted for 7% of reasons for not voting, including not being able to prove identity or address, lacking information about the voting process, or having issues travelling to a polling station.”Hide quote
    Among Canadians who did not vote in the 2021 federal election, electoral process issues accounted for 7% of reasons for not voting, including not being able to prove identity or address, lacking information about the voting process, or having issues travelling to a polling station.
  37. Élections : papiers d'identité à présenter pour voter

    Service Public (Direction de l'information légale et administrative), 2026-09-21 · supports

    “Pour voter, vous devez prouver votre identité. … Carte nationale d'identité (valide ou périmée depuis moins de 5 ans) … Dans une commune de moins de 1 000 habitants, la pièce d’identité n'est pas obligatoire. Mais en cas de doute, le président du bureau de vote peut vous demander de prouver votre identité par tout moyen.”Hide quote
    Pour voter, vous devez prouver votre identité. … Carte nationale d'identité (valide ou périmée depuis moins de 5 ans) … Dans une commune de moins de 1 000 habitants, la pièce d’identité n'est pas obligatoire. Mais en cas de doute, le président du bureau de vote peut vous demander de prouver votre identité par tout moyen.
  38. Bundeswahlordnung, § 56 Stimmabgabe

    Bundesministerium der Justiz (Gesetze im Internet), 1985 · supports

    “(3) Danach tritt der Wähler an den Tisch des Wahlvorstandes. Auf Verlangen hat er seine Wahlbenachrichtigung abzugeben und, insbesondere wenn er seine Wahlbenachrichtigung nicht vorlegt, sich über seine Person auszuweisen.”Hide quote
    (3) Danach tritt der Wähler an den Tisch des Wahlvorstandes. Auf Verlangen hat er seine Wahlbenachrichtigung abzugeben und, insbesondere wenn er seine Wahlbenachrichtigung nicht vorlegt, sich über seine Person auszuweisen.
  39. Personalausweisgesetz, § 1 Ausweispflicht; Ausweisrecht

    Bundesministerium der Justiz (Gesetze im Internet), 2009 · supports

    “(1) Deutsche im Sinne des Artikels 116 Abs. 1 des Grundgesetzes sind verpflichtet, einen gültigen Ausweis zu besitzen, sobald sie 16 Jahre alt sind und der allgemeinen Meldepflicht unterliegen oder, ohne ihr zu unterliegen, sich überwiegend in Deutschland aufhalten.”Hide quote
    (1) Deutsche im Sinne des Artikels 116 Abs. 1 des Grundgesetzes sind verpflichtet, einen gültigen Ausweis zu besitzen, sobald sie 16 Jahre alt sind und der allgemeinen Meldepflicht unterliegen oder, ohne ihr zu unterliegen, sich überwiegend in Deutschland aufhalten.
  40. Bundeswahlordnung, § 16 Eintragung der Wahlberechtigten in das Wählerverzeichnis

    Bundesministerium der Justiz (Gesetze im Internet), 1985 · supports

    “(1) Von Amts wegen sind in das Wählerverzeichnis alle Wahlberechtigten einzutragen, die am 42. Tage vor der Wahl (Stichtag) bei der Meldebehörde gemeldet sind”Hide quote
    (1) Von Amts wegen sind in das Wählerverzeichnis alle Wahlberechtigten einzutragen, die am 42. Tage vor der Wahl (Stichtag) bei der Meldebehörde gemeldet sind
  41. Testo Unico delle leggi recanti norme per la elezione della Camera dei deputati (D.P.R. 30 marzo 1957, n. 361), art. 57

    Normattiva (Istituto Poligrafico e Zecca dello Stato), 1957-03-30 · supports

    “Essi devono esibire la carta d'identità o altro documento d'identificazione rilasciato dalla pubblica Amministrazione, purché munito di fotografia. … In mancanza d'idoneo documento d'identificazione, uno dei membri dell'Ufficio che conosca personalmente l'elettore ne attesta l'identità, apponendo la propria firma nella colonna di identificazione. Se nessuno dei membri dell'Ufficio è in grado di accertare sotto la sua responsabilità l'identità dell'elettore, questi può presentare un altro elettore del Comune, noto all'Ufficio, che ne attesti l'identità.”Hide quote
    Essi devono esibire la carta d'identità o altro documento d'identificazione rilasciato dalla pubblica Amministrazione, purché munito di fotografia. … In mancanza d'idoneo documento d'identificazione, uno dei membri dell'Ufficio che conosca personalmente l'elettore ne attesta l'identità, apponendo la propria firma nella colonna di identificazione. Se nessuno dei membri dell'Ufficio è in grado di accertare sotto la sua responsabilità l'identità dell'elettore, questi può presentare un altro elettore del Comune, noto all'Ufficio, che ne attesti l'identità.
  42. Public Offices Election Act (公職選挙法), Articles 44 and 50

    e-Gov Laws and Regulations, Digital Agency of Japan, 1950 · supports

    “選挙人は、選挙人名簿又はその抄本(…)の対照を経なければ、投票をすることができない。 … 投票管理者は、投票をしようとする選挙人が本人であるかどうかを確認することができないときは、その本人である旨を宣言させなければならない。 その宣言をしない者は、投票をすることができない。”Hide quote
    選挙人は、選挙人名簿又はその抄本(…)の対照を経なければ、投票をすることができない。 … 投票管理者は、投票をしようとする選挙人が本人であるかどうかを確認することができないときは、その本人である旨を宣言させなければならない。 その宣言をしない者は、投票をすることができない。
  43. Report on the 2024 UK Parliamentary general election and the May 2024 elections

    Electoral Commission, 2024-11 · complicates

    “These generally positive perceptions of the poll are reflected in views on electoral fraud – 87% of people said that they thought voting in general was safe from fraud and abuse (England 86%, Scotland 90%, Wales 88%, and Northern Ireland 88%). This is a positive change from the 2019 general election when 72% said that they thought voting was safe from fraud and abuse.”Hide quote
    These generally positive perceptions of the poll are reflected in views on electoral fraud – 87% of people said that they thought voting in general was safe from fraud and abuse (England 86%, Scotland 90%, Wales 88%, and Northern Ireland 88%). This is a positive change from the 2019 general election when 72% said that they thought voting was safe from fraud and abuse.
  44. Report on the May 2023 local elections in England (page last updated 13 September 2023)

    Electoral Commission, 2023-07-13 · supports

    “at least 0.25% of people who tried to vote at a polling station in May 2023 were not able to because of the voter ID requirement – this was equivalent to approximately 14,000 people who were not issued with a ballot paper”Hide quote
    at least 0.25% of people who tried to vote at a polling station in May 2023 were not able to because of the voter ID requirement – this was equivalent to approximately 14,000 people who were not issued with a ballot paper
  45. The Canvass: Voter ID: Where Are We Going, Where Have We Been?

    National Conference of State Legislatures, 2021-09-27 · supports

    “Requirements for voters to show some form of identification at the polls have become much more widespread since 2000. Back then, 13 states had voter ID requirements—by 2020, that number had nearly tripled to 34.”Hide quote
    Requirements for voters to show some form of identification at the polls have become much more widespread since 2000. Back then, 13 states had voter ID requirements—by 2020, that number had nearly tripled to 34.
  46. Voter ID Laws

    National Conference of State Legislatures, 2026-09-03 · supports

    “NCSL categorizes voter ID laws in two ways: what type of ID is required (photo or non-photo) and what actions are available for voters who do not have ID (strict or non-strict). These two categorization schemes can and do overlap.”Hide quote
    NCSL categorizes voter ID laws in two ways: what type of ID is required (photo or non-photo) and what actions are available for voters who do not have ID (strict or non-strict). These two categorization schemes can and do overlap.
  47. Legislative Approaches to Ensuring Only Citizens Vote

    National Conference of State Legislatures, 2026-09-01 · supports

    “Thirteen states and Guam have passed legislation requiring documentary proof of citizenship to register to vote at some point in the registration process. Some laws are not in effect due to court decisions.”Hide quote
    Thirteen states and Guam have passed legislation requiring documentary proof of citizenship to register to vote at some point in the registration process. Some laws are not in effect due to court decisions.
  48. Voter ID at the 2024 UK general election (page last updated 19 August 2025)

    Electoral Commission, 2024-07-29 · supports

    “Table 1: Polling station voters who were initially turned away and percentage of those who did not return May 2023 (England) May 2024* (England and Wales) July 2024 (Great Britain) Initially turned away 0.7% (37,000) 0.6% 0.25% (50,000) Turned away and did not return 0.25% (14,000) 0.2% 0.08% (16,000) * May 2024 figures are based on data from the 278 English and Welsh local authorities that submitted figures before the UK general election. Due to the timing of the UK general election, only limited data quality checks were possible on the May 2024 data – data which could not be checked was removed. Absolute numbers are not available for the May 2024 elections”Hide quote
    Table 1: Polling station voters who were initially turned away and percentage of those who did not return May 2023 (England) May 2024* (England and Wales) July 2024 (Great Britain) Initially turned away 0.7% (37,000) 0.6% 0.25% (50,000) Turned away and did not return 0.25% (14,000) 0.2% 0.08% (16,000) * May 2024 figures are based on data from the 278 English and Welsh local authorities that submitted figures before the UK general election. Due to the timing of the UK general election, only limited data quality checks were possible on the May 2024 data – data which could not be checked was removed. Absolute numbers are not available for the May 2024 elections
  49. Reasons for not voting in the federal election, September 20, 2021

    Statistics Canada, 2022-02-16 · supports

    “Among Canadians who did not vote in the 2021 federal election, electoral process issues accounted for 7% of reasons for not voting, including not being able to prove identity or address, lacking information about the voting process, or having issues travelling to a polling station.”Hide quote
    Among Canadians who did not vote in the 2021 federal election, electoral process issues accounted for 7% of reasons for not voting, including not being able to prove identity or address, lacking information about the voting process, or having issues travelling to a polling station.

Non-Citizens on US Voter Rolls

  1. Texas Secretary of State Refers 117 Cases for Investigation of Noncitizen Voting

    Texas Secretary of State, 2026-09-15 · supports

    “The Office of the Texas Secretary of State today referred 117 cases to the Office of the Attorney General for investigation of potential noncitizen voting. … This review narrowed the number of potential noncitizens. The additional review showed that 578 voters demonstrated citizenship. Of those, citizenship was proven for 506 because passport information was added to SAVE after the state’s initial run. The Office of the Texas Secretary of State advised counties to reinstate these registrations if they were removed.”Hide quote
    The Office of the Texas Secretary of State today referred 117 cases to the Office of the Attorney General for investigation of potential noncitizen voting. … This review narrowed the number of potential noncitizens. The additional review showed that 578 voters demonstrated citizenship. Of those, citizenship was proven for 506 because passport information was added to SAVE after the state’s initial run. The Office of the Texas Secretary of State advised counties to reinstate these registrations if they were removed.
  2. Texas Completes Citizenship Verifications in the SAVE Database

    Texas Secretary of State, 2025-10-20 · supports

    “After running the entire Texas voter list with more than 18 million voters through the SAVE database, the SOS has identified 2,724 potential noncitizens who are registered to vote in Texas. … That process led to a referral of 33 voters to the Office of the Attorney General in June.”Hide quote
    After running the entire Texas voter list with more than 18 million voters through the SAVE database, the SOS has identified 2,724 potential noncitizens who are registered to vote in Texas. … That process led to a referral of 33 voters to the Office of the Attorney General in June.
  3. Trump’s SAVE tool is looking for noncitizen voters. But it’s flagging U.S. citizens too

    NPR (via VPM), 2025-12-10 · complicates

    “The tally of 2,724 potential noncitizens is about 0.015% of the state’s voters. … Denton County election director Frank Phillips told NPR that so far out of the 84 flagged registered voters he sent notices to, 14 have proven their citizenship. The county determined that another 14 people were registered in error because they had indicated on registration forms they were not citizens. The county has canceled their registrations. None had voted. … Fifty-five people in Denton County besides Nel have also had their registration canceled after not responding to the notice, including five people whose notices came back as undeliverable, according to Phillips.”Hide quote
    The tally of 2,724 potential noncitizens is about 0.015% of the state’s voters. … Denton County election director Frank Phillips told NPR that so far out of the 84 flagged registered voters he sent notices to, 14 have proven their citizenship. The county determined that another 14 people were registered in error because they had indicated on registration forms they were not citizens. The county has canceled their registrations. None had voted. … Fifty-five people in Denton County besides Nel have also had their registration canceled after not responding to the notice, including five people whose notices came back as undeliverable, according to Phillips.
  4. Trump’s SAVE tool is looking for noncitizen voters. But it’s flagging U.S. citizens too

    NPR (via VPM), 2025-12-10 · complicates

    “More than 47 million voters have been run through SAVE, according to the agency. States that have announced their results so far have not identified large numbers of suspected noncitizens casting ballots. Louisiana found 79 likely noncitizens voted in elections going back to the 1980s, Tennessee referred 42 potential noncitizens who cast ballots to the FBI, and Indiana said it found “at least 21” noncitizens who voted. … USCIS’ own fact sheet warns that “if an individual with acquired citizenship has not received a Certificate of Citizenship from USCIS (e.g., some foreign-born children of U.S. citizens) or is not designated as a U.S. citizen in [Social Security Administration] records, SAVE may not be able to confirm that individual’s U.S. citizenship.””Hide quote
    More than 47 million voters have been run through SAVE, according to the agency. States that have announced their results so far have not identified large numbers of suspected noncitizens casting ballots. Louisiana found 79 likely noncitizens voted in elections going back to the 1980s, Tennessee referred 42 potential noncitizens who cast ballots to the FBI, and Indiana said it found “at least 21” noncitizens who voted. … USCIS’ own fact sheet warns that “if an individual with acquired citizenship has not received a Certificate of Citizenship from USCIS (e.g., some foreign-born children of U.S. citizens) or is not designated as a U.S. citizen in [Social Security Administration] records, SAVE may not be able to confirm that individual’s U.S. citizenship.”
  5. Texas flagged some voters as ‘potential noncitizens’ but they had already provided proof of citizenship

    Votebeat, 2025-12-18 · complicates

    “Texas officials have now determined that 11 registered voters in Travis County flagged as potential noncitizens actually provided proof of citizenship while obtaining a driver’s license or state ID at the Texas Department of Public Safety, according to county leaders. … Votebeat sought information from 24 counties and to date, election officials who have responded confirmed they have collectively identified at least 33 U.S. citizens on the list. At least 218 people flagged, and potentially more, registered at DPS and should have been required to provide proof of citizenship that the agency should have on file, according to officials from 11 counties.”Hide quote
    Texas officials have now determined that 11 registered voters in Travis County flagged as potential noncitizens actually provided proof of citizenship while obtaining a driver’s license or state ID at the Texas Department of Public Safety, according to county leaders. … Votebeat sought information from 24 counties and to date, election officials who have responded confirmed they have collectively identified at least 33 U.S. citizens on the list. At least 218 people flagged, and potentially more, registered at DPS and should have been required to provide proof of citizenship that the agency should have on file, according to officials from 11 counties.
  6. Texas confirms some flagged as potential noncitizens on voter rolls had provided DPS proof of citizenship

    Votebeat, 2026-07-30 · complicates

    “Adkins said the state is still working through the data and that she couldn’t yet say how many of the 2,724 people had provided proof of citizenship to DPS and should thus be reinstated if they were already removed from the voter roll. She characterized SAVE as having “some inaccurate information” but added that “most of the data that we got out of SAVE was consistent with what DPS had.””Hide quote
    Adkins said the state is still working through the data and that she couldn’t yet say how many of the 2,724 people had provided proof of citizenship to DPS and should thus be reinstated if they were already removed from the voter roll. She characterized SAVE as having “some inaccurate information” but added that “most of the data that we got out of SAVE was consistent with what DPS had.”
  7. Texas election chief raised concerns about the federal tool used to flag potential noncitizens

    The Texas Tribune, 2026-07-16 · complicates

    ““As my staff has informed you, county voter registrars have obtained citizenship documentation from some Texas voters who were identified in the SAVE system as potential Non-citizens,” Nelson’s letter says. “We are aware of instances in which state driver’s license records inaccurately reflect a person’s current citizenship status. In addition, we have learned of individuals who were mistakenly registered to vote—such as due to a clerical error by a voter registrar—even though they acknowledged on a voter registration application that they are not U.S. citizens.””Hide quote
    “As my staff has informed you, county voter registrars have obtained citizenship documentation from some Texas voters who were identified in the SAVE system as potential Non-citizens,” Nelson’s letter says. “We are aware of instances in which state driver’s license records inaccurately reflect a person’s current citizenship status. In addition, we have learned of individuals who were mistakenly registered to vote—such as due to a clerical error by a voter registrar—even though they acknowledged on a voter registration application that they are not U.S. citizens.”
  8. Iowa review finds 35 noncitizens voted last fall. That is a tiny fraction of the ballots cast

    Associated Press (via News4JAX), 2025-03-20 · supports

    “A review of Iowa's voter rolls found 35 people who are not U.S. citizens were among more than 1.6 million Iowa voters who cast ballots in the 2024 general election, despite them being ineligible to vote. Iowa Secretary of State Paul Pate said Thursday that his office also identified 277 noncitizens who were registered to vote, a small percentage of the nearly 2.3 million registered voters. … The new numbers are also a fraction of the original number — 2,176 — that Pate’s office identified last year, just two weeks before the Nov. 5 election, after comparing the state’s voter rolls to a list of people who self-reported as noncitizens to the Iowa Department of Transportation. … The review also found five noncitizens that cast a ballot that was ultimately rejected by county review boards.”Hide quote
    A review of Iowa's voter rolls found 35 people who are not U.S. citizens were among more than 1.6 million Iowa voters who cast ballots in the 2024 general election, despite them being ineligible to vote. Iowa Secretary of State Paul Pate said Thursday that his office also identified 277 noncitizens who were registered to vote, a small percentage of the nearly 2.3 million registered voters. … The new numbers are also a fraction of the original number — 2,176 — that Pate’s office identified last year, just two weeks before the Nov. 5 election, after comparing the state’s voter rolls to a list of people who self-reported as noncitizens to the Iowa Department of Transportation. … The review also found five noncitizens that cast a ballot that was ultimately rejected by county review boards.
  9. Ohio's secretary of state forwards alleged voter fraud cases to DOJ after local prosecutors don't act

