Federal and State Power Over Mail Voting Rules, 1986–2026
States set most mail-voting rules and have moved them both ways; Congress has set national rules only for military and overseas voters, and the Postal Service rule the President ordered is blocked for November 2026. [1][6][21][33]
Who may vote by mail
Number of states (excluding DC) that offer mail voting to every voter or require an excuse, and that count mailed ballots arriving after Election Day or require them by Election Day, at each November election and January 2020. Federal bills, orders and rulings are marked under the chart.
States, by election month
Number of states (excluding DC) that offer mail voting to every voter or require an excuse, and that count mailed ballots arriving after Election Day or require them by Election Day, at each November election and January 2020. Federal bills, orders and rulings are marked under the chart. Read as who may vote by mail: States. 12 dated events are numbered on a strip under the graph and listed below it. Use the Table switch to see every value.
- No-excuse or all-mail
- Excuse required
- COVID-19 excuse added for 2020 only
Events marked above
Freedom to Vote Act fails cloture
It would have required every state to offer no-excuse absentee voting.
Freedom to Vote: John R. Lewis Act fails cloture, 49–51
North Dakota, Ohio and Utah end grace periods
Executive Order 14248
Among other things it addresses deadlines for returning mail ballots; a federal court in Massachusetts permanently enjoined that part in July 2026.
Source: Civil Rights Litigation Clearinghouse, University of Michigan Law School [29]
House passes SAVE America Act, 218–213
Source: Just The News [12]
Executive Order 14399 orders a Postal Service ballot rule
Source: Federal Register [17]
Watson v. RNC: federal law allows late-arriving ballots
House passes SAVE America Act again, with the defence bill
Source: American Democracy Minute [13]
Kansas court blocks end of grace period
Trump v. California lets EO 14399 proceed
Senate rejects photo-ID bill S. 5271, 52–46
Source: United States Senate [14]
USPS v. California keeps the ballot rule blocked
Source: National Conference of State Legislatures [33]
Observations 1
States have moved mail-voting rules in both directions
The number of states offering mail voting to every voter rose sharply for 2020, fell back as temporary rules ended, and is expected to be seven above its 2016 level in November 2026 (chart). 33
Within that rise, states pulled the other way too. Utah, which mails every voter a ballot, will send ballots only on request from 2029. 32 Oregon's all-mail system was adopted by its own voters, by citizen initiative in 1998. 31
When a mailed ballot must arrive
States, by election month
Number of states (excluding DC) that offer mail voting to every voter or require an excuse, and that count mailed ballots arriving after Election Day or require them by Election Day, at each November election and January 2020. Federal bills, orders and rulings are marked under the chart. Read as when a mailed ballot must arrive: States. 12 dated events are numbered on a strip under the graph and listed below it. Use the Table switch to see every value.
- Must arrive by Election Day
- Counted if postmarked by Election Day and arriving later
Events marked above
Freedom to Vote Act fails cloture
It would have required every state to offer no-excuse absentee voting.
Freedom to Vote: John R. Lewis Act fails cloture, 49–51
North Dakota, Ohio and Utah end grace periods
Executive Order 14248
Among other things it addresses deadlines for returning mail ballots; a federal court in Massachusetts permanently enjoined that part in July 2026.
Source: Civil Rights Litigation Clearinghouse, University of Michigan Law School [29]
House passes SAVE America Act, 218–213
Source: Just The News [12]
Executive Order 14399 orders a Postal Service ballot rule
Source: Federal Register [17]
Watson v. RNC: federal law allows late-arriving ballots
House passes SAVE America Act again, with the defence bill
Source: American Democracy Minute [13]
Kansas court blocks end of grace period
Trump v. California lets EO 14399 proceed
Senate rejects photo-ID bill S. 5271, 52–46
Source: United States Senate [14]
USPS v. California keeps the ballot rule blocked
Source: National Conference of State Legislatures [33]
Observations 1
Receipt deadlines have swung back to their 2016 pattern
More states counted late-arriving mailed ballots in 2020; by November 2026 NCSL expects the count of states requiring Election Day receipt to be "roughly the same as it was in November 2016" (chart). 33
North Dakota, Ohio and Utah ended their grace periods in 2025. Kansas legislated an end too, but a district court in Kansas blocked it in July 2026, so Kansas still counts ballots arriving within three days. 30 Detail by state is in the report on ballot deadlines.