    Statehouse News Bureau (via WYSU), 2025-10-28 · supports

    “Secretary of State Frank LaRose said he’s found 1,084 alleged cases of noncitizens who registered to vote, including 167 people who allegedly voted in a federal election going back to 2018. … "What we know is that noncitizens registering is exceedingly rare. It's even more rare for noncitizens to actually cast a ballot, especially now that we've got a really good process in place for identifying that at the time of registration and checking for that," LaRose said. … LaRose had asked county prosecutors to act on 633 cases of suspected voter fraud last year. Prosecutors took up just 12 of them, saying the others lacked evidence to pursue indictments. LaRose took the cases to Attorney General Dave Yost, who presented them to grand juries. Six cases resulted in indictments, including a person who died in December 2022.”Hide quote
    Secretary of State Frank LaRose said he’s found 1,084 alleged cases of noncitizens who registered to vote, including 167 people who allegedly voted in a federal election going back to 2018. … "What we know is that noncitizens registering is exceedingly rare. It's even more rare for noncitizens to actually cast a ballot, especially now that we've got a really good process in place for identifying that at the time of registration and checking for that," LaRose said. … LaRose had asked county prosecutors to act on 633 cases of suspected voter fraud last year. Prosecutors took up just 12 of them, saying the others lacked evidence to pursue indictments. LaRose took the cases to Attorney General Dave Yost, who presented them to grand juries. Six cases resulted in indictments, including a person who died in December 2022.
  10. Ohio finds 597 noncitizens who voted or registered recently, a fraction of its electorate

    Associated Press (via WOSU), 2024-08-22 · supports

    “Ohio’s elections chief on Wednesday referred for possible prosecution 597 apparent noncitizens who either registered to vote or cast a ballot in a recent election — a higher number than he normally finds but still a tiny fraction of the state’s electorate. Republican Secretary of State Frank LaRose said that of those cases, 138 were found to have cast ballots and 459 registered but did not vote. … The total compares to 148 noncitizen cases referred in 2022, 117 in 2021 and 354 in 2019. More than 8 million people are registered to vote in Ohio.”Hide quote
    Ohio’s elections chief on Wednesday referred for possible prosecution 597 apparent noncitizens who either registered to vote or cast a ballot in a recent election — a higher number than he normally finds but still a tiny fraction of the state’s electorate. Republican Secretary of State Frank LaRose said that of those cases, 138 were found to have cast ballots and 459 registered but did not vote. … The total compares to 148 noncitizen cases referred in 2022, 117 in 2021 and 354 in 2019. More than 8 million people are registered to vote in Ohio.
  11. Ohio IDs 117 Noncitizens Who Voted or Registered In 2020

    Associated Press (via CBS Pittsburgh), 2021-07-12 · supports

    “Republican Secretary of State Frank LaRose said that of those, 13 cast ballots and 104 registered but did not vote. … LaRose made a similar referral of 277 individuals to Yost after the 2018 election, including 77 who cast a ballot. Only a handful were ever prosecuted, according to data from the Franklin County prosecutor's office. Ohio produced an extraordinary level of access in last year's presidential election, setting records with nearly 6 million votes cast”Hide quote
    Republican Secretary of State Frank LaRose said that of those, 13 cast ballots and 104 registered but did not vote. … LaRose made a similar referral of 277 individuals to Yost after the 2018 election, including 77 who cast a ballot. Only a handful were ever prosecuted, according to data from the Franklin County prosecutor's office. Ohio produced an extraordinary level of access in last year's presidential election, setting records with nearly 6 million votes cast
  12. LaRose certifies official 2024 general election results

    The Highland County Press, 2024-12-03 · supports

    “In total, Ohio’s final voter participation rate for 2024 stands at 71.7 percent, with 5,851,387 out of 8,159,946 registered voters casting ballots statewide.”Hide quote
    In total, Ohio’s final voter participation rate for 2024 stands at 71.7 percent, with 5,851,387 out of 8,159,946 registered voters casting ballots statewide.
  13. Louisiana election investigation finds 79 noncitizens have voted since 1980s

    Louisiana Illuminator (via News From The States), 2025-09-04 · supports

    “Louisiana’s top election official said she has discovered 390 non-citizen registered voters in the state, with 79 voting in at least one election over the past several decades. The 390 suspected non-citizen voters represent approximately 0.01% of the roughly 2.9 million registered voters in Louisiana. … In a later interview, Landry acknowledged the possibility that some of her findings could be attributed to errors or outdated information. … While Landry said voter fraud is “not a systemic problem in Louisiana,” she noted that some local elections have been decided by just a handful of votes. She didn’t say if the newly discovered noncitizen voters impacted any of those elections.”Hide quote
    Louisiana’s top election official said she has discovered 390 non-citizen registered voters in the state, with 79 voting in at least one election over the past several decades. The 390 suspected non-citizen voters represent approximately 0.01% of the roughly 2.9 million registered voters in Louisiana. … In a later interview, Landry acknowledged the possibility that some of her findings could be attributed to errors or outdated information. … While Landry said voter fraud is “not a systemic problem in Louisiana,” she noted that some local elections have been decided by just a handful of votes. She didn’t say if the newly discovered noncitizen voters impacted any of those elections.
  14. Georgia citizenship audit finds few noncitizens on voter rolls

    Associated Press (via WALB), 2024-10-23 · supports

    “Georgia’s top elections official said Wednesday that a check of voter rolls found that 20 of the 8.2 million people registered to vote in the state are not U.S. citizens. … His office said none of those people has cast a ballot in November’s general election, but nine of the 20 had voted in previous elections and the other 11 had no record of voting. Additionally, there are 156 people whose citizenship status requires additional investigation and his office has opened case files for those individuals, Raffensperger said. … Raffensperger said the 20 people who were conclusively identified as noncitizens lived in seven counties, mostly in metro Atlanta, and had filled out a sworn statement saying they were not citizens to get out of jury duty.”Hide quote
    Georgia’s top elections official said Wednesday that a check of voter rolls found that 20 of the 8.2 million people registered to vote in the state are not U.S. citizens. … His office said none of those people has cast a ballot in November’s general election, but nine of the 20 had voted in previous elections and the other 11 had no record of voting. Additionally, there are 156 people whose citizenship status requires additional investigation and his office has opened case files for those individuals, Raffensperger said. … Raffensperger said the 20 people who were conclusively identified as noncitizens lived in seven counties, mostly in metro Atlanta, and had filled out a sworn statement saying they were not citizens to get out of jury duty.
  15. Most ‘noncitizen voters’ DHS found in Georgia were never voters at all

    The Atlanta Journal-Constitution, 2026-07-17 · supports

    “The U.S. Department of Homeland Security claims to have found about 2,500 noncitizen voters in Georgia, according to a report released during President Donald Trump’s speech Thursday on election security. … Most of the people flagged by DHS had applied to become registered voters but were in a “pending” status, according to the secretary of state’s office. … Georgia has 8.1 million registered voters as of Friday. But only about 150 registrants identified as possible noncitizens by DHS had previously voted, the secretary of state’s office said.”Hide quote
    The U.S. Department of Homeland Security claims to have found about 2,500 noncitizen voters in Georgia, according to a report released during President Donald Trump’s speech Thursday on election security. … Most of the people flagged by DHS had applied to become registered voters but were in a “pending” status, according to the secretary of state’s office. … Georgia has 8.1 million registered voters as of Friday. But only about 150 registrants identified as possible noncitizens by DHS had previously voted, the secretary of state’s office said.
  16. Federal judge to halt Alabama program that purged thousands of legal voters

    Associated Press (via WSLS), 2024-10-16 · complicates

    “Under the August initiative, the secretary of state’s office identified 3,251 potential noncitizens registered to vote using foreign national numbers collected by state agencies on both unemployment benefits and driver's license applications. … Approximately 2,000 of the 3,251 voters who were made inactive were legally registered citizens, according to testimony from the secretary of state’s chief of staff Clay Helms on Tuesday. More than 900 of the initial 3,251 voters proved they were legal voters by September, according to Helms' testimony. On Tuesday, less than a month before the election, another 1,000 were reactivated after the secretary of state's office doublechecked driver's license information from the Alabama Law Enforcement Agency, Helms said. … At least 159 people from the list were “disqualified” after the purge in August, meaning they will be removed from the voter rolls. … “A few” of those disqualified indicated on voter removal forms that they were noncitizens, according to Helms' written testimony.”Hide quote
    Under the August initiative, the secretary of state’s office identified 3,251 potential noncitizens registered to vote using foreign national numbers collected by state agencies on both unemployment benefits and driver's license applications. … Approximately 2,000 of the 3,251 voters who were made inactive were legally registered citizens, according to testimony from the secretary of state’s chief of staff Clay Helms on Tuesday. More than 900 of the initial 3,251 voters proved they were legal voters by September, according to Helms' testimony. On Tuesday, less than a month before the election, another 1,000 were reactivated after the secretary of state's office doublechecked driver's license information from the Alabama Law Enforcement Agency, Helms said. … At least 159 people from the list were “disqualified” after the purge in August, meaning they will be removed from the voter rolls. … “A few” of those disqualified indicated on voter removal forms that they were noncitizens, according to Helms' written testimony.
  17. Private Plaintiffs-Respondents' Response in Opposition to Emergency Application for Stay, Beals v. Virginia Coalition for Immigrant Rights, No. 24A407

    Supreme Court of the United States (filing by the private respondents), 2024-10-29 · complicates

    “When Alabama engaged in a similar system based on checkboxes on forms from the Alabama Department of Labor, the error rate was astronomical. After a lawsuit was filed, the Secretary cross-checked the checkbox data with documents on file with the driver’s license agency and immediately confirmed the citizenship of 93.8% of them. … To be clear, the data did not confirm noncitizenship among the remaining 6.2 percent. … Critically, while Applicants failed to show that any of the 1,610 people removed from the rolls from the Purge Program were in fact noncitizens, the court credited Respondents’ “evidence that revealed that citizens have been removed from those rolls.””Hide quote
    When Alabama engaged in a similar system based on checkboxes on forms from the Alabama Department of Labor, the error rate was astronomical. After a lawsuit was filed, the Secretary cross-checked the checkbox data with documents on file with the driver’s license agency and immediately confirmed the citizenship of 93.8% of them. … To be clear, the data did not confirm noncitizenship among the remaining 6.2 percent. … Critically, while Applicants failed to show that any of the 1,610 people removed from the rolls from the Purge Program were in fact noncitizens, the court credited Respondents’ “evidence that revealed that citizens have been removed from those rolls.”
  18. Order in Pending Case, 24A407 Beals v. Virginia Coalition for Immigrant Rights

    Supreme Court of the United States, 2024-10-30 · complicates

    “The application for stay presented to The Chief Justice and by him referred to the Court is granted. … Justice Sotomayor, Justice Kagan, and Justice Jackson, would deny the application.”Hide quote
    The application for stay presented to The Chief Justice and by him referred to the Court is granted. … Justice Sotomayor, Justice Kagan, and Justice Jackson, would deny the application.
  19. Public Interest Legal Foundation v. North Carolina State Board of Elections, 996 F.3d 257

    United States Court of Appeals for the Fourth Circuit, 2021-05-10 · complicates

    “After consulting these sources of information, the Board found that the DMV and SAVE information had a high rate of inaccuracy. The Board determined that 97.6% of persons identified by the DMV as noncitizens, in fact were citizens, and that about 75% of individuals who later provided proof of citizenship continued to be listed as noncitizens in the SAVE system.”Hide quote
    After consulting these sources of information, the Board found that the DMV and SAVE information had a high rate of inaccuracy. The Board determined that 97.6% of persons identified by the DMV as noncitizens, in fact were citizens, and that about 75% of individuals who later provided proof of citizenship continued to be listed as noncitizens in the SAVE system.
  20. Post-Election Audit Report: 2016 General Election

    North Carolina State Board of Elections, 2017-04 · supports

    “Even assuming all ineligible ballots identified in this report were cast for the prevailing candidate, no races -- statewide or local -- would have had a different outcome than the one already certified by the state. … Nearly 4.8 million N.C. voters participated in the 2016 general election, the largest number in state history. … 41 non-citizens with legal status (green card, etc.) cast ballots. The State Constitution only permits U.S. citizens to register and to vote. The audit pairing state and federal databases identified an additional 34 voters who provided documents showing they are U.S. citizens. Investigators continue to review 61 additional records. … A number of non-citizens said they were not aware that they were prohibited from voting.”Hide quote
    Even assuming all ineligible ballots identified in this report were cast for the prevailing candidate, no races -- statewide or local -- would have had a different outcome than the one already certified by the state. … Nearly 4.8 million N.C. voters participated in the 2016 general election, the largest number in state history. … 41 non-citizens with legal status (green card, etc.) cast ballots. The State Constitution only permits U.S. citizens to register and to vote. The audit pairing state and federal databases identified an additional 34 voters who provided documents showing they are U.S. citizens. Investigators continue to review 61 additional records. … A number of non-citizens said they were not aware that they were prohibited from voting.
  21. Noncitizen Voting: The Missing Millions

    Brennan Center for Justice, 2017-05-05 · supports

    “Across 42 jurisdictions, election officials who oversaw the tabulation of 23.5 million votes in the 2016 general election referred only an estimated 30 incidents of suspected noncitizen voting for further investigation or prosecution. In other words, improper noncitizen votes accounted for 0.0001 percent of the 2016 votes in those jurisdictions. … In the ten counties with the largest populations of noncitizens in 2016, only one reported any instances of noncitizen voting, consisting of fewer than 10 votes, and New York City, home to two of the counties, declined to provide any information.”Hide quote
    Across 42 jurisdictions, election officials who oversaw the tabulation of 23.5 million votes in the 2016 general election referred only an estimated 30 incidents of suspected noncitizen voting for further investigation or prosecution. In other words, improper noncitizen votes accounted for 0.0001 percent of the 2016 votes in those jurisdictions. … In the ten counties with the largest populations of noncitizens in 2016, only one reported any instances of noncitizen voting, consisting of fewer than 10 votes, and New York City, home to two of the counties, declined to provide any information.
  22. Fish v. Kobach, Nos. 16-2105-JAR-JPO and 15-9300-JAR-JPO, Findings of Fact and Conclusions of Law

    United States District Court for the District of Kansas (via Civil Rights Litigation Clearinghouse), 2018-06-18 · supports

    “These figures amount to 31,089 total applicants who were denied registration for failure to provide DPOC, 16,802 of whom applied through the DOV. … the evidence shows that 67 noncitizen individuals registered to vote under the attestation regime, or attempted to register after the DPOC law was passed. Of these, 39 successfully registered to vote despite the attestation requirement, and 28 noncitizens attempted to register to vote after the DPOC law was passed but were thwarted by operation of that law. … there are only 39 confirmed noncitizens who successfully registered to vote between 1999 and 2013 when the DPOC law became effective. This is but .002% of all registered voters in Kansas as of January 1, 2013 (1,762,330). … these numbers support the opinions of Drs. Minnite, McDonald, and Hersh that while there is evidence of a small number of noncitizen registrations in Kansas, it is largely explained by administrative error, confusion, or mistake.”Hide quote
    These figures amount to 31,089 total applicants who were denied registration for failure to provide DPOC, 16,802 of whom applied through the DOV. … the evidence shows that 67 noncitizen individuals registered to vote under the attestation regime, or attempted to register after the DPOC law was passed. Of these, 39 successfully registered to vote despite the attestation requirement, and 28 noncitizens attempted to register to vote after the DPOC law was passed but were thwarted by operation of that law. … there are only 39 confirmed noncitizens who successfully registered to vote between 1999 and 2013 when the DPOC law became effective. This is but .002% of all registered voters in Kansas as of January 1, 2013 (1,762,330). … these numbers support the opinions of Drs. Minnite, McDonald, and Hersh that while there is evidence of a small number of noncitizen registrations in Kansas, it is largely explained by administrative error, confusion, or mistake.
  23. Arizona labeled longtime residents as citizens without proof for years, leading to voter roll errors

    Votebeat, 2024-10-03 · complicates

    “The Secretary of State’s Office issued a revised estimate that said more than twice as many voters — 218,000 — were affected … New information obtained by Votebeat this week showed that the MVD has historically categorized anyone with a pre-1996 license as a U.S. citizen, even though the agency has not obtained their proof of citizenship, such as a birth certificate or passport. … All of the voters attested to their U.S. citizenship under penalty of perjury when they registered to vote, as required by federal law. Only two on the list have so far been identified as noncitizens.”Hide quote
    The Secretary of State’s Office issued a revised estimate that said more than twice as many voters — 218,000 — were affected … New information obtained by Votebeat this week showed that the MVD has historically categorized anyone with a pre-1996 license as a U.S. citizen, even though the agency has not obtained their proof of citizenship, such as a birth certificate or passport. … All of the voters attested to their U.S. citizenship under penalty of perjury when they registered to vote, as required by federal law. Only two on the list have so far been identified as noncitizens.
  24. The Supreme Court revives a controversial data system for citizenship checks

    NPR (via OPB), 2026-09-25 · complicates

    “In his appeal, Sauer wrote that since May 2025, the updated version of SAVE has verified more than 65 million voters across 26 states, and has flagged 28,635 as potential noncitizens. … They wrote that even though 65 million voters had been verified by the revamped SAVE, the government had not yet released the system’s error rate, or how many Americans’ citizenship was misrepresented “and who consequently have been forced to reverify their citizenship to retain their voter registration or obtain government benefits.””Hide quote
    In his appeal, Sauer wrote that since May 2025, the updated version of SAVE has verified more than 65 million voters across 26 states, and has flagged 28,635 as potential noncitizens. … They wrote that even though 65 million voters had been verified by the revamped SAVE, the government had not yet released the system’s error rate, or how many Americans’ citizenship was misrepresented “and who consequently have been forced to reverify their citizenship to retain their voter registration or obtain government benefits.”
  25. Texas voting rights groups win settlement from secretary of state

    The Texas Tribune, 2019-04-26 · complicates

    “Three months after first questioning the citizenship status of almost 100,000 registered voters, the Texas secretary of state has agreed to end a review of the voter rolls for supposed noncitizens that was flawed from the start. … A top election official in the secretary of state’s office later acknowledged that his office had overstated the number of flagged voters by about 25,000 names because of the mistake. And local officials quickly noted they had been able to verify that hundreds of other individuals on the list were naturalized citizens.”Hide quote
    Three months after first questioning the citizenship status of almost 100,000 registered voters, the Texas secretary of state has agreed to end a review of the voter rolls for supposed noncitizens that was flawed from the start. … A top election official in the secretary of state’s office later acknowledged that his office had overstated the number of flagged voters by about 25,000 names because of the mistake. And local officials quickly noted they had been able to verify that hundreds of other individuals on the list were naturalized citizens.
  26. Georgia again certifies election results showing Biden won

    Associated Press (via WDBJ7), 2020-12-07 · supports

    “Biden’s lead dropped from 12,670 to 11,779.”Hide quote
    Biden’s lead dropped from 12,670 to 11,779.
  27. Rep. Mariannette Miller-Meeks wins reelection after recount, AP projects

    Iowa Capital Dispatch (via Little Village), 2024-12-02 · supports

    “As of the latest updates from the AP, Miller-Meeks won with unofficial results showing her at 206,955 votes to Bohannan’s 206,157 — a 798-vote margin”Hide quote
    As of the latest updates from the AP, Miller-Meeks won with unofficial results showing her at 206,955 votes to Bohannan’s 206,157 — a 798-vote margin
  28. Citizenship Audit Finds 1,634 Noncitizens Attempted to Register to Vote

    Georgia Secretary of State, 2022-03-28 · complicates

    “The review found that 1,634 people who had attempted to register to vote were not able to be verified by U.S. Citizenship and Immigration Services’ (USCIS) Systematic Alien Verification for Entitlements (SAVE) program. Due to Georgia’s existing citizenship check procedures, the noncitizens identified in the citizenship check were placed into “pending citizenship” status and were not able to vote. … The search found 1,634 individuals who had attempted to register to vote in Georgia despite not being citizens. In total, 2,258 voter registration applications are currently in “pending citizenship” status. The difference between the two numbers is because there were 624 records where the Secretary of State’s office was not able to obtain the required information to utilize the SAVE verification tool. … All 2,258 individuals were placed in pending status and not added to the voter rolls. None of these individuals have cast ballots in Georgia elections.”Hide quote
    The review found that 1,634 people who had attempted to register to vote were not able to be verified by U.S. Citizenship and Immigration Services’ (USCIS) Systematic Alien Verification for Entitlements (SAVE) program. Due to Georgia’s existing citizenship check procedures, the noncitizens identified in the citizenship check were placed into “pending citizenship” status and were not able to vote. … The search found 1,634 individuals who had attempted to register to vote in Georgia despite not being citizens. In total, 2,258 voter registration applications are currently in “pending citizenship” status. The difference between the two numbers is because there were 624 records where the Secretary of State’s office was not able to obtain the required information to utilize the SAVE verification tool. … All 2,258 individuals were placed in pending status and not added to the voter rolls. None of these individuals have cast ballots in Georgia elections.

Burdens of ID and Citizenship-Proof Rules: Missing Documents, Rejections and Turnout

  1. Who Lacks ID in America Today? An Exploration of Voter ID Access, Barriers, and Knowledge

    Center for Democracy and Civic Engagement, University of Maryland, 2024-06 · supports

    “Nearly 21 million voting-age U.S. citizens do not have a current (non-expired) driver’s license. Just under 9%, or 20.76 million people, who are U.S. citizens aged 18 or older do not have a non-expired driver’s license. Another 12% (28.6 million) have a non-expired license, but it does not have both their current address and current name. For these individuals, a mismatched address is the largest issue. Ninety-six percent of those with some discrepancy have a license that does not have their current address, 1.5% have their current address but not their current name, and just over 2% do not have their current address or current name on their license. Additionally, just over 1% of adult U.S. citizens do not have any form of government-issued photo identification, which amounts to nearly 2.6 million people.”Hide quote
    Nearly 21 million voting-age U.S. citizens do not have a current (non-expired) driver’s license. Just under 9%, or 20.76 million people, who are U.S. citizens aged 18 or older do not have a non-expired driver’s license. Another 12% (28.6 million) have a non-expired license, but it does not have both their current address and current name. For these individuals, a mismatched address is the largest issue. Ninety-six percent of those with some discrepancy have a license that does not have their current address, 1.5% have their current address but not their current name, and just over 2% do not have their current address or current name on their license. Additionally, just over 1% of adult U.S. citizens do not have any form of government-issued photo identification, which amounts to nearly 2.6 million people.
  2. Who Lacks ID in America Today? An Exploration of Voter ID Access, Barriers, and Knowledge

    Center for Democracy and Civic Engagement, University of Maryland, 2024-06 · supports

    “Over 9% of voting-age citizens, or 21.3 million people, cannot readily access documentary proof of citizenship (DPOC), either because they do not have it at all or because they could not access it easily if needed. Just under 2% of voting-age American citizens, or over 3.8 million people, lack ANY form of DPOC.”Hide quote
    Over 9% of voting-age citizens, or 21.3 million people, cannot readily access documentary proof of citizenship (DPOC), either because they do not have it at all or because they could not access it easily if needed. Just under 2% of voting-age American citizens, or over 3.8 million people, lack ANY form of DPOC.
  3. Who Lacks ID in America Today? An Exploration of Voter ID Access, Barriers, and Knowledge

    Center for Democracy and Civic Engagement, University of Maryland, 2024-06 · supports

    “Over a quarter of Black adult citizens and Hispanic adult citizens do not have a driver’s license with their current name and/or address (28% and … 27% respectively), compared to about one out of five adult citizens who identify as Asian/Pacific Islander (21%) or White (18%). Eighteen percent of Black adult citizens, 15% of Hispanic adult citizens, and 13% of Asian/Pacific Islander adult citizens do not have a license at all, compared to just 5% of White adult citizens.”Hide quote
    Over a quarter of Black adult citizens and Hispanic adult citizens do not have a driver’s license with their current name and/or address (28% and … 27% respectively), compared to about one out of five adult citizens who identify as Asian/Pacific Islander (21%) or White (18%). Eighteen percent of Black adult citizens, 15% of Hispanic adult citizens, and 13% of Asian/Pacific Islander adult citizens do not have a license at all, compared to just 5% of White adult citizens.
  4. Who Lacks ID in America Today? An Exploration of Voter ID Access, Barriers, and Knowledge

    Center for Democracy and Civic Engagement, University of Maryland, 2024-06 · supports

    “This disproportionately affects marginalized racial and ethnic groups, as 3% of People of Color lack any form of DPOC, compared to 1% of White Americans. Eight percent of White Americans (or over 12.9 million people) and 11% of People of Color (or over 8.4 million people) cannot readily access DPOC. Independents are also more likely to lack DPOC (4%) compared to Democrats (2%) and Republicans (1%). Independents are also more likely to be unable to readily access DPOC (13%, or almost 4.5 million) than Democrats (10%, or just under 9.7 million) and Republicans (7%, or over 7.1 million).”Hide quote
    This disproportionately affects marginalized racial and ethnic groups, as 3% of People of Color lack any form of DPOC, compared to 1% of White Americans. Eight percent of White Americans (or over 12.9 million people) and 11% of People of Color (or over 8.4 million people) cannot readily access DPOC. Independents are also more likely to lack DPOC (4%) compared to Democrats (2%) and Republicans (1%). Independents are also more likely to be unable to readily access DPOC (13%, or almost 4.5 million) than Democrats (10%, or just under 9.7 million) and Republicans (7%, or over 7.1 million).
  5. Who Lacks ID in America Today? An Exploration of Voter ID Access, Barriers, and Knowledge

    Center for Democracy and Civic Engagement, University of Maryland, 2024-06 · supports

    “Twenty-three percent of Democrats (23 million people), 16% of Republicans (15.7 million people), and 31% of independents/others (10.5 million people) indicate they do not have a license with their current name and/or address. Nearly 15 million people indicate they do not have a license at all, including 9% of Democrats (8.6 million people), 6% of Republicans (6.2 million people), and 18% of independents/others (5.9 million people).”Hide quote
    Twenty-three percent of Democrats (23 million people), 16% of Republicans (15.7 million people), and 31% of independents/others (10.5 million people) indicate they do not have a license with their current name and/or address. Nearly 15 million people indicate they do not have a license at all, including 9% of Democrats (8.6 million people), 6% of Republicans (6.2 million people), and 18% of independents/others (5.9 million people).
  6. Who Lacks ID in America Today? An Exploration of Voter ID Access, Barriers, and Knowledge

    Center for Democracy and Civic Engagement, University of Maryland, 2024-06 · supports

    “Younger Americans overall are far less likely to have a driver’s license with their current name and/or address, with 41% of those between the ages of 18-24 and 38% between the ages of 25-29 indicating this, compared to 24% between the ages of 30-49, 13% between the ages of 50-64, and 11% of adult citizens over the age of 65. … Thirty-nine percent of those with annual incomes under $30,000 do not have a license with their current name and/or address, including 23% who do not have a license at all. Twenty-one percent of those making between $30,000 and $50,000 annually do not have a license with their current name and/or address, compared to 15% making between $50,000 and $100,000 and 9% of those making over $100,000.”Hide quote
    Younger Americans overall are far less likely to have a driver’s license with their current name and/or address, with 41% of those between the ages of 18-24 and 38% between the ages of 25-29 indicating this, compared to 24% between the ages of 30-49, 13% between the ages of 50-64, and 11% of adult citizens over the age of 65. … Thirty-nine percent of those with annual incomes under $30,000 do not have a license with their current name and/or address, including 23% who do not have a license at all. Twenty-one percent of those making between $30,000 and $50,000 annually do not have a license with their current name and/or address, compared to 15% making between $50,000 and $100,000 and 9% of those making over $100,000.
  7. Who Lacks ID in America Today? An Exploration of Voter ID Access, Barriers, and Knowledge

    Center for Democracy and Civic Engagement, University of Maryland, 2024-06 · complicates

    “VoteRiders, Public Wise, the Center for Democracy and Civic Engagement (CDCE) at the University of Maryland, and the Brennan Center for Justice contracted with SSRS, a highly regarded survey firm, to obtain a nationally representative sample of the U.S. adult citizen population. The sample of 2,386 respondents was drawn from SSRS’s probability panel and a random sample of known pre-paid cellular phone numbers. Included in the sample are oversamples of 18-24-year-olds, Black respondents, Hispanic respondents, Black and Hispanic 18-24-year olds, and individuals with income less than $30,000 per year. The survey was fielded 9/12/23 - 10/4/23. All of the results below are weighted.”Hide quote
    VoteRiders, Public Wise, the Center for Democracy and Civic Engagement (CDCE) at the University of Maryland, and the Brennan Center for Justice contracted with SSRS, a highly regarded survey firm, to obtain a nationally representative sample of the U.S. adult citizen population. The sample of 2,386 respondents was drawn from SSRS’s probability panel and a random sample of known pre-paid cellular phone numbers. Included in the sample are oversamples of 18-24-year-olds, Black respondents, Hispanic respondents, Black and Hispanic 18-24-year olds, and individuals with income less than $30,000 per year. The survey was fielded 9/12/23 - 10/4/23. All of the results below are weighted.
  8. Who Lacks ID in America Today? An Exploration of Voter ID Access, Barriers, and Knowledge

    Center for Democracy and Civic Engagement, University of Maryland, 2024-06 · complicates

    “Some people do not have a license because they “don’t like driving/don’t drive” (31%), they are “not interested” (8%), or they have anxiety about driving (3%). Nineteen percent of individuals without a driver’s license cite bureaucratic or economic factors as the reasons for which they do not have a license, including the cost of getting a license (8%), financial/legal difficulties including unpaid tickets/fines (4%), lack of time (4%), or lack of underlying documents (3%).”Hide quote
    Some people do not have a license because they “don’t like driving/don’t drive” (31%), they are “not interested” (8%), or they have anxiety about driving (3%). Nineteen percent of individuals without a driver’s license cite bureaucratic or economic factors as the reasons for which they do not have a license, including the cost of getting a license (8%), financial/legal difficulties including unpaid tickets/fines (4%), lack of time (4%), or lack of underlying documents (3%).
  9. Which U.S. citizens lack easy access to documentary proof of citizenship?

    Center for Democracy and Civic Engagement, University of Maryland, 2025-04-10 · supports

    “More males (over 12 million, 11%) than females (over 9 million, 8%) do not have or cannot easily access DPOC. Importantly, the estimate for females should be viewed as a lower bound, as we do not have an estimate for the number of males or females whose current legal name does not match the name on their DPOC, and women are more likely to change their names upon marriage or divorce.”Hide quote
    More males (over 12 million, 11%) than females (over 9 million, 8%) do not have or cannot easily access DPOC. Importantly, the estimate for females should be viewed as a lower bound, as we do not have an estimate for the number of males or females whose current legal name does not match the name on their DPOC, and women are more likely to change their names upon marriage or divorce.
  10. Citizens Without Proof: A Survey of Americans’ Possession of Documentary Proof of Citizenship and Photo Identification

    Brennan Center for Justice, 2006-11 · complicates

    “As many as 7% of United States citizens – 13 million individuals – do not have ready access to citizenship documents. … As many as 11 percent of United States citizens – more than 21 million individuals – do not have government-issued photo identification. Eleven percent of the American citizens surveyed responded that they do not have current, unexpired government-issued identification with a photograph, such as a driver’s license or military ID.”Hide quote
    As many as 7% of United States citizens – 13 million individuals – do not have ready access to citizenship documents. … As many as 11 percent of United States citizens – more than 21 million individuals – do not have government-issued photo identification. Eleven percent of the American citizens surveyed responded that they do not have current, unexpired government-issued identification with a photograph, such as a driver’s license or military ID.
  11. Arizona labeled longtime residents as citizens without proof for years, leading to voter roll errors

    Votebeat, 2024-10-03 · supports

    “New information obtained by Votebeat this week showed that the MVD has historically categorized anyone with a pre-1996 license as a U.S. citizen, even though the agency has not obtained their proof of citizenship, such as a birth certificate or passport. … All of the voters attested to their U.S. citizenship under penalty of perjury when they registered to vote, as required by federal law. Only two on the list have so far been identified as noncitizens. Overall, at least 696,713 residents in Arizona received their license prior to 1996 and have been categorized in state records as U.S. citizens, without providing proof of citizenship. At least 218,000 of them are voters, according to data provided by the Secretary of State’s Office. … The problem has been occurring since 2004, when Arizona enacted a unique law requiring documented proof of citizenship to vote. … Under the law, Arizona driver’s licenses issued after October 1996 count as proof of citizenship for someone registering to vote.”Hide quote
    New information obtained by Votebeat this week showed that the MVD has historically categorized anyone with a pre-1996 license as a U.S. citizen, even though the agency has not obtained their proof of citizenship, such as a birth certificate or passport. … All of the voters attested to their U.S. citizenship under penalty of perjury when they registered to vote, as required by federal law. Only two on the list have so far been identified as noncitizens. Overall, at least 696,713 residents in Arizona received their license prior to 1996 and have been categorized in state records as U.S. citizens, without providing proof of citizenship. At least 218,000 of them are voters, according to data provided by the Secretary of State’s Office. … The problem has been occurring since 2004, when Arizona enacted a unique law requiring documented proof of citizenship to vote. … Under the law, Arizona driver’s licenses issued after October 1996 count as proof of citizenship for someone registering to vote.
  12. Investigation into 200+ names finds 8 non-citizens voted in Maricopa County since 2012

    AZFamily (KTVK/KPHO), 2026-09-28 · complicates

    “The Maricopa County Recorder’s Office referred 207 people registered to vote who were suspected of not being U.S. citizens to the attorney’s office, according to Mitchell. Sixty of those had voted in at least one election. During their investigation, the attorney’s office found that eight of those 60 were not US citizens. … All eight received their driver’s license before Oct. 1, 1996, when the MVD started requiring proof of citizenship for a driver’s license, according to Mitchell. … More than 2.5 million people are registered to vote in Maricopa County.”Hide quote
    The Maricopa County Recorder’s Office referred 207 people registered to vote who were suspected of not being U.S. citizens to the attorney’s office, according to Mitchell. Sixty of those had voted in at least one election. During their investigation, the attorney’s office found that eight of those 60 were not US citizens. … All eight received their driver’s license before Oct. 1, 1996, when the MVD started requiring proof of citizenship for a driver’s license, according to Mitchell. … More than 2.5 million people are registered to vote in Maricopa County.
  13. Fish v. Schwab, No. 18-3133 (opinion)