About this data
Full published range: 2016-11–2026-11. Every plotted line runs the whole of it – NCSL's tables cover November 2016 to November 2026; the 2026 row is NCSL's expected count. Each reading's lines add to 50 states. The receipt counts exclude special deadlines for military and overseas ballots. NCSL leaves the COVID-19 column blank outside November 2020; it is shown as zero. The same counts are analysed in the reports on mail voting use and on ballot deadlines.
When a mailed ballot must arrive
DC is excluded; NCSL counts it with the Election Day states in 2016 and with the later-arrival states from January 2020.
National voting-rules bills fell short of 60 Senate votes
Senators voting yes on two cloture votes on national voting-rules bills, 2022 and 2026, against the 60 needed to end debate. Only the 2022 bill dealt with mail voting.
Senators voting yes
- Freedom to Vote: John R. Lewis Act (Democratic), 19 Jan 202249
- S. 5271, photo ID only (Republican), 8 Aug 202652
- Needed to end debate60
Source: United States Senate Periodical Press Gallery [11]; United States Senate [14]
Observations 1
National bills from both parties stalled in the Senate
The Democrats' Freedom to Vote Act, which would have required every state to offer no-excuse absentee voting, failed to end debate in October 2021 and again in January 2022. 10 11
In August 2026 a Republican photo-ID bill, S. 5271, also failed to reach 60 votes (chart). 14 Bills that would require or restrict mail voting nationally have been introduced on both sides in the current Congress. 16
About this data
Yes votes only; the recorded results were 49–51 and 52–46. The 2022 vote was on the Freedom to Vote: John R. Lewis Act vehicle (H.R. 5746), which included national no-excuse absentee voting. The 2026 vote was on S. 5271, a separate Republican photo-ID bill. The SAVE America Act itself has had no Senate vote in the sources read.
Federal laws, bills and orders on mail voting, 1986–2026
What each federal law, bill or order does on mail voting, and where it stood on 29 October 2026.
| What it does on mail voting | Status on 29 Oct 2026 | ||
|---|---|---|---|
| 1986 | Uniformed and Overseas Citizens Absentee Voting Act (UOCAVA) | States must let military and overseas voters register and vote absentee in federal elections [6] | In force |
| 1993 | National Voter Registration Act | Registration by mail; a federal mail registration form [8] | In force |
| 2002 | Help America Vote Act | Rules for first-time voters who registered by mail [9] | In force |
| 2009 | MOVE Act (amending UOCAVA) | Ballots to military and overseas voters at least 45 days before a federal election, on request [6] [7] | In force |
| 2021–22 | Freedom to Vote Act (Democratic) | No-excuse absentee voting in every state [10] | Failed cloture, Oct 2021 and Jan 2022 [10] [11] |
| 2025 | Executive Order 14248 | Among other things, addresses deadlines for returning mail ballots [16] | Receipt-deadline part permanently enjoined in Massachusetts; on appeal [29] |
| 2026 | SAVE America Act (Republican) | Proof of citizenship and photo ID; whether it limits mail voting is disputed [12] [13] [16] | Passed House, Feb and Jul 2026; no Senate vote [12] [13] |
| 2026 | Executive Order 14399, Section 3 | Orders a Postal Service rule on ballot envelopes, barcodes and a list of enrolled mail voters [17] | Order in effect; the Postal Service's final rule is blocked for November 2026 [18] [23] |
Sources: U.S. Department of Justice, Civil Rights Division [6]; Legal Information Institute, Cornell Law School [7]; U.S. Department of Justice, Civil Rights Division [8]; U.S. Department of Justice, Civil Rights Division [9]; Congressional Research Service [10]; United States Senate Periodical Press Gallery [11]; Just The News [12]; American Democracy Minute [13]; Congressional Research Service [16]; Federal Register [17]; Supreme Court of the United States [18]; Brennan Center for Justice (co-counsel for the plaintiffs) [23]; Civil Rights Litigation Clearinghouse, University of Michigan Law School [29]
Observations 4
Congress has already set national mail-ballot rules for military and overseas voters
UOCAVA requires every state to let service members, their families and Americans abroad "register and vote absentee in federal elections". 6 Since a 2009 amendment, the year of the MOVE Act, a state must send a requested ballot "not later than 45 days before the election". 7
These are national mail-voting rules, but for a defined group. For everyone else, Congress has left the choice of no-excuse, excuse-only or all-mail voting to the states.
The House-passed SAVE America Act's effect on mail voting is unclear
The House passed the SAVE America Act, 218–213, in February 2026 and again in July with the defence bill. 12 13 An advocacy outlet says the July bill "would end universal mail voting in eight states and DC". 13
The Congressional Research Service, writing on 10 July, listed a ban on sending ballots except on request only as "a proposed amendment to the House-passed" bill. 16 The bill text was not read.