    United States Court of Appeals for the Tenth Circuit, 2020-04-29 · complicates

    “The Secretary also identified an incident, summarized in a letter in the record, where employees of a hog farm “were transported to [a county] office by their employer to register to vote” even though a county clerk stated that “some of these employees felt they were pressured to register even though they may not be legal.” … In its preliminary injunction analysis, the district court had concluded that the evidence submitted about this incident was “insufficient to show that noncitizens actually voted.” Id., Vol. 4, at 867 (Mem. & Order, filed May 17, 2016).”Hide quote
    The Secretary also identified an incident, summarized in a letter in the record, where employees of a hog farm “were transported to [a county] office by their employer to register to vote” even though a county clerk stated that “some of these employees felt they were pressured to register even though they may not be legal.” … In its preliminary injunction analysis, the district court had concluded that the evidence submitted about this incident was “insufficient to show that noncitizens actually voted.” Id., Vol. 4, at 867 (Mem. & Order, filed May 17, 2016).
  14. Fish v. Kobach, Nos. 16-2105-JAR-JPO and 15-9300-JAR-JPO, Findings of Fact and Conclusions of Law

    United States District Court for the District of Kansas (via Civil Rights Litigation Clearinghouse), 2018-06-18 · supports

    “As of March 28, 2016, before the preliminary injunction was issued requiring Defendant to register to vote applicants suspended or canceled for failure to provide DPOC, there were 14,770 applicants on the suspense list. Of these, 5,655 were motor voter applicants. As of March 28, 2016, 16,319 individuals had their applications canceled under K.A.R. § 7-23-15 due to lack of DPOC. Of these, 11,147 were motor voter applicants. These figures amount to 31,089 total applicants who were denied registration for failure to provide DPOC, 16,802 of whom applied through the DOV. … Canceled or suspended applicants represented 12.4% of new voter registrations between January 1, 2013 and December 11, 2015.”Hide quote
    As of March 28, 2016, before the preliminary injunction was issued requiring Defendant to register to vote applicants suspended or canceled for failure to provide DPOC, there were 14,770 applicants on the suspense list. Of these, 5,655 were motor voter applicants. As of March 28, 2016, 16,319 individuals had their applications canceled under K.A.R. § 7-23-15 due to lack of DPOC. Of these, 11,147 were motor voter applicants. These figures amount to 31,089 total applicants who were denied registration for failure to provide DPOC, 16,802 of whom applied through the DOV. … Canceled or suspended applicants represented 12.4% of new voter registrations between January 1, 2013 and December 11, 2015.
  15. Fish v. Kobach, Nos. 16-2105-JAR-JPO and 15-9300-JAR-JPO, Findings of Fact and Conclusions of Law

    United States District Court for the District of Kansas (via Civil Rights Litigation Clearinghouse), 2018-06-18 · supports

    “the evidence shows that 67 noncitizen individuals registered to vote under the attestation regime, or attempted to register after the DPOC law was passed. Of these, 39 successfully registered to vote despite the attestation requirement, and 28 noncitizens attempted to register to vote after the DPOC law was passed but were thwarted by operation of that law. … although Dr. Richman did not provide a margin of error, Dr. Ansolabehere did, and determined that Dr. Richman’s estimate that 0.7% of the people on the suspense list are noncitizens is statistically indistinguishable from zero. … Moreover, taken at face value, the corollary to Dr. Richman’s estimate that 0.7% of people on the Suspense List are noncitizens, is that more than 99% of the individuals on the suspense list are United States citizens. … there are only 39 confirmed noncitizens who successfully registered to vote between 1999 and 2013 when the DPOC law became effective. This is but .002% of all registered voters in Kansas as of January 1, 2013 (1,762,330). … these numbers support the opinions of Drs. Minnite, McDonald, and Hersh that while there is evidence of a small number of noncitizen registrations in Kansas, it is largely explained by administrative error, confusion, or mistake. … The Court has already determined that at most, 67 noncitizens registered or attempted to register in Kansas over the last 19 years.”Hide quote
    the evidence shows that 67 noncitizen individuals registered to vote under the attestation regime, or attempted to register after the DPOC law was passed. Of these, 39 successfully registered to vote despite the attestation requirement, and 28 noncitizens attempted to register to vote after the DPOC law was passed but were thwarted by operation of that law. … although Dr. Richman did not provide a margin of error, Dr. Ansolabehere did, and determined that Dr. Richman’s estimate that 0.7% of the people on the suspense list are noncitizens is statistically indistinguishable from zero. … Moreover, taken at face value, the corollary to Dr. Richman’s estimate that 0.7% of people on the Suspense List are noncitizens, is that more than 99% of the individuals on the suspense list are United States citizens. … there are only 39 confirmed noncitizens who successfully registered to vote between 1999 and 2013 when the DPOC law became effective. This is but .002% of all registered voters in Kansas as of January 1, 2013 (1,762,330). … these numbers support the opinions of Drs. Minnite, McDonald, and Hersh that while there is evidence of a small number of noncitizen registrations in Kansas, it is largely explained by administrative error, confusion, or mistake. … The Court has already determined that at most, 67 noncitizens registered or attempted to register in Kansas over the last 19 years.
  16. Texas officials say they're rejecting fewer mail ballots than the primary's big spike

    NPR (via Texas Public Radio), 2022-11-06 · supports

    “During the state's primary in March, state officials said 24,636 mail-in ballots were rejected in that election. That's a 12.38% rejection rate — far higher than in previous contests. According to the U.S. Election Assistance Commission, Texas' mail ballot rejection rate during the 2020 general election was 0.8% and it was 1.5% in 2018. The surge in the rejection rate in March followed a voting law passed by Republicans in the state legislature in 2021 that created new ID requirements for mail ballots. Local officials said confusion created by the law, known as Senate Bill 1, tripped up many voters. In many cases, voters completely missed the field on the ballot return envelope that requires either a partial Social Security number or driver's license number. … Sam Taylor, assistant secretary of state for communications, attributes the decrease in the mail ballot rejection rate to updates to the return ballot in some Texas counties, as well as additional voter information included in mail ballots by local officials. He says various voter education campaigns following the March primary have also helped. … Taylor also said rejection rates were always likely to improve as "voters got used to" the new mail ballot process.”Hide quote
    During the state's primary in March, state officials said 24,636 mail-in ballots were rejected in that election. That's a 12.38% rejection rate — far higher than in previous contests. According to the U.S. Election Assistance Commission, Texas' mail ballot rejection rate during the 2020 general election was 0.8% and it was 1.5% in 2018. The surge in the rejection rate in March followed a voting law passed by Republicans in the state legislature in 2021 that created new ID requirements for mail ballots. Local officials said confusion created by the law, known as Senate Bill 1, tripped up many voters. In many cases, voters completely missed the field on the ballot return envelope that requires either a partial Social Security number or driver's license number. … Sam Taylor, assistant secretary of state for communications, attributes the decrease in the mail ballot rejection rate to updates to the return ballot in some Texas counties, as well as additional voter information included in mail ballots by local officials. He says various voter education campaigns following the March primary have also helped. … Taylor also said rejection rates were always likely to improve as "voters got used to" the new mail ballot process.
  17. In Texas, thousands of mail ballots were rejected following new ID requirements

    NPR (via KUT), 2022-03-16 · supports

    “Perhaps most notably, in Harris County — home to Houston, and the state's most populous county — officials said they rejected a whopping 19% percent of the mail ballots they received, or 6,888 mail ballots in total. During the primary election in 2018, the county had only rejected 135 mail ballots out of more than 48,000, election officials said in a statement. That's less than 0.3%. But the issues were widespread, as final figures have come out. In Williamson County — a historically Republican suburban county north of Austin that's been turning blue in the past few years — officials there rejected 11.5% of returned mail ballots. … And the ID number they provide has to match what's on their voter registration record, which could be from decades ago. … The ID field was located under the envelope flap, which Davis said is easy to miss. … "Based on what we have heard from county election officials, the vast majority of mail-in ballot rejections were due to voters who did not provide any ID information on their carrier envelope," Sam Taylor, assistant secretary of state for communications, said in a statement.”Hide quote
    Perhaps most notably, in Harris County — home to Houston, and the state's most populous county — officials said they rejected a whopping 19% percent of the mail ballots they received, or 6,888 mail ballots in total. During the primary election in 2018, the county had only rejected 135 mail ballots out of more than 48,000, election officials said in a statement. That's less than 0.3%. But the issues were widespread, as final figures have come out. In Williamson County — a historically Republican suburban county north of Austin that's been turning blue in the past few years — officials there rejected 11.5% of returned mail ballots. … And the ID number they provide has to match what's on their voter registration record, which could be from decades ago. … The ID field was located under the envelope flap, which Davis said is easy to miss. … "Based on what we have heard from county election officials, the vast majority of mail-in ballot rejections were due to voters who did not provide any ID information on their carrier envelope," Sam Taylor, assistant secretary of state for communications, said in a statement.
  18. New study shows lasting effects of Texas’ ID requirements to vote by mail

    Votebeat, 2025-05-28 · supports

    “The study found that 30,000 voters in that primary — or 1 out of 7 voters who started the process to vote by mail — had either their application or ballot rejected, and that “roughly 90% of these individuals did not find another way to participate in the 2022 primary.” … About 85% of voters whose applications or ballots were rejected had voted in general elections in 2016, 2018, and 2020 … Texas has long had strict limits on voting by mail, allowing it only for certain groups of people, including voters age 65 and up and people with disabilities. … They looked at the demographics and the voting history of the roughly 215,000 Texans who requested a mail ballot for that primary … Out of the more than 18,000 voters whose mail ballots were rejected, only 344 voted in person.”Hide quote
    The study found that 30,000 voters in that primary — or 1 out of 7 voters who started the process to vote by mail — had either their application or ballot rejected, and that “roughly 90% of these individuals did not find another way to participate in the 2022 primary.” … About 85% of voters whose applications or ballots were rejected had voted in general elections in 2016, 2018, and 2020 … Texas has long had strict limits on voting by mail, allowing it only for certain groups of people, including voters age 65 and up and people with disabilities. … They looked at the demographics and the voting history of the roughly 215,000 Texans who requested a mail ballot for that primary … Out of the more than 18,000 voters whose mail ballots were rejected, only 344 voted in person.
  19. 2022 EAVS Data Brief: Texas

    U.S. Election Assistance Commission, 2023-08 · supports

    “444,150 mail ballots transmitted • 83.2% of transmitted mail ballots returned by voters • 96.6% of returned mail ballots counted • 3.4% of returned mail ballots rejected”Hide quote
    444,150 mail ballots transmitted • 83.2% of transmitted mail ballots returned by voters • 96.6% of returned mail ballots counted • 3.4% of returned mail ballots rejected
  20. 2024 EAVS Data Brief: Texas

    U.S. Election Assistance Commission, 2025 · supports

    “463,200 mail ballots transmitted 86.0% of transmitted mail ballots returned by voters 96.5% of returned mail ballots counted … 5.8% of mail ballots entered ballot curing process”Hide quote
    463,200 mail ballots transmitted 86.0% of transmitted mail ballots returned by voters 96.5% of returned mail ballots counted … 5.8% of mail ballots entered ballot curing process
  21. 2022 EAVS Data Brief: Georgia

    U.S. Election Assistance Commission, 2023-08 · supports

    “280,897 mail ballots transmitted • 89.8% of transmitted mail ballots returned by voters • 98.5% of returned mail ballots counted • 1.5% of returned mail ballots rejected”Hide quote
    280,897 mail ballots transmitted • 89.8% of transmitted mail ballots returned by voters • 98.5% of returned mail ballots counted • 1.5% of returned mail ballots rejected
  22. 2024 EAVS Data Brief: Georgia

    U.S. Election Assistance Commission, 2025 · supports

    “327,241 mail ballots transmitted 83.6% of transmitted mail ballots returned by voters 98.3% of returned mail ballots counted”Hide quote
    327,241 mail ballots transmitted 83.6% of transmitted mail ballots returned by voters 98.3% of returned mail ballots counted
  23. 2022 EAVS Data Brief: United States

    U.S. Election Assistance Commission, 2023-08 · supports

    “97.4% of returned mail ballots counted • 1.5% of returned mail ballots rejected”Hide quote
    97.4% of returned mail ballots counted • 1.5% of returned mail ballots rejected
  24. 2024 EAVS Data Brief: United States

    U.S. Election Assistance Commission, 2025 · supports

    “66,867,671 mail ballots transmitted … 72.0% of transmitted mail ballots returned by voters … 98.8% of returned mail ballots counted … 1.5% of mail ballots entered ballot curing process”Hide quote
    66,867,671 mail ballots transmitted … 72.0% of transmitted mail ballots returned by voters … 98.8% of returned mail ballots counted … 1.5% of mail ballots entered ballot curing process
  25. Election Administration and Voting Survey 2020 Comprehensive Report

    U.S. Election Assistance Commission, 2021-08 · supports

    “This means that 77.8% of the transmitted mailed ballots were returned by voters, and of the returned ballots, 98.8% were counted and 0.8% were rejected. … Overview Table 2: Voter Turnout by Mail … Mailed Ballots Rejected, Total, % of Returned … Georgia [2] 1,311,361 99.6 4,804 0.4 … Texas 982,362 99.4 8,304 0.8 … [2] Data on rejected mailed ballots for Georgia include rejected ballots entered by counties into the state voter registration system as of February 2021, which does not necessarily include all ballots rejected by counties. … Georgia [2] 1,311,361 26.1 1,759,036 1,316,165 74.8”Hide quote
    This means that 77.8% of the transmitted mailed ballots were returned by voters, and of the returned ballots, 98.8% were counted and 0.8% were rejected. … Overview Table 2: Voter Turnout by Mail … Mailed Ballots Rejected, Total, % of Returned … Georgia [2] 1,311,361 99.6 4,804 0.4 … Texas 982,362 99.4 8,304 0.8 … [2] Data on rejected mailed ballots for Georgia include rejected ballots entered by counties into the state voter registration system as of February 2021, which does not necessarily include all ballots rejected by counties. … Georgia [2] 1,311,361 26.1 1,759,036 1,316,165 74.8
  26. The Election Administration and Voting Survey: 2018 Comprehensive Report

    U.S. Election Assistance Commission, 2019-06 · supports

    “Of these returned ballots, 91.8 percent were counted in the 2018 general elections and 1.4 percent were rejected. … Overview Table 2: By-Mail and In-Person Early Voting … Georgia 3,951,876 281,490 242,661 86.21 218,858 90.19 7,512 3.10 16,291 6.71 … Texas 7,976,548 621,386 533,566 85.87 527,787 98.92 9,377 1.76 -3,598 -0.67”Hide quote
    Of these returned ballots, 91.8 percent were counted in the 2018 general elections and 1.4 percent were rejected. … Overview Table 2: By-Mail and In-Person Early Voting … Georgia 3,951,876 281,490 242,661 86.21 218,858 90.19 7,512 3.10 16,291 6.71 … Texas 7,976,548 621,386 533,566 85.87 527,787 98.92 9,377 1.76 -3,598 -0.67
  27. Strict ID Laws Don’t Stop Voters: Evidence from a U.S. Nationwide Panel, 2008–2018 (Quarterly Journal of Economics 136(4), 2021)

    National Bureau of Economic Research, 2021-05 · complicates

    “Using a difference-in-differences design on a 1.6-billion-observations panel dataset, 2008–2018, we find that the laws have no negative effect on registration or turnout, overall or for any group defined by race, gender, age, or party affiliation. … Based on this specification, we obtain point estimates of -0.1 percentage point for effects both on overall registration and turnout (with 95 percent confidence intervals of [-2.3; 2.1pp] and [-3.0; 2.8pp], respectively), and +1.4pp for the effect on the turnout of non-white voters relative to whites (with a 95 percent confidence interval of [-0.5; 3.2pp]). … However, the likelihood that non-white voters were contacted by a campaign increases by 4.7 percentage points, suggesting that parties’ mobilization might have offset modest effects of the laws on the participation of ethnic minorities. Finally, strict ID requirements have no effect on fraud – actual or perceived.”Hide quote
    Using a difference-in-differences design on a 1.6-billion-observations panel dataset, 2008–2018, we find that the laws have no negative effect on registration or turnout, overall or for any group defined by race, gender, age, or party affiliation. … Based on this specification, we obtain point estimates of -0.1 percentage point for effects both on overall registration and turnout (with 95 percent confidence intervals of [-2.3; 2.1pp] and [-3.0; 2.8pp], respectively), and +1.4pp for the effect on the turnout of non-white voters relative to whites (with a 95 percent confidence interval of [-0.5; 3.2pp]). … However, the likelihood that non-white voters were contacted by a campaign increases by 4.7 percentage points, suggesting that parties’ mobilization might have offset modest effects of the laws on the participation of ethnic minorities. Finally, strict ID requirements have no effect on fraud – actual or perceived.
  28. Elections: Issues Related to State Voter Identification Laws (GAO-14-634, reissued 27 February 2015)

    U.S. Government Accountability Office, 2014-09 · supports

    “GAO conducted a quasi-experimental analysis to compare voter turnout in Kansas and Tennessee to turnout in the four comparison states that did not have changes in their voter ID requirements from the 2008 to 2012 general elections. … GAO found that turnout among eligible and registered voters declined more in Kansas and Tennessee than it declined in comparison states—by an estimated 1.9 to 2.2 percentage points more in Kansas and 2.2 to 3.2 percentage points more in Tennessee—and the results were consistent across the different data sources and voter populations used in the analysis.”Hide quote
    GAO conducted a quasi-experimental analysis to compare voter turnout in Kansas and Tennessee to turnout in the four comparison states that did not have changes in their voter ID requirements from the 2008 to 2012 general elections. … GAO found that turnout among eligible and registered voters declined more in Kansas and Tennessee than it declined in comparison states—by an estimated 1.9 to 2.2 percentage points more in Kansas and 2.2 to 3.2 percentage points more in Tennessee—and the results were consistent across the different data sources and voter populations used in the analysis.
  29. Elections: Issues Related to State Voter Identification Laws (GAO-14-634, reissued 27 February 2015)

    U.S. Government Accountability Office, 2014-09 · supports

    “Age. In Kansas, the turnout effect among registrants who were 18 years old in 2008 was 7.1 percentage points larger in size than the turnout effect among registrants between the ages of 44 and 53. The change in turnout in Tennessee was reduced among 18 year-old registrants by 1.3 percentage points more than among 44 to 53 year-olds. … We estimate that turnout was reduced among African-American registrants by 3.7 percentage points more than among Whites in Kansas and 1.5 percentage points more than among Whites in Tennessee. However, we did not find reductions in turnout among Asian-American or Hispanic registrants, as compared with White registrants … In Kansas, the reduction in turnout for people registered to vote within 1 year prior to Election Day 2008 was 5.2 percentage points larger in size than for people registered to vote for 20 years or longer prior to Election Day 2008. In Tennessee, the effect on turnout for people registered to vote within 1 year prior to Election Day 2008 was 4.6 percentage points larger than the effect for people registered to vote for 20 years or longer prior to Election Day 2008.”Hide quote
    Age. In Kansas, the turnout effect among registrants who were 18 years old in 2008 was 7.1 percentage points larger in size than the turnout effect among registrants between the ages of 44 and 53. The change in turnout in Tennessee was reduced among 18 year-old registrants by 1.3 percentage points more than among 44 to 53 year-olds. … We estimate that turnout was reduced among African-American registrants by 3.7 percentage points more than among Whites in Kansas and 1.5 percentage points more than among Whites in Tennessee. However, we did not find reductions in turnout among Asian-American or Hispanic registrants, as compared with White registrants … In Kansas, the reduction in turnout for people registered to vote within 1 year prior to Election Day 2008 was 5.2 percentage points larger in size than for people registered to vote for 20 years or longer prior to Election Day 2008. In Tennessee, the effect on turnout for people registered to vote within 1 year prior to Election Day 2008 was 4.6 percentage points larger than the effect for people registered to vote for 20 years or longer prior to Election Day 2008.
  30. Elections: Issues Related to State Voter Identification Laws (GAO-14-634, reissued 27 February 2015)

    U.S. Government Accountability Office, 2014-09 · complicates

    “Another 10 studies GAO reviewed showed mixed effects of various forms of state voter ID requirements on turnout. All 10 studies examined general elections before 2008, and 1 of the 10 studies also included the 2004 through 2012 general elections. Five of these 10 studies found that ID requirements had no statistically significant effect on turnout; in contrast 4 studies found decreases in turnout and 1 found an increase in turnout that were statistically significant. … GAO identified direct costs for these forms of ID in 17 states that require voters to present a photo or government-issued ID at the polls and do not allow voters to affirm their own identities, and found that driver's license direct costs, for example, range from $14.50 to $58.50.”Hide quote
    Another 10 studies GAO reviewed showed mixed effects of various forms of state voter ID requirements on turnout. All 10 studies examined general elections before 2008, and 1 of the 10 studies also included the 2004 through 2012 general elections. Five of these 10 studies found that ID requirements had no statistically significant effect on turnout; in contrast 4 studies found decreases in turnout and 1 found an increase in turnout that were statistically significant. … GAO identified direct costs for these forms of ID in 17 states that require voters to present a photo or government-issued ID at the polls and do not allow voters to affirm their own identities, and found that driver's license direct costs, for example, range from $14.50 to $58.50.
  31. Elections: Issues Related to State Voter Identification Laws (GAO-14-634, reissued 27 February 2015)

    U.S. Government Accountability Office, 2014-09 · complicates

    “GAO's estimates are limited to turnout in the 2012 general election in Kansas and Tennessee and do not apply to other states or time periods. … In comments on draft report excerpts the Kansas, Tennessee, and Arkansas Secretary of State Offices disagreed with GAO's criteria for selecting treatment and comparison states and Kansas and Tennessee questioned the reliability of one dataset used to assess turnout.”Hide quote
    GAO's estimates are limited to turnout in the 2012 general election in Kansas and Tennessee and do not apply to other states or time periods. … In comments on draft report excerpts the Kansas, Tennessee, and Arkansas Secretary of State Offices disagreed with GAO's criteria for selecting treatment and comparison states and Kansas and Tennessee questioned the reliability of one dataset used to assess turnout.
  32. Gauging the Effects of SB 202 on Voting in Georgia

    MIT Election Data and Science Lab (report by M.V. Hood III and Seth C. McKee), 2024-05 · complicates

    “Our post-election telephone survey of Georgia voters included more than 1,200 Georgians who participated in the 2022 midterm election. … Overall, only 1.1% of survey respondents reported they encountered an issue while casting their ballot. Of those who voted in-person (Election Day or Early In-Person), 75% reported wait times of ten minutes or less. In terms of overall voting experience, 72% rated their experience as excellent, up from 55% of voters following the 2020 presidential contest.”Hide quote
    Our post-election telephone survey of Georgia voters included more than 1,200 Georgians who participated in the 2022 midterm election. … Overall, only 1.1% of survey respondents reported they encountered an issue while casting their ballot. Of those who voted in-person (Election Day or Early In-Person), 75% reported wait times of ten minutes or less. In terms of overall voting experience, 72% rated their experience as excellent, up from 55% of voters following the 2020 presidential contest.
  33. Gauging the Effects of SB 202 on Voting in Georgia

    MIT Election Data and Science Lab (report by M.V. Hood III and Seth C. McKee), 2024-05 · complicates

    “Within this context the Republican-controlled General Assembly passed an omnibus reform bill known as the Election Integrity Act of 2021 (hereafter referred to as SB 202). … A plurality of LEOs indicated that the absentee ballot/application verification process did not result in fewer rejections … SB 202 altered verification for absentee applications and ballots from signature verification to use of a driver’s license or state ID number. Almost half of the counties responding indicated that processing of absentee applications (49%) and ballots (46%) was faster in 2022. In addition, 34% of counties reported fewer ABM applications rejected and 32% reported fewer ABM ballots rejected as compared to 2022.”Hide quote
    Within this context the Republican-controlled General Assembly passed an omnibus reform bill known as the Election Integrity Act of 2021 (hereafter referred to as SB 202). … A plurality of LEOs indicated that the absentee ballot/application verification process did not result in fewer rejections … SB 202 altered verification for absentee applications and ballots from signature verification to use of a driver’s license or state ID number. Almost half of the counties responding indicated that processing of absentee applications (49%) and ballots (46%) was faster in 2022. In addition, 34% of counties reported fewer ABM applications rejected and 32% reported fewer ABM ballots rejected as compared to 2022.
  34. Georgia’s Racial Turnout Gap Grew in 2022

    Brennan Center for Justice, 2022-12-16 · supports

    “Turnout in Georgia is especially worthy of examination, considering that its newly enacted Senate Bill 202 erected multiple barriers to voting in the state. … White turnout was 8.6 percentage points higher than nonwhite turnout in the midterm election this year — higher than any general election in the past decade, and roughly 50 percent higher than in the last two midterms. … Several factors affect turnout, including poll site resources and weather, among others, so we cannot say whether the passage of S.B. 202 is the cause of the turnout gaps’ growth.”Hide quote
    Turnout in Georgia is especially worthy of examination, considering that its newly enacted Senate Bill 202 erected multiple barriers to voting in the state. … White turnout was 8.6 percentage points higher than nonwhite turnout in the midterm election this year — higher than any general election in the past decade, and roughly 50 percent higher than in the last two midterms. … Several factors affect turnout, including poll site resources and weather, among others, so we cannot say whether the passage of S.B. 202 is the cause of the turnout gaps’ growth.
  35. Racial Turnout Gap Grew in Georgia — Again

    Brennan Center for Justice, 2024-12-23 · complicates

    “One takeaway is that the gap in turnout rates between white and Black voters in Georgia grew by 3 percentage points between 2020 and 2024 … That’s roughly equal to how much the turnout gap grew between 2016 and 2020, but looking only at the change in the gap can be misleading. Between 2016 and 2020, turnout among both white and Black voters increased, but it increased more for white voters; that’s what drove up the turnout gap. This year, white turnout went up again in Georgia, but Black turnout declined by 0.6 points.”Hide quote
    One takeaway is that the gap in turnout rates between white and Black voters in Georgia grew by 3 percentage points between 2020 and 2024 … That’s roughly equal to how much the turnout gap grew between 2016 and 2020, but looking only at the change in the gap can be misleading. Between 2016 and 2020, turnout among both white and Black voters increased, but it increased more for white voters; that’s what drove up the turnout gap. This year, white turnout went up again in Georgia, but Black turnout declined by 0.6 points.
  36. Voter ID at the 2024 UK general election (page last updated 19 August 2025)

    Electoral Commission, 2024-07-29 · complicates

    “Only 58% of people were aware of the Voter Authority Certificate and this was similar across England, Scotland, and Wales. … 0.08% of people who tried to vote at a polling station in July 2024 were not able to because of the ID requirement … At least 0.25% of people who tried to vote at a polling station were initially not issued with a ballot paper because they did not have an accepted form of ID. Around two-thirds of these people returned later in the day with an accepted form of ID and were able to vote. By the close of poll, 0.08% of people who tried to vote in person were not issued with a ballot paper due to the ID requirement. This means around 16,000 people who tried to vote at a polling station were not issued with a ballot paper because they could not show an accepted form of ID. … Table 1: Polling station voters who were initially turned away and percentage of those who did not return May 2023 (England) May 2024* (England and Wales) July 2024 (Great Britain) Initially turned away 0.7% (37,000) 0.6% 0.25% (50,000) Turned away and did not return 0.25% (14,000) 0.2% 0.08% (16,000) … We found that 4% of the people who said they did not vote gave an unprompted reason that was related to the ID rules. … The clearest evidence relates to the lower, C2DE social grade. When prompted, 10% of people who did not vote said that the ID requirement was the reason, with 6% saying that this was because they did not have the required ID. This was higher for C2DE non-voters compared to ABC1 non-voters (8% compared to 3%).”Hide quote
    Only 58% of people were aware of the Voter Authority Certificate and this was similar across England, Scotland, and Wales. … 0.08% of people who tried to vote at a polling station in July 2024 were not able to because of the ID requirement … At least 0.25% of people who tried to vote at a polling station were initially not issued with a ballot paper because they did not have an accepted form of ID. Around two-thirds of these people returned later in the day with an accepted form of ID and were able to vote. By the close of poll, 0.08% of people who tried to vote in person were not issued with a ballot paper due to the ID requirement. This means around 16,000 people who tried to vote at a polling station were not issued with a ballot paper because they could not show an accepted form of ID. … Table 1: Polling station voters who were initially turned away and percentage of those who did not return May 2023 (England) May 2024* (England and Wales) July 2024 (Great Britain) Initially turned away 0.7% (37,000) 0.6% 0.25% (50,000) Turned away and did not return 0.25% (14,000) 0.2% 0.08% (16,000) … We found that 4% of the people who said they did not vote gave an unprompted reason that was related to the ID rules. … The clearest evidence relates to the lower, C2DE social grade. When prompted, 10% of people who did not vote said that the ID requirement was the reason, with 6% saying that this was because they did not have the required ID. This was higher for C2DE non-voters compared to ABC1 non-voters (8% compared to 3%).
  37. Fish v. Kobach, Nos. 16-2105-JAR-JPO and 15-9300-JAR-JPO, Findings of Fact and Conclusions of Law

    United States District Court for the District of Kansas (via Civil Rights Litigation Clearinghouse), 2018-06-18 · complicates

    “There was little admissible evidence presented at trial about the rate of DPOC possession by suspended and canceled applicants. … There is no evidence about how many canceled and suspended applicants in fact lack DPOC, although the Court can reasonably infer from the suspense and cancelation numbers that either (1) these applicants lack immediate access to such documents because they were repeatedly notified of the need to produce DPOC in order to register, yet they did not complete the registration process; or (2) these applicants were not well enough informed about the DPOC requirement to locate their DPOC and provide it to the county election office in order to become registered; or (3) these applicants were otherwise unable or unwilling to go through the steps to produce DPOC. Dr. Jesse Richman estimates that only 2.2% of the applicants on the suspense list lack access to DPOC, based on a survey he conducted of individuals on the suspense list. Yet Dr. Richman’s results are not statistically distinguishable from zero, as the margin of error is 2.7%. Furthermore, Dr. Richman concludes that 97.8% of citizens on the suspense list have what he describes as “immediate access” to DPOC, but his estimate includes individuals who do not personally possess DPOC, but have someone who “keeps” such a document for them. Obtaining a document from another person constitutes an additional step in the voter registration process, which increases the costs of voting. … The remaining category of evidence offered by Defendant to demonstrate the degree of noncitizen registration in Kansas is statistical estimates generated by his expert, Dr. Jesse Richman.”Hide quote
    There was little admissible evidence presented at trial about the rate of DPOC possession by suspended and canceled applicants. … There is no evidence about how many canceled and suspended applicants in fact lack DPOC, although the Court can reasonably infer from the suspense and cancelation numbers that either (1) these applicants lack immediate access to such documents because they were repeatedly notified of the need to produce DPOC in order to register, yet they did not complete the registration process; or (2) these applicants were not well enough informed about the DPOC requirement to locate their DPOC and provide it to the county election office in order to become registered; or (3) these applicants were otherwise unable or unwilling to go through the steps to produce DPOC. Dr. Jesse Richman estimates that only 2.2% of the applicants on the suspense list lack access to DPOC, based on a survey he conducted of individuals on the suspense list. Yet Dr. Richman’s results are not statistically distinguishable from zero, as the margin of error is 2.7%. Furthermore, Dr. Richman concludes that 97.8% of citizens on the suspense list have what he describes as “immediate access” to DPOC, but his estimate includes individuals who do not personally possess DPOC, but have someone who “keeps” such a document for them. Obtaining a document from another person constitutes an additional step in the voter registration process, which increases the costs of voting. … The remaining category of evidence offered by Defendant to demonstrate the degree of noncitizen registration in Kansas is statistical estimates generated by his expert, Dr. Jesse Richman.
  38. Fish v. Schwab, No. 18-3133 (opinion)

    United States Court of Appeals for the Tenth Circuit, 2020-04-29 · supports

    “In Bednasek, No. 18-3134, we conclude the DPOC requirement unconstitutionally burdens the right to vote and thus AFFIRM the district court’s … injunction. Likewise, in Fish, No. 18-3133, we AFFIRM the district court’s injunction because section 5 of the NVRA preempts the DPOC requirement.”Hide quote
    In Bednasek, No. 18-3134, we conclude the DPOC requirement unconstitutionally burdens the right to vote and thus AFFIRM the district court’s … injunction. Likewise, in Fish, No. 18-3133, we AFFIRM the district court’s injunction because section 5 of the NVRA preempts the DPOC requirement.
  39. The Election Administration and Voting Survey 2016 Comprehensive Report

    U.S. Election Assistance Commission, 2017-06 · supports

    “Overview Table 2: Absentee Voting … Total Voter Turnout, Total Ballots Transmitted, Total Ballots Returned, Counted Total, Pct. Returned, Rejected Total, Pct. Transmitted … Georgia 4,147,161 236,925 213,033 199,356 93.58 13,677 5.77 0 0.00 … Texas 8,701,152 520,027 468,150 449,258 95.96 8,177 1.57 10,715 2.29 … U.S. TOTAL 140,114,502 41,651,526 33,378,450 32,982,211 98.81 318,728 0.77 77,511 0.23 … (7) Ballots Rejected, Pct uses question C4b divided by question C1a”Hide quote
    Overview Table 2: Absentee Voting … Total Voter Turnout, Total Ballots Transmitted, Total Ballots Returned, Counted Total, Pct. Returned, Rejected Total, Pct. Transmitted … Georgia 4,147,161 236,925 213,033 199,356 93.58 13,677 5.77 0 0.00 … Texas 8,701,152 520,027 468,150 449,258 95.96 8,177 1.57 10,715 2.29 … U.S. TOTAL 140,114,502 41,651,526 33,378,450 32,982,211 98.81 318,728 0.77 77,511 0.23 … (7) Ballots Rejected, Pct uses question C4b divided by question C1a
  40. Georgia’s Racial Turnout Gap Grew in 2022 (charts and methods note)

    Brennan Center for Justice, 2022-12-16 · supports

    “To estimate the racial turnout rate in each election, we leverage snapshots from L2 following the general elections. These are dated 5/16/2015, 1/27/2017, 12/22/2018, 2/4/2021, and 11/20/2022. … We sum the predicted probabilities to determine the number of ballots cast by voters of each race/ethnicity. In each year, the denominator is taken from 5-year ACS estimates of the citizen voting age population (CVAP).”Hide quote
    To estimate the racial turnout rate in each election, we leverage snapshots from L2 following the general elections. These are dated 5/16/2015, 1/27/2017, 12/22/2018, 2/4/2021, and 11/20/2022. … We sum the predicted probabilities to determine the number of ballots cast by voters of each race/ethnicity. In each year, the denominator is taken from 5-year ACS estimates of the citizen voting age population (CVAP).
  41. Racial Turnout Gap Grew in Georgia — Again (charts and methods note)

    Brennan Center for Justice, 2024-12-23 · supports

    “Generally, the Brennan Center calculates turnout rates by dividing the number of ballots cast by members of a given racial group by the five-year citizen voting-age population (CVAP) estimates for that group, which come from the Census Bureau’s American Community Survey (ACS). However, since there is always a lag of a few years on these estimates, the CVAP numbers currently only go through 2022. To determine the CVAP for each racial group in 2024, we had to project the 2022 numbers forward by two years.”Hide quote
    Generally, the Brennan Center calculates turnout rates by dividing the number of ballots cast by members of a given racial group by the five-year citizen voting-age population (CVAP) estimates for that group, which come from the Census Bureau’s American Community Survey (ACS). However, since there is always a lag of a few years on these estimates, the CVAP numbers currently only go through 2022. To determine the CVAP for each racial group in 2024, we had to project the 2022 numbers forward by two years.