Bills on both sides would set national mail rules
The Universal Right to Vote by Mail Act and the Vote at Home Act would require no-excuse mail voting and all-mail elections. The MEGA Act and the Mail Ballot Integrity Act would ban sending ballots except on request and limit mail voting to specified voters. 16 None has passed.
No Senate vote on the SAVE America Act had been held by the time of the sources read
Who may set mail-voting rules: what the Constitution and courts say
The constitutional text and the main court rulings on who sets election rules, oldest first.
| Date | What it says | |
|---|---|---|
| Elections Clause | 1788 | Times, places and manner "shall be prescribed in each state by the legislature thereof; but the Congress may at any time by law make or alter such regulations" [1] |
| Arizona v. Inter Tribal Council | 17 Jun 2013 | Congress's power is "paramount"; the clause covers "how federal elections are held, but not who may vote in them" [3] [4] |
| Moore v. Harper | 27 Jun 2023 | State courts may review state legislatures' election rules [5] |
| Watson v. RNC (5–4) | 29 Jun 2026 | Federal law does not require ballots to arrive by Election Day; a national deadline is for "the American people ... through their elected representatives" [24] [25] |
| California v. Trump (D. Mass.) | Jun–Jul 2026 | The challenged parts of EO 14248, including its ballot-receipt deadlines, exceed the President's authority; under appeal [28] [29] |
| Trump v. California (stay) | 24 Aug 2026 | EO 14399 is "an internal directive"; the states' challenge was premature; no ruling on lawfulness [18] [19] |
| USPS v. California (stay denied) | 14 Sep 2026 | The Postal Service rule stays blocked for 2026; two dissenters say "Congress may create such rules" and may authorise the Postal Service to [21] [22] |
Sources: Legal Information Institute, Cornell Law School [1]; Supreme Court of the United States (via Cornell LII) [3]; Supreme Court of the United States (via Cornell LII) [4]; Supreme Court of the United States (via Cornell LII) [5]; Supreme Court of the United States [18]; Supreme Court of the United States [19]; Supreme Court of the United States [21]; Supreme Court of the United States [22]; Supreme Court of the United States [24]; Supreme Court of the United States [25]; Civil Rights Litigation Clearinghouse, University of Michigan Law School [28]; Civil Rights Litigation Clearinghouse, University of Michigan Law School [29]
Observations 4
The Constitution names state legislatures and Congress, not the President
The Elections Clause gives the "manner of holding elections" to each state's legislature, subject to Congress's power to "make or alter such regulations". 1 The President's part is to sign or veto bills. 2
Moore v. Harper added that state courts can review a legislature's election rules, so "the states" means each state's whole constitutional system. 5
Congress's power over federal elections is "paramount"
The Supreme Court has held that Congress's power over the times, places and manner of congressional elections "is paramount, and may be exercised at any time, and to any extent which it deems expedient". 3
The same ruling drew a line at "who may vote", which stays with the states. 4 Who may vote by mail, as opposed to who may vote, has not been tested against that line in the sources read.
Watson left receipt deadlines to legislatures, and said Congress could set one
The Court held, 5–4, that "nothing in the federal election-day statutes requires ballots to be received by election day". 24 It said policy arguments "are properly directed to legislatures, not courts". 27
It pointed to Congress: "If varied deadlines for ballot receipt similarly call for a national solution, the American people must choose it through their elected representatives." It did "not consider the scope of Congress's authority". 25
Watson recognised a reason states give for Election Day deadlines
Live federal measures on mail voting, 29 October 2026
The federal actions still in play the week before the November midterms.