Voter Roll Maintenance in the US

  1. Election Administration and Voting Survey 2024 Comprehensive Report, Chapter 3: Voter Registration

    U.S. Election Assistance Commission, 2025-06-30 · supports

    “Between the close of registration for the 2022 general election and the close of registration for the 2024 general election, states reported removing 21,298,175 records from their voter lists. This was equal to 9.1% of the total number of voters who were registered in the United States as of the close of registration for the 2024 general election. At the state level, 62.3% of the states reported removing a number of registrants that added up to between 3% and 10% of their total registered voters. There were some exceptions to this trend: Utah’s removals accounted for the lowest percentage of total registrants at 0.8%, and Puerto Rico reported the highest percentage of removals at 22.2%”Hide quote
    Between the close of registration for the 2022 general election and the close of registration for the 2024 general election, states reported removing 21,298,175 records from their voter lists. This was equal to 9.1% of the total number of voters who were registered in the United States as of the close of registration for the 2024 general election. At the state level, 62.3% of the states reported removing a number of registrants that added up to between 3% and 10% of their total registered voters. There were some exceptions to this trend: Utah’s removals accounted for the lowest percentage of total registrants at 0.8%, and Puerto Rico reported the highest percentage of removals at 22.2%
  2. Errata Note: 2024 EAVS Comprehensive Report and Accompanying Dataset

    U.S. Election Assistance Commission, 2026-02-12 · supports

    “Page 153: Death and Other percentages updated in Figure 7. Three Removal Reasons Accounted for the Majority of the Voter Registration Removals … No Response to Notices and Missed Two Federal General Elections 33.5% … Moved Out of Jurisdiction 30.8% … Death 21.6% … Duplicate Voter Registration Record 8.1% … Other 3.4% … Voter's Request 2.6% … Criminal Conviction/Incarceration 1.5%”Hide quote
    Page 153: Death and Other percentages updated in Figure 7. Three Removal Reasons Accounted for the Majority of the Voter Registration Removals … No Response to Notices and Missed Two Federal General Elections 33.5% … Moved Out of Jurisdiction 30.8% … Death 21.6% … Duplicate Voter Registration Record 8.1% … Other 3.4% … Voter's Request 2.6% … Criminal Conviction/Incarceration 1.5%
  3. Election Administration and Voting Survey 2024 Comprehensive Report, Chapter 3: Voter Registration

    U.S. Election Assistance Commission, 2025-06-30 · supports

    “Because registration removal can take up to two federal general election cycles to complete for some registration records, particularly in states that are subject to the NVRA, it is inevitable that voter lists will contain some number of voter records for individuals who are no longer eligible to vote.”Hide quote
    Because registration removal can take up to two federal general election cycles to complete for some registration records, particularly in states that are subject to the NVRA, it is inevitable that voter lists will contain some number of voter records for individuals who are no longer eligible to vote.
  4. Election Administration and Voting Survey 2024 Comprehensive Report, Chapter 3: Voter Registration

    U.S. Election Assistance Commission, 2025-06-30 · complicates

    “The 2024 EAVS added “Duplicate voter registration record” as a new reason for removing a registration from the voter list to account for cases where a duplicate record is found in the voter list and is completely removed rather than merged or linked with another registration record. This type of removal accounted for 8.1% of all registration removals reported by states. For most states, removing registration records because they were duplicates comprised less than 5% of all records removed from their voter lists. Vermont (20.8%) and Texas (50.9%) reported the highest percentages of registration records removed because they were duplicates.”Hide quote
    The 2024 EAVS added “Duplicate voter registration record” as a new reason for removing a registration from the voter list to account for cases where a duplicate record is found in the voter list and is completely removed rather than merged or linked with another registration record. This type of removal accounted for 8.1% of all registration removals reported by states. For most states, removing registration records because they were duplicates comprised less than 5% of all records removed from their voter lists. Vermont (20.8%) and Texas (50.9%) reported the highest percentages of registration records removed because they were duplicates.
  5. Errata Note: 2022 EAVS Comprehensive Report and Accompanying Dataset (version 1.1)

    U.S. Election Assistance Commission, 2023-12-18 · supports

    ““Between the close of registration for the 2020 general election and the close of registration for the 2022 general election, states reported removing 19,284,010 records from their voter registration rolls. This was equal to 8.6% of the total number of voters who were registered in the United States as of the close of registration for the 2022 general election.” … “Failure to both respond to a confirmation notice and to vote in two consecutive federal general elections accounted for 25.6% of removals.””Hide quote
    “Between the close of registration for the 2020 general election and the close of registration for the 2022 general election, states reported removing 19,284,010 records from their voter registration rolls. This was equal to 8.6% of the total number of voters who were registered in the United States as of the close of registration for the 2022 general election.” … “Failure to both respond to a confirmation notice and to vote in two consecutive federal general elections accounted for 25.6% of removals.”
  6. Election Administration and Voting Survey 2022 Comprehensive Report

    U.S. Election Assistance Commission, 2023-06-29 · supports

    “The most common reason was a cross-jurisdiction change of address, which accounted for 26.8% of all removals, followed by death of the registrant (25.6%).”Hide quote
    The most common reason was a cross-jurisdiction change of address, which accounted for 26.8% of all removals, followed by death of the registrant (25.6%).
  7. Election Administration and Voting Survey 2020 Comprehensive Report

    U.S. Election Assistance Commission, 2021 · supports

    “Between the close of registration for the 2018 general election and the close of registration for the 2020 general election, states reported removing 18,781,054 records from their voter registration rolls. This was equal to 8.2% of the total number of voters who were registered in the United States as of the close of registration for the 2020 general election. … The most common reason was failure to both respond to a confirmation notice and to vote in two consecutive federal general elections, which accounted for 32.1% of removals. Cross-jurisdiction change of address and death of the registrant were the other two major reasons for states’ removal of registrants from their rolls (28.5% and 21.4%, respectively).”Hide quote
    Between the close of registration for the 2018 general election and the close of registration for the 2020 general election, states reported removing 18,781,054 records from their voter registration rolls. This was equal to 8.2% of the total number of voters who were registered in the United States as of the close of registration for the 2020 general election. … The most common reason was failure to both respond to a confirmation notice and to vote in two consecutive federal general elections, which accounted for 32.1% of removals. Cross-jurisdiction change of address and death of the registrant were the other two major reasons for states’ removal of registrants from their rolls (28.5% and 21.4%, respectively).
  8. Election Administration and Voting Survey 2018 Comprehensive Report

    U.S. Election Assistance Commission, 2019-06 · supports

    “Between the close of registration for the 2016 general elections and the close of registration for the 2018 general elections, states reported removing 17,300,470 records from their registration rolls. The number of removed registrants comprised up to 8.2 percent of the total registered voters in the reported election period. … The most common was failure to both respond to a confirmation notice and vote in two consecutive federal general elections, which accounted for 35.3 percent of the total removals. Cross-jurisdiction change of address and death of the registrant were the other two major reasons for states to remove registrants from their rolls (24.7 percent and 21.6 percent, respectively).”Hide quote
    Between the close of registration for the 2016 general elections and the close of registration for the 2018 general elections, states reported removing 17,300,470 records from their registration rolls. The number of removed registrants comprised up to 8.2 percent of the total registered voters in the reported election period. … The most common was failure to both respond to a confirmation notice and vote in two consecutive federal general elections, which accounted for 35.3 percent of the total removals. Cross-jurisdiction change of address and death of the registrant were the other two major reasons for states to remove registrants from their rolls (24.7 percent and 21.6 percent, respectively).
  9. The Election Administration and Voting Survey: 2016 Comprehensive Report

    U.S. Election Assistance Commission, 2017-06-29 · supports

    “From 2014 to 2016, 16,696,470 citizens (8.8 percent of all registrants) were removed from state voter registration rolls (NVRA Table 4b). … The most common reason for a registrant’s removal from the rolls was cross-jurisdiction change of address (31.1 percent) … Overall, 4,110,047 registrants (24.6 percent) were removed due to death.”Hide quote
    From 2014 to 2016, 16,696,470 citizens (8.8 percent of all registrants) were removed from state voter registration rolls (NVRA Table 4b). … The most common reason for a registrant’s removal from the rolls was cross-jurisdiction change of address (31.1 percent) … Overall, 4,110,047 registrants (24.6 percent) were removed due to death.
  10. Errata Note: 2016 EAVS Comprehensive Report and Accompanying Dataset (version 1.1)

    U.S. Election Assistance Commission, 2023-12-18 · supports

    ““...followed by the NVRA process of failing to respond to a confirmation notice and not voting in the following two Federal elections (26.9 percent).” … U.S. Total: 4,495,100 for Total Voter Removed for Failure to Return Confirmation Notice”Hide quote
    “...followed by the NVRA process of failing to respond to a confirmation notice and not voting in the following two Federal elections (26.9 percent).” … U.S. Total: 4,495,100 for Total Voter Removed for Failure to Return Confirmation Notice
  11. The 2014 EAC Election Administration and Voting Survey Comprehensive Report

    U.S. Election Assistance Commission, 2015-06-30 · supports

    “Over 14.8 million voters were removed from registration rolls in the 2 years leading up to the 2014 midterm election (see Table 4b), including those who moved to a different jurisdiction. … Overall, States removed 7.8% of registered voters in 2014. Of the over 14.8 million voters removed from the rolls, over 4.6 million, or 31.5%, were removed because they moved to other jurisdictions … Overall, over 2.7 million voters, or 18.6% of all voters removed, were removed because they had died. The leading cause of removal of inactive voters was a failure to respond to a confirmation notice and subsequent failure to vote in the two most recent Federal elections, accounting for 5.2 million voters, or 35.5% of the total removals.”Hide quote
    Over 14.8 million voters were removed from registration rolls in the 2 years leading up to the 2014 midterm election (see Table 4b), including those who moved to a different jurisdiction. … Overall, States removed 7.8% of registered voters in 2014. Of the over 14.8 million voters removed from the rolls, over 4.6 million, or 31.5%, were removed because they moved to other jurisdictions … Overall, over 2.7 million voters, or 18.6% of all voters removed, were removed because they had died. The leading cause of removal of inactive voters was a failure to respond to a confirmation notice and subsequent failure to vote in the two most recent Federal elections, accounting for 5.2 million voters, or 35.5% of the total removals.
  12. The Impact of the National Voter Registration Act of 1993 on the Administration of Elections for Federal Office, 2011–2012

    U.S. Election Assistance Commission, 2013-06-30 · supports

    “Nearly 13.7 million voters were removed from registration rolls in the two years leading up to the 2012 presidential election (see Table 4b). … Overall, States removed 7.1% of registered voters in 2012. Of the nearly 13.7 million voters removed from the rolls, over 3.7 million, or 27.1%, were removed because they moved to other jurisdictions … nearly 3.0 million voters, or 21.6% of all voters removed, were removed because they had died. The leading cause of removal of inactive voters was a failure to respond to a confirmation notice and subsequent failure to vote in the two most recent Federal elections, accounting for 4.1 million voters, or 30.1% of the total removals.”Hide quote
    Nearly 13.7 million voters were removed from registration rolls in the two years leading up to the 2012 presidential election (see Table 4b). … Overall, States removed 7.1% of registered voters in 2012. Of the nearly 13.7 million voters removed from the rolls, over 3.7 million, or 27.1%, were removed because they moved to other jurisdictions … nearly 3.0 million voters, or 21.6% of all voters removed, were removed because they had died. The leading cause of removal of inactive voters was a failure to respond to a confirmation notice and subsequent failure to vote in the two most recent Federal elections, accounting for 4.1 million voters, or 30.1% of the total removals.
  13. The Impact of the National Voter Registration Act of 1993 on the Administration of Elections for Federal Office, 2009–2010

    U.S. Election Assistance Commission, 2011-06-30 · supports

    “Over 15 million voters were removed from registration rolls in the two years leading up to the 2010 Federal elections (see Table 4b). … Overall, States removed 8.0% of the number of registered voters in 2010. Of the 15 million voters removed from the rolls, nearly 3.8 million, or 25.2%, were removed because they moved to other jurisdictions … nearly 3.0 million voters, or 19.8% of all voters removed, were removed because they had died. The leading cause of removal, however, was a failure to respond to a confirmation notice and failure to vote in the two most recent Federal elections, accounting for 6.1 million voters, or 40.7% of the total removals.”Hide quote
    Over 15 million voters were removed from registration rolls in the two years leading up to the 2010 Federal elections (see Table 4b). … Overall, States removed 8.0% of the number of registered voters in 2010. Of the 15 million voters removed from the rolls, nearly 3.8 million, or 25.2%, were removed because they moved to other jurisdictions … nearly 3.0 million voters, or 19.8% of all voters removed, were removed because they had died. The leading cause of removal, however, was a failure to respond to a confirmation notice and failure to vote in the two most recent Federal elections, accounting for 6.1 million voters, or 40.7% of the total removals.
  14. The Impact of the National Voter Registration Act of 1993 on the Administration of Elections for Federal Office, 2007–2008

    U.S. Election Assistance Commission, 2009-06-30 · supports

    “caused the removal of nearly 12.7 million voters from registration rolls in the two years leading up to the 2008 Presidential election (see Table 4b). … On average, States removed 6.6% of their reported 2008 registered voters. Of voters removed from the rolls, 2.7 million, or 21.7%, were removed because they moved to other jurisdictions, and nearly as many, 2.4 million, were removed because they had died. … 3.9 million voters, or 30.9% of the total removals, were removed due to this reason”Hide quote
    caused the removal of nearly 12.7 million voters from registration rolls in the two years leading up to the 2008 Presidential election (see Table 4b). … On average, States removed 6.6% of their reported 2008 registered voters. Of voters removed from the rolls, 2.7 million, or 21.7%, were removed because they moved to other jurisdictions, and nearly as many, 2.4 million, were removed because they had died. … 3.9 million voters, or 30.9% of the total removals, were removed due to this reason
  15. The Impact of the National Voter Registration Act of 1993 on the Administration of Elections for Federal Office, 2005–2006

    U.S. Election Assistance Commission, 2007-06-30 · supports

    “Of the 42 States that responded to this portion of the survey some 13 million registrants were removed from the voter lists during the 2004–2006 survey period. This number accounted for about 7.6 percent of the registration rolls nationwide. … Some 3.5 million registrants were removed from the voter rolls for failure to vote in two consecutive Federal elections, which amounts to 27.1 percent of all removals among the 34 States providing this information. … The number removed due to a move out of the jurisdiction was 3.0 million, or 23.1 percent of all removals. Removals were due to death in 2.0 million cases, or 15.7 percent of all removals.”Hide quote
    Of the 42 States that responded to this portion of the survey some 13 million registrants were removed from the voter lists during the 2004–2006 survey period. This number accounted for about 7.6 percent of the registration rolls nationwide. … Some 3.5 million registrants were removed from the voter rolls for failure to vote in two consecutive Federal elections, which amounts to 27.1 percent of all removals among the 34 States providing this information. … The number removed due to a move out of the jurisdiction was 3.0 million, or 23.1 percent of all removals. Removals were due to death in 2.0 million cases, or 15.7 percent of all removals.
  16. The Impact of the National Voter Registration Act of 1993 on the Administration of Elections for Federal Office, 2003–2004

    U.S. Election Assistance Commission, 2005-06-30 · supports

    “States that responded to the survey reported the removal of 12.5 million registrants from the voter lists during the 2002-2004 reporting period, or 8.3 percent of total reported registration. The12.5 million removed from voter lists in the 2002-2004 compares with approximately 15 million registrants in 2000-2002 and 13 million registrants in 1998-2000. In the 2002-2004 period, 4.6 million registrants were removed for failure to vote in two consecutive federal elections, amounting to 45.3 percent of all removals in the nation. … About 3.4 million registrants were removed for other reasons that included moved out of the county, moved out of the state, declared mentally incompetent, or the registration was determined to be a duplicate registration.”Hide quote
    States that responded to the survey reported the removal of 12.5 million registrants from the voter lists during the 2002-2004 reporting period, or 8.3 percent of total reported registration. The12.5 million removed from voter lists in the 2002-2004 compares with approximately 15 million registrants in 2000-2002 and 13 million registrants in 1998-2000. In the 2002-2004 period, 4.6 million registrants were removed for failure to vote in two consecutive federal elections, amounting to 45.3 percent of all removals in the nation. … About 3.4 million registrants were removed for other reasons that included moved out of the county, moved out of the state, declared mentally incompetent, or the registration was determined to be a duplicate registration.
  17. Errata Note: 2024 EAVS Comprehensive Report and Accompanying Dataset

    U.S. Election Assistance Commission, 2026-02-12 · complicates

    “Nationally, 38,803,086 confirmation notices were sent between the 2022 general election and the month before the 2024 general election, accounting for 19.1% of the active voters reported by states in 2024. This percentage was higher than what was reported by states in 2022 (13.7%) and in 2020 (14.3%). Table 1 shows that unreturned confirmation notices accounted for 68.9% of the total confirmation notices sent. … States reported that 8.5% of confirmation notices were returned as undeliverable, and confirmation notices returned by voters accounted for the lowest percentages of confirmation notices sent (see Table 1).”Hide quote
    Nationally, 38,803,086 confirmation notices were sent between the 2022 general election and the month before the 2024 general election, accounting for 19.1% of the active voters reported by states in 2024. This percentage was higher than what was reported by states in 2022 (13.7%) and in 2020 (14.3%). Table 1 shows that unreturned confirmation notices accounted for 68.9% of the total confirmation notices sent. … States reported that 8.5% of confirmation notices were returned as undeliverable, and confirmation notices returned by voters accounted for the lowest percentages of confirmation notices sent (see Table 1).
  18. Husted v. A. Philip Randolph Institute, 584 U.S. ___ (2018), opinion of the Court

    Supreme Court of the United States (via Cornell Legal Information Institute), 2018-06-11 · supports

    “Held: The process that Ohio uses to remove voters on change-of-residence grounds does not violate the Failure-to-Vote Clause or any other part of the NVRA. … It has been estimated that 24 million voter registrations in the United States—about one in eight—are either invalid or significantly inaccurate. … Not only are States allowed to remove registrants who satisfy these requirements, but federal law makes this removal mandatory. … Alito, J., delivered the opinion of the Court, in which Roberts, C. J., and Kennedy, Thomas, and Gorsuch, JJ., joined. … Breyer, J., filed a dissenting opinion, in which Ginsburg, Sotomayor, and Kagan, JJ., joined. Sotomayor, J., filed a dissenting opinion.”Hide quote
    Held: The process that Ohio uses to remove voters on change-of-residence grounds does not violate the Failure-to-Vote Clause or any other part of the NVRA. … It has been estimated that 24 million voter registrations in the United States—about one in eight—are either invalid or significantly inaccurate. … Not only are States allowed to remove registrants who satisfy these requirements, but federal law makes this removal mandatory. … Alito, J., delivered the opinion of the Court, in which Roberts, C. J., and Kennedy, Thomas, and Gorsuch, JJ., joined. … Breyer, J., filed a dissenting opinion, in which Ginsburg, Sotomayor, and Kagan, JJ., joined. Sotomayor, J., filed a dissenting opinion.
  19. Husted v. A. Philip Randolph Institute (2018), Breyer, J., dissenting

    Supreme Court of the United States (via Cornell Legal Information Institute), 2018-06-11 · complicates

    “The record shows that in 2012 Ohio identified about 1.5 million registered voters—nearly 20% of its 8 million registered voters—as likely ineligible to remain on the federal voter roll because they changed their residences. … In response to those 1.5 million notices, Ohio only received back about 60,000 return cards (or 4%) which said, in effect, “You are right, Ohio. I have, in fact, moved.” Ibid. In addition, Ohio received back about 235,000 return cards which said, in effect, “You are wrong, Ohio, I have not moved.” In the end, however, there were more than 1,000,000 notices—the vast majority of notices sent—to which Ohio received back no return card at all. … those 1 million or so voters accounted for about 13% of Ohio’s voting population. … the failure of more than 1 million Ohio voters to respond to forward-able notices (the vast majority of those sent) shows nothing at all that is statutorily significant.”Hide quote
    The record shows that in 2012 Ohio identified about 1.5 million registered voters—nearly 20% of its 8 million registered voters—as likely ineligible to remain on the federal voter roll because they changed their residences. … In response to those 1.5 million notices, Ohio only received back about 60,000 return cards (or 4%) which said, in effect, “You are right, Ohio. I have, in fact, moved.” Ibid. In addition, Ohio received back about 235,000 return cards which said, in effect, “You are wrong, Ohio, I have not moved.” In the end, however, there were more than 1,000,000 notices—the vast majority of notices sent—to which Ohio received back no return card at all. … those 1 million or so voters accounted for about 13% of Ohio’s voting population. … the failure of more than 1 million Ohio voters to respond to forward-able notices (the vast majority of those sent) shows nothing at all that is statutorily significant.
  20. Husted v. A. Philip Randolph Institute (2018), Sotomayor, J., dissenting

    Supreme Court of the United States (via Cornell Legal Information Institute), 2018-06-11 · complicates

    “amici point to an investigation that revealed that in Hamilton County, “African-American-majority neighborhoods in downtown Cincinnati had 10% of their voters removed due to inactivity” since 2012, as “compared to only 4% of voters in a suburban, majority-white neighborhood.””Hide quote
    amici point to an investigation that revealed that in Hamilton County, “African-American-majority neighborhoods in downtown Cincinnati had 10% of their voters removed due to inactivity” since 2012, as “compared to only 4% of voters in a suburban, majority-white neighborhood.”
  21. 52 U.S. Code § 20507 — Requirements with respect to administration of voter registration

    Cornell Legal Information Institute, 2026 · supports

    “conduct a general program that makes a reasonable effort to remove the names of ineligible voters from the official lists of eligible voters by reason of— (A) the death of the registrant; or (B) a change in the residence of the registrant … A State shall complete, not later than 90 days prior to the date of a primary or general election for Federal office, any program the purpose of which is to systematically remove the names of ineligible voters from the official lists of eligible voters. … A State shall not remove the name of a registrant from the official list of eligible voters in elections for Federal office on the ground that the registrant has changed residence unless the registrant— (A) confirms in writing that the registrant has changed residence to a place outside the registrar’s jurisdiction in which the registrant is registered; or (B)(i) has failed to respond to a notice described in paragraph (2); and (ii) has not voted or appeared to vote … during the period beginning on the date of the notice and ending on the day after the date of the second general election for Federal office that occurs after the date of the notice.”Hide quote
    conduct a general program that makes a reasonable effort to remove the names of ineligible voters from the official lists of eligible voters by reason of— (A) the death of the registrant; or (B) a change in the residence of the registrant … A State shall complete, not later than 90 days prior to the date of a primary or general election for Federal office, any program the purpose of which is to systematically remove the names of ineligible voters from the official lists of eligible voters. … A State shall not remove the name of a registrant from the official list of eligible voters in elections for Federal office on the ground that the registrant has changed residence unless the registrant— (A) confirms in writing that the registrant has changed residence to a place outside the registrar’s jurisdiction in which the registrant is registered; or (B)(i) has failed to respond to a notice described in paragraph (2); and (ii) has not voted or appeared to vote … during the period beginning on the date of the notice and ending on the day after the date of the second general election for Federal office that occurs after the date of the notice.
  22. Arcia v. Florida Secretary of State, No. 12-15738 (11th Cir.)

    U.S. Court of Appeals for the Eleventh Circuit, 2014-04-01 · complicates

    “This first effort by Secretary Detzner to identify non-citizens was far from perfect. For example, Plaintiffs Karla V. Arcia and Melande Antoine were identified as non-citizen voters to be removed from the voter rolls. This, despite the fact that they were both United States citizens eligible to vote in the 2012 elections. … Rather than use the DHSMV records, this second program relied on the Department of Homeland Security’s Systematic Alien Verification for Entitlements (SAVE) database. … Because we conclude that Florida’s program was an attempt to systematically remove names from the voter rolls in violation of the 90 Day Provision, we reverse and remand. … Eligible voters removed days or weeks before Election Day will likely not be able to correct the State’s errors in time to vote.”Hide quote
    This first effort by Secretary Detzner to identify non-citizens was far from perfect. For example, Plaintiffs Karla V. Arcia and Melande Antoine were identified as non-citizen voters to be removed from the voter rolls. This, despite the fact that they were both United States citizens eligible to vote in the 2012 elections. … Rather than use the DHSMV records, this second program relied on the Department of Homeland Security’s Systematic Alien Verification for Entitlements (SAVE) database. … Because we conclude that Florida’s program was an attempt to systematically remove names from the voter rolls in violation of the 90 Day Provision, we reverse and remand. … Eligible voters removed days or weeks before Election Day will likely not be able to correct the State’s errors in time to vote.
  23. Statistics

    Electronic Registration Information Center (ERIC), 2026-09-30 · supports

    “Identifies voters who appear to have moved from one ERIC member to another using voter registration data and MVD Data. … Once a member has a list maintenance report, after validating the data, they take steps to act on the report in compliance with applicable federal and state laws. … Cross-State Movers … 2021 28 States + DC 3,490,162 … 2022 31 States + DC 2,433,532 … 2024 21 States + DC 701,420 … 2026 22 States + DC 668,803 … Total 14,600,683 31,170,181 1,459,110 681,231 As of September 30, 2026”Hide quote
    Identifies voters who appear to have moved from one ERIC member to another using voter registration data and MVD Data. … Once a member has a list maintenance report, after validating the data, they take steps to act on the report in compliance with applicable federal and state laws. … Cross-State Movers … 2021 28 States + DC 3,490,162 … 2022 31 States + DC 2,433,532 … 2024 21 States + DC 701,420 … 2026 22 States + DC 668,803 … Total 14,600,683 31,170,181 1,459,110 681,231 As of September 30, 2026
  24. About ERIC

    Electronic Registration Information Center (ERIC), 2026 · complicates

    “Inaccurate, Costly, and Inefficient , published in 2012, found that approximately 1 out of 8 voter registrations in the U.S. were no longer valid or significantly inaccurate … Illegal voting is exceedingly rare but maintaining accurate voter rolls reduces the opportunity for such behavior and it helps build confidence in election outcomes. … Which States Are Members Of ERIC? Alaska Arizona Colorado Connecticut Delaware Georgia Hawaii Illinois Kentucky Maine Maryland Massachusetts Michigan Minnesota Nevada New Jersey New Mexico New York Oregon Pennsylvania Rhode Island South Carolina Utah Vermont Virginia Washington and Wisconsin The District of Columbia is also a member.”Hide quote
    Inaccurate, Costly, and Inefficient , published in 2012, found that approximately 1 out of 8 voter registrations in the U.S. were no longer valid or significantly inaccurate … Illegal voting is exceedingly rare but maintaining accurate voter rolls reduces the opportunity for such behavior and it helps build confidence in election outcomes. … Which States Are Members Of ERIC? Alaska Arizona Colorado Connecticut Delaware Georgia Hawaii Illinois Kentucky Maine Maryland Massachusetts Michigan Minnesota Nevada New Jersey New Mexico New York Oregon Pennsylvania Rhode Island South Carolina Utah Vermont Virginia Washington and Wisconsin The District of Columbia is also a member.
  25. Republican states swore off a voting tool. Now they're scrambling to recreate it

    NPR, 2023-10-20 · complicates

    “Nine states — all Republican-led — have now withdrawn from ERIC. They all left without a plan to replace it.”Hide quote
    Nine states — all Republican-led — have now withdrawn from ERIC. They all left without a plan to replace it.
  26. Electronic Registration Information Center (secondary source)

    Wikipedia, 2026-10 · complicates

    “The states, in order of departure, are Louisiana, Alabama, Missouri, Florida, West Virginia, Iowa, Ohio, Virginia, and Texas. … Iowa no longer agreed with ERIC rules requiring all member states to abide with its bylaws. One of the main complaints was how ERIC requires member states to perform outreach to unregistered voters to encourage them to register. … Virginia's commissioner of elections Susan Beals said concerns about data security and stewardship were the basis of her decision. … In July 2024, Hawaii joined ERIC. … In March 2026, Virginia's governor Abigail Spanberger signed an executive order directing the Commissioner of Elections to rejoin ERIC.”Hide quote
    The states, in order of departure, are Louisiana, Alabama, Missouri, Florida, West Virginia, Iowa, Ohio, Virginia, and Texas. … Iowa no longer agreed with ERIC rules requiring all member states to abide with its bylaws. One of the main complaints was how ERIC requires member states to perform outreach to unregistered voters to encourage them to register. … Virginia's commissioner of elections Susan Beals said concerns about data security and stewardship were the basis of her decision. … In July 2024, Hawaii joined ERIC. … In March 2026, Virginia's governor Abigail Spanberger signed an executive order directing the Commissioner of Elections to rejoin ERIC.
  27. Inaccurate, Costly, and Inefficient: Evidence That America’s Voter Registration System Needs an Upgrade

    Pew Center on the States, 2012-02 · supports

    “Approximately 24 million—one of every eight—voter registrations in the United States are no longer valid or are significantly inaccurate. More than 1.8 million deceased individuals are listed as voters. Approximately 2.75 million people have registrations in more than one state. … For this report, a “no longer valid” record represents a person who is on the rolls but no longer eligible to cast a vote, likely due to having moved or died. An “inaccurate” record represents an eligible voter whose file has incorrect data. … These were identified based on data indicating a voter died, moved, or had been inactive from 2004 to March 2011. … Because not all states provide complete records, an analysis of Catalist’s data likely underestimates the number of inaccurate and no longer valid records. … Approximately 12.7 million records nationwide that appear to be out of date and no longer reflect the voter’s current information. … About 12 million records with incorrect addresses … Once duplicates among categories are eliminated, approximately 24 million registration records, or nearly 13 percent of the national total, are estimated to be inaccurate or no longer valid. … total 2,758,578 … researchers estimate at least 51 million eligible U.S. citizens are unregistered, or more than 24 percent of the eligible population.”Hide quote
    Approximately 24 million—one of every eight—voter registrations in the United States are no longer valid or are significantly inaccurate. More than 1.8 million deceased individuals are listed as voters. Approximately 2.75 million people have registrations in more than one state. … For this report, a “no longer valid” record represents a person who is on the rolls but no longer eligible to cast a vote, likely due to having moved or died. An “inaccurate” record represents an eligible voter whose file has incorrect data. … These were identified based on data indicating a voter died, moved, or had been inactive from 2004 to March 2011. … Because not all states provide complete records, an analysis of Catalist’s data likely underestimates the number of inaccurate and no longer valid records. … Approximately 12.7 million records nationwide that appear to be out of date and no longer reflect the voter’s current information. … About 12 million records with incorrect addresses … Once duplicates among categories are eliminated, approximately 24 million registration records, or nearly 13 percent of the national total, are estimated to be inaccurate or no longer valid. … total 2,758,578 … researchers estimate at least 51 million eligible U.S. citizens are unregistered, or more than 24 percent of the eligible population.
  28. Study: 1.8 Million Dead People Still Registered To Vote

    NPR, 2012-02-14 · complicates

    “There's little evidence that this has led to widespread voter fraud, but it has raised concerns that the system is vulnerable.”Hide quote
    There's little evidence that this has led to widespread voter fraud, but it has raised concerns that the system is vulnerable.
  29. Purges: A Growing Threat to the Right to Vote

    Brennan Center for Justice, 2018-07-20 · complicates

    “An investigation by the New York state attorney general found that New York City’s Board of Elections had improperly deleted more than 200,000 names from the voter rolls. … And in Virginia in 2013, nearly 39,000 voters were removed from the rolls when the state relied on a faulty database to delete voters who allegedly had moved out of the commonwealth. Error rates in some counties ran as high as 17 percent. … We found that between 2014 and 2016, states removed almost 16 million voters from the rolls … Almost 4 million more names were purged from the rolls between 2014 and 2016 than between 2006 and 2008. This growth in the number of removed voters represented an increase of 33 percent … When done correctly, purges ensure the voter rolls are accurate and up-to-date. When done incorrectly, purges disenfranchise legitimate voters … the records of fewer than 5,000 of the more than 7,700 erroneously listed voters had been corrected by September 2016. … According to one analysis, more than 68,000 of the 80,000 voters identified as possibly dead were weak matches. This policy of flagging voters based on a weak match without further investigation was eventually changed when Texas settled litigation that had arisen on account of the bad purge.”Hide quote
    An investigation by the New York state attorney general found that New York City’s Board of Elections had improperly deleted more than 200,000 names from the voter rolls. … And in Virginia in 2013, nearly 39,000 voters were removed from the rolls when the state relied on a faulty database to delete voters who allegedly had moved out of the commonwealth. Error rates in some counties ran as high as 17 percent. … We found that between 2014 and 2016, states removed almost 16 million voters from the rolls … Almost 4 million more names were purged from the rolls between 2014 and 2016 than between 2006 and 2008. This growth in the number of removed voters represented an increase of 33 percent … When done correctly, purges ensure the voter rolls are accurate and up-to-date. When done incorrectly, purges disenfranchise legitimate voters … the records of fewer than 5,000 of the more than 7,700 erroneously listed voters had been corrected by September 2016. … According to one analysis, more than 68,000 of the 80,000 voters identified as possibly dead were weak matches. This policy of flagging voters based on a weak match without further investigation was eventually changed when Texas settled litigation that had arisen on account of the bad purge.
  30. Purges: A Growing Threat to the Right to Vote (Crosscheck section and notes)

    Brennan Center for Justice, 2018-07-20 · complicates

    “Crosscheck compares the voter registration list of each participating state against the voter registration lists of the other participating states and flags all records that have the same first name, last name, and date of birth. … A 2017 study led by Stanford professor Sharad Goel found that if applied nationwide, Crosscheck would “impede 300 legal votes for every double vote prevented.” … United States Announces Settlement with New York City Board of Elections Resolving Improper Removal of Voters from Registration Rolls,” news release, October 31, 2017”Hide quote
    Crosscheck compares the voter registration list of each participating state against the voter registration lists of the other participating states and flags all records that have the same first name, last name, and date of birth. … A 2017 study led by Stanford professor Sharad Goel found that if applied nationwide, Crosscheck would “impede 300 legal votes for every double vote prevented.” … United States Announces Settlement with New York City Board of Elections Resolving Improper Removal of Voters from Registration Rolls,” news release, October 31, 2017
  31. Voting Irregularities in Florida During the 2000 Presidential Election, Chapter 5: The Reality of List Maintenance

    U.S. Commission on Civil Rights, 2001-06 · complicates

    “The first list DBT Online provided to the Division of Elections in April 2000 contained the names of 181,157 possible duplicate registrants, deceased persons, and felons without civil rights restoration. Approximately 65,776 of those included on the first list were identified as felons. In May 2000, DBT discovered that approximately 8,000 names were erroneously placed on the exclusion list. … In Leon County, the supervisor of elections was provided a list of nearly 700 names to purge from the voting rolls. Yet the Supervisor could only confirm 34 as actual felons … Professor Darryl Paulson testified that the Hillsborough County supervisor of elections estimated that 15 percent of those purged were purged in error and they were disproportionately African American. … in Miami-Dade County, over half of the African Americans who appealed from the Florida felon exclusion list were successfully reinstated to the voter rolls.”Hide quote
    The first list DBT Online provided to the Division of Elections in April 2000 contained the names of 181,157 possible duplicate registrants, deceased persons, and felons without civil rights restoration. Approximately 65,776 of those included on the first list were identified as felons. In May 2000, DBT discovered that approximately 8,000 names were erroneously placed on the exclusion list. … In Leon County, the supervisor of elections was provided a list of nearly 700 names to purge from the voting rolls. Yet the Supervisor could only confirm 34 as actual felons … Professor Darryl Paulson testified that the Hillsborough County supervisor of elections estimated that 15 percent of those purged were purged in error and they were disproportionately African American. … in Miami-Dade County, over half of the African Americans who appealed from the Florida felon exclusion list were successfully reinstated to the voter rolls.
  32. Databases, Felons, and Voting: Errors and Bias in the Florida Felons Exclusion List in the 2000 Presidential Elections

    Harvard Kennedy School (Guy Stuart, RWP02-041), 2002-09 · complicates

    “a) the 2000 felons’ exclusion list had a considerable number of errors in it, probably more than 25% of the names on the list were on there in error; b) these errors were racially biased, such that more African-American registered voters were on the list in error than either Whites or Latinos; and c) that the decentralized process by which the felons’ list was used to purge the voter rolls resulted in a sometimes judicious but sometimes partisan purging process – Democratic county supervisors were less likely to use the felons’ list than Republican ones, but even the latter found considerable, biased errors in the list.”Hide quote
    a) the 2000 felons’ exclusion list had a considerable number of errors in it, probably more than 25% of the names on the list were on there in error; b) these errors were racially biased, such that more African-American registered voters were on the list in error than either Whites or Latinos; and c) that the decentralized process by which the felons’ list was used to purge the voter rolls resulted in a sometimes judicious but sometimes partisan purging process – Democratic county supervisors were less likely to use the felons’ list than Republican ones, but even the latter found considerable, biased errors in the list.
  33. Testimony by Abigail Thernstrom before the Committee on Rules and Administration, United States Senate

    Manhattan Institute, 2001-06-27 · contests

    “A misleading analysis of errors in the “purge list” of convicted felons ineligible to vote. Their own data on the "purge list" show the opposite of what they claim: whites were erroneously placed on the purge list at almost twice the rate of blacks.”Hide quote
    A misleading analysis of errors in the “purge list” of convicted felons ineligible to vote. Their own data on the "purge list" show the opposite of what they claim: whites were erroneously placed on the purge list at almost twice the rate of blacks.
  34. Why Are 53,000 Voter Registrations On Hold In Georgia?

    Georgia Public Broadcasting, 2018-10-24 · complicates

    “On the final day of voter registration in Georgia, a report from The Associated Press found the Georgia Secretary of State’s office has more than 53,000 voter registrations on hold under the state’s “exact match” law. … the AP’s analysis of the applications found nearly 70 percent of those on hold are black. … If you do not mail in your proper identification before Nov. 6, you can verify your information using your driver’s license or state photo ID at the polls.”Hide quote
    On the final day of voter registration in Georgia, a report from The Associated Press found the Georgia Secretary of State’s office has more than 53,000 voter registrations on hold under the state’s “exact match” law. … the AP’s analysis of the applications found nearly 70 percent of those on hold are black. … If you do not mail in your proper identification before Nov. 6, you can verify your information using your driver’s license or state photo ID at the polls.
  35. Ohio Secretary Of State Confident About Voter Purge Process

    WOSU Public Media, 2019-09-03 · complicates

    “The Ohio Democrat Party last week sued to stop the purge from happening as scheduled on September 6, citing concerns that there are voters on the list who want to remain active. Voting rights activists said that 4,000 voters were wrongly included. … The Secretary of State’s Office originally identified more than 235,000 voters on what it called the “registration reset list.””Hide quote
    The Ohio Democrat Party last week sued to stop the purge from happening as scheduled on September 6, citing concerns that there are voters on the list who want to remain active. Voting rights activists said that 4,000 voters were wrongly included. … The Secretary of State’s Office originally identified more than 235,000 voters on what it called the “registration reset list.”
  36. Secretary Of State Expects Another Outreach To Deleted Voters

    WVXU, 2019-09-17 · complicates

    “LaRose said 14,000 of those initial 235,000 registration are now active because voters updated their addresses or responded to voting rights groups, who asked LaRose for that list to reach out to them.”Hide quote
    LaRose said 14,000 of those initial 235,000 registration are now active because voters updated their addresses or responded to voting rights groups, who asked LaRose for that list to reach out to them.
  37. Judge orders Alabama to stop purging possible noncitizens from voter rolls

    The Denver Gazette, 2024-10-16 · complicates

    “Allen “blew the deadline when he announced a purge program to begin eighty-four days before the 2024 General Election,” Manasco wrote. In August, Allen had notified 3,251 registered voters who he said had been assigned alien registration numbers that they would be moved to “inactive” status on the state’s voter roll until they could confirm their citizenship. … Court papers revealed that Allen’s program was flawed in that it had resulted in about 2,000 citizens being deactivated who were then forced to take steps to reregister to vote.”Hide quote
    Allen “blew the deadline when he announced a purge program to begin eighty-four days before the 2024 General Election,” Manasco wrote. In August, Allen had notified 3,251 registered voters who he said had been assigned alien registration numbers that they would be moved to “inactive” status on the state’s voter roll until they could confirm their citizenship. … Court papers revealed that Allen’s program was flawed in that it had resulted in about 2,000 citizens being deactivated who were then forced to take steps to reregister to vote.
  38. Order in Pending Case, Beals v. Virginia Coalition for Immigrant Rights, No. 24A407

    Supreme Court of the United States, 2024-10-30 · complicates

    “The application for stay presented to The Chief Justice and by him referred to the Court is granted. The October 25, 2024 order of the United States District Court for the Eastern District of Virginia, case Nos. 1:24-cv-1778 and 1:24-cv-1807, is stayed pending the disposition of the appeal … Justice Sotomayor, Justice Kagan, and Justice Jackson, would deny the application.”Hide quote
    The application for stay presented to The Chief Justice and by him referred to the Court is granted. The October 25, 2024 order of the United States District Court for the Eastern District of Virginia, case Nos. 1:24-cv-1778 and 1:24-cv-1807, is stayed pending the disposition of the appeal … Justice Sotomayor, Justice Kagan, and Justice Jackson, would deny the application.
  39. Private Plaintiffs-Respondents’ Response in Opposition to Emergency Application for Stay, Beals v. Virginia Coalition for Immigrant Rights, No. 24A407 (an advocacy filing)

    Campaign Legal Center and Lawyers’ Committee for Civil Rights Under Law, 2024-10-29 · complicates

    “Critically, while Applicants failed to show that any of the 1,610 people removed from the rolls from the Purge Program were in fact noncitizens, the court credited Respondents’ “evidence that revealed that citizens have been removed from those rolls.” … When Alabama engaged in a similar system based on checkboxes on forms from the Alabama Department of Labor, the error rate was astronomical. After a lawsuit was filed, the Secretary cross-checked the checkbox data with documents on file with the driver’s license agency and immediately confirmed the citizenship of 93.8% of them. … the elections board ultimately “found that the DMV and SAVE information had a high rate of inaccuracy.” Id. at 261. Indeed, it “determined that 97.6% of persons identified by the DMV as noncitizens, in fact were citizens, and that about 75% of individuals who later provided proof of citizenship continued to be listed as noncitizens in the SAVE system.””Hide quote
    Critically, while Applicants failed to show that any of the 1,610 people removed from the rolls from the Purge Program were in fact noncitizens, the court credited Respondents’ “evidence that revealed that citizens have been removed from those rolls.” … When Alabama engaged in a similar system based on checkboxes on forms from the Alabama Department of Labor, the error rate was astronomical. After a lawsuit was filed, the Secretary cross-checked the checkbox data with documents on file with the driver’s license agency and immediately confirmed the citizenship of 93.8% of them. … the elections board ultimately “found that the DMV and SAVE information had a high rate of inaccuracy.” Id. at 261. Indeed, it “determined that 97.6% of persons identified by the DMV as noncitizens, in fact were citizens, and that about 75% of individuals who later provided proof of citizenship continued to be listed as noncitizens in the SAVE system.”
  40. Judicial Watch: Voter Registration in 353 Counties in 29 States Exceeds 100% (archived copy)

    Judicial Watch, 2020-10-16 · supports

    “Our newly released study reveals that 353 U.S. counties had 1.8 million more registered voters than eligible voting-age citizens. … This data was then compared to the Census Bureau’s most recent five-year population estimates, gathered by the American Community Survey (ACS) from 2014 through 2018. … Certain state voter registration lists may also be even larger than reported, because they may have excluded “inactive voters” from their data. Inactive voters, who may have moved elsewhere, are still registered voters and may show up and vote on election day and/or request mail-in ballots. … The study showed that 378 U.S. counties had registration rates exceeding 100%.”Hide quote
    Our newly released study reveals that 353 U.S. counties had 1.8 million more registered voters than eligible voting-age citizens. … This data was then compared to the Census Bureau’s most recent five-year population estimates, gathered by the American Community Survey (ACS) from 2014 through 2018. … Certain state voter registration lists may also be even larger than reported, because they may have excluded “inactive voters” from their data. Inactive voters, who may have moved elsewhere, are still registered voters and may show up and vote on election day and/or request mail-in ballots. … The study showed that 378 U.S. counties had registration rates exceeding 100%.
  41. Do Hundreds of Counties Have 1.8 Million 'Ghost Voters' in the US?

    Snopes, 2020-11-06 · contests

    “"The American Community Survey is sample-based. It is not a census," statistician Philip Stark … "Using the ACS to determine the number of eligible voters is problematic." … If you haven't voted, you haven't voted fraudulently. … The key column in the Judicial Watch study that gives the percentage difference of registered voters over CVAP (the citizen voting age population from the ACS) is misleading because it includes inactive voters, Stark said.”Hide quote
    "The American Community Survey is sample-based. It is not a census," statistician Philip Stark … "Using the ACS to determine the number of eligible voters is problematic." … If you haven't voted, you haven't voted fraudulently. … The key column in the Judicial Watch study that gives the percentage difference of registered voters over CVAP (the citizen voting age population from the ACS) is misleading because it includes inactive voters, Stark said.
  42. Misleading Claim of Dead Registered Voters in Pennsylvania

    FactCheck.org, 2020-11-10 · contests

    “It alleged that more than 21,000 voters registered in Pennsylvania were dead and asked that the court order the state to remove them from the rolls before the election. Instead, Judge John Jones III cited PILF’s questionable methodology in developing its purported list of ineligible voters, its decision to file the suit at the “eleventh hour,” and the fact that Pennsylvania’s system for stripping deceased voters from the rolls appears to work. … Jones noted that more than half of the purportedly deceased voters on a list of 9,300 names PILF sent to the secretary of the commonwealth in May didn’t appear on the list the organization submitted in October. … Pennsylvania’s secretary of the commonwealth and PILF settled this lawsuit on April 1. Nothing in the settlement confirms the number of supposedly dead registered voters that PILF had claimed. But the secretary of the commonwealth did agree to compare Pennsylvania’s voter rolls to death data published by the Electronic Registration Information Center, or ERIC”Hide quote
    It alleged that more than 21,000 voters registered in Pennsylvania were dead and asked that the court order the state to remove them from the rolls before the election. Instead, Judge John Jones III cited PILF’s questionable methodology in developing its purported list of ineligible voters, its decision to file the suit at the “eleventh hour,” and the fact that Pennsylvania’s system for stripping deceased voters from the rolls appears to work. … Jones noted that more than half of the purportedly deceased voters on a list of 9,300 names PILF sent to the secretary of the commonwealth in May didn’t appear on the list the organization submitted in October. … Pennsylvania’s secretary of the commonwealth and PILF settled this lawsuit on April 1. Nothing in the settlement confirms the number of supposedly dead registered voters that PILF had claimed. But the secretary of the commonwealth did agree to compare Pennsylvania’s voter rolls to death data published by the Electronic Registration Information Center, or ERIC
  43. Legal watchdog scores with elimination of 5 million ineligible voters

    Washington Examiner (via Colorado Politics), 2025-04-04 · supports

    “A long-term campaign by a conservative legal watchdog to clean up the nation’s voter rolls has led to the erasure of over five million ineligible names since 2017. … The watchdog scored its biggest victory in Los Angeles County, which eliminated 1.2 million ineligible names after being sued to do what the NVRA demanded. … New York City removed 918,139 ineligible names. Kentucky erased 735,000 ineligible voter names.”Hide quote
    A long-term campaign by a conservative legal watchdog to clean up the nation’s voter rolls has led to the erasure of over five million ineligible names since 2017. … The watchdog scored its biggest victory in Los Angeles County, which eliminated 1.2 million ineligible names after being sued to do what the NVRA demanded. … New York City removed 918,139 ineligible names. Kentucky erased 735,000 ineligible voter names.
  44. Texas Completes Citizenship Verifications in the SAVE Database

    Texas Secretary of State, 2025-10-20 · supports

    “After running the entire Texas voter list with more than 18 million voters through the SAVE database, the SOS has identified 2,724 potential noncitizens who are registered to vote in Texas. … If a response is not received by the county in 30 days, the registration will be cancelled. In the event that a registration is cancelled, it can be immediately reinstated by providing proof of U.S. citizenship to an elections office or at a polling location.”Hide quote
    After running the entire Texas voter list with more than 18 million voters through the SAVE database, the SOS has identified 2,724 potential noncitizens who are registered to vote in Texas. … If a response is not received by the county in 30 days, the registration will be cancelled. In the event that a registration is cancelled, it can be immediately reinstated by providing proof of U.S. citizenship to an elections office or at a polling location.
  45. Texas confirms some flagged as potential noncitizens on voter rolls had provided DPS proof of citizenship

    Votebeat and The Texas Tribune, 2026-07-30 · complicates

    “Election officials across the state should immediately reinstate some voters who were incorrectly flagged as potential noncitizens through a federal program, the Texas Secretary of State’s Office told county officials Wednesday. … Adkins said the state is still working through the data and that she couldn’t yet say how many of the 2,724 people had provided proof of citizenship to DPS and should thus be reinstated if they were already removed from the voter roll. She characterized SAVE as having “some inaccurate information” but added that “most of the data that we got out of SAVE was consistent with what DPS had.””Hide quote
    Election officials across the state should immediately reinstate some voters who were incorrectly flagged as potential noncitizens through a federal program, the Texas Secretary of State’s Office told county officials Wednesday. … Adkins said the state is still working through the data and that she couldn’t yet say how many of the 2,724 people had provided proof of citizenship to DPS and should thus be reinstated if they were already removed from the voter roll. She characterized SAVE as having “some inaccurate information” but added that “most of the data that we got out of SAVE was consistent with what DPS had.”
  46. The Supreme Court revives a controversial data system for citizenship checks

    OPB (NPR), 2026-09-25 · complicates

    “The tool has mistakenly flagged some eligible voters as potential noncitizens. … In his appeal, Sauer wrote that since May 2025, the updated version of SAVE has verified more than 65 million voters across 26 states, and has flagged 28,635 as potential noncitizens.”Hide quote
    The tool has mistakenly flagged some eligible voters as potential noncitizens. … In his appeal, Sauer wrote that since May 2025, the updated version of SAVE has verified more than 65 million voters across 26 states, and has flagged 28,635 as potential noncitizens.
  47. Trump's SAVE tool is looking for noncitizen voters. But it's flagging U.S. citizens too

    NPR (via VPM), 2025-12-10 · complicates

    “The tally of 2,724 potential noncitizens is about 0.015% of the state’s voters. … the overhauled system has been widely criticized for being rolled out without public notice, congressional input or transparency about its accuracy.”Hide quote
    The tally of 2,724 potential noncitizens is about 0.015% of the state’s voters. … the overhauled system has been widely criticized for being rolled out without public notice, congressional input or transparency about its accuracy.
  48. Texas Secretary of State Refers 117 Cases for Investigation of Noncitizen Voting

    Texas Secretary of State, 2026-09-15 · complicates

    “This review narrowed the number of potential noncitizens. The additional review showed that 578 voters demonstrated citizenship. Of those, citizenship was proven for 506 because passport information was added to SAVE after the state’s initial run. The Office of the Texas Secretary of State advised counties to reinstate these registrations if they were removed.”Hide quote
    This review narrowed the number of potential noncitizens. The additional review showed that 578 voters demonstrated citizenship. Of those, citizenship was proven for 506 because passport information was added to SAVE after the state’s initial run. The Office of the Texas Secretary of State advised counties to reinstate these registrations if they were removed.
  49. Election Administration and Voting Survey 2024 Comprehensive Report, Executive Summary (earlier cycles from each EAC NVRA/EAVS report cited above)

    U.S. Election Assistance Commission, 2025-06-30 · supports

    “States also reported data on their efforts to keep voter registration lists current and accurate, known as list maintenance. … More than 21 million voter registration records were removed from states’ voter lists between the close of registration for the 2022 general election and the close of registration for the 2024 general election.”Hide quote
    States also reported data on their efforts to keep voter registration lists current and accurate, known as list maintenance. … More than 21 million voter registration records were removed from states’ voter lists between the close of registration for the 2022 general election and the close of registration for the 2024 general election.
  50. Election Administration and Voting Survey 2024 Comprehensive Report, Executive Summary (earlier cycles from each EAC NVRA/EAVS report cited above)

    U.S. Election Assistance Commission, 2025-06-30 · supports

    “The most common reasons for removal were failing to return a confirmation notice and not voting in two consecutive federal general elections, and moving out of the voting jurisdiction.”Hide quote
    The most common reasons for removal were failing to return a confirmation notice and not voting in two consecutive federal general elections, and moving out of the voting jurisdiction.
  51. Statistics

    Electronic Registration Information Center (ERIC), 2026-09-30 · supports

    “The table below provides the total number of out-of-date or inaccurate records identified by report type and year since ERIC began offering list maintenance reports in 2013.”Hide quote
    The table below provides the total number of out-of-date or inaccurate records identified by report type and year since ERIC began offering list maintenance reports in 2013.