| What it does | Status | |
|---|---|---|
| EO 14399, Section 3 (31 Mar 2026) | Postal Service to require marked, barcoded ballot envelopes and to carry ballots only for voters enrolled on a state list [17] | Order not enjoined [18] |
| Postal Service final rule (published 26 Aug 2026) | Ballot mail must carry an election-mail logo, be machine-readable and carry a barcode unique to each voter; states upload voter information [22] | Preliminary injunction of 4 Sep 2026; stay denied 14 Sep; will not apply in November 2026 [21] [23] |
| EO 14248 ballot-receipt provisions (25 Mar 2025) | Addresses deadlines for returning mail ballots [16] | Permanently enjoined 13 Jul 2026; appealed 9 Sep 2026 [29] |
| SAVE America Act | Proof of citizenship and photo ID; whether it limits mail voting is disputed [12] [13] [16] | Passed House; no Senate vote [12] [14] |
Sources: Just The News [12]; American Democracy Minute [13]; United States Senate [14]; Congressional Research Service [16]; Federal Register [17]; Supreme Court of the United States [18]; Supreme Court of the United States [21]; Supreme Court of the United States [22]; Brennan Center for Justice (co-counsel for the plaintiffs) [23]; Civil Rights Litigation Clearinghouse, University of Michigan Law School [29]
Observations 4
The Postal Service rule is blocked for November 2026
A federal court in Massachusetts blocked the Postal Service's final rule on 4 September, and the Supreme Court refused to lift that order on 14 September. 23 21 The Court said the government "is unlikely to succeed on the merits of its challenge". 21
Justice Kavanaugh, concurring, gave a narrower reason: the rule may be within the Postal Service's authority, but election officials lacked "sufficient time to reasonably implement the rule before the elections". 21 The rule could return for later elections.
Two justices said Congress could authorise such a rule
Justices Alito and Thomas dissented: "Even assuming the rule here is a regulation of elections, Congress may create such rules under the Elections Clause. And, by statute, it may authorize the Postal Service to issue such rules." 22 In their view the dispute was about the Postal Service's statutory powers, not the states' constitutional ones.
The order behind the rule was allowed to stand
In August the Supreme Court lifted an injunction against Executive Order 14399, calling it "an internal directive" that "neither requires nor forbids anything of anyone outside the Executive Branch". 18 It added that this "does not mean that any measure taken by the Government to implement the Order will necessarily be lawful". 19
The dissent said the ruling "merely postpones adjudication" of whether the President's actions are lawful. 20
A district court held the 2025 order's receipt-deadline rules beyond presidential power
The federal court in Massachusetts held that the challenged sections of Executive Order 14248 "exceeded the President's constitutional authority" and conflicted with federal statutes. 28 Its July 2026 injunction covers the order's "Election Day ballot receipt deadlines"; the government has appealed. 29
This report is a dated legal record, as of 29 October 2026, the week before the November midterms. Several items will change after that election: the SAVE America Act in a lame-duck session, the First Circuit appeals over both executive orders, and the Postal Service rule for later elections.
Subtleties
"The courts blocked the mail-voting order" mixes up the order and the rule
No court has ruled on the merits of presidential power over mail rules above the district level
This is a legal record, so its one chart counts state rules
Laws, orders and rulings are dated events, not yearly quantities, so they are marked under the chart of state rules rather than plotted. The chart shows what states did while the federal actions happened; it does not show that any federal action caused a state change.
About this data
What is measured. The text of the Constitution, federal statutes, executive orders and court rulings, and NCSL's counts of state mail-voting rules. Case histories for the 2026 litigation come from court opinions, the Civil Rights Litigation Clearinghouse and the Brennan Center, which is co-counsel for plaintiffs; its dates match the Supreme Court's orders. 23
As of. Sources were read up to 29 October 2026. Reporting on the SAVE America Act was last checked for the voter-ID topic on 23 October 2026. That topic covers the registration and ID side of the same federal fights: proof of citizenship, the federal registration form and the SAVE database.
What it is commonly mistaken for. "States decide" is not the same as "legislatures decide": state courts and, in Oregon's case, citizen initiatives also set rules. 5 31 Nor does Watson say states must accept late ballots; it says federal law lets them choose. 24
Related Data
Mail Voting in the US: Who Uses It and Its Effects, 2016–2026
Mail voting peaked in the 2020 pandemic election and has settled near three in ten voters, with older, Western and Democratic voters using it most; studies find small turnout gains and no party advantage. [1][13][15][16][23]
All voters, by method
Share of people who said they voted who voted in person on Election Day, in person before Election Day, or by mail, in each November election since 2018, with mail voting broken down by age group and by region. From the Census Bureau's Current Population Survey, a household survey; methods are as voters reported them.
% of people who voted, by November election
Share of people who said they voted who voted in person on Election Day, in person before Election Day, or by mail, in each November election since 2018, with mail voting broken down by age group and by region. From the Census Bureau's Current Population Survey, a household survey; methods are as voters reported them. Read as all voters, by method: % of people who voted. 1 dated event is numbered on a strip under the graph and listed below it. Use the Table switch to see every value.
- In person on Election Day
- In person before Election Day
- By mail
Events marked above
Pandemic changes to mail rules
In November 2020, 38 states and DC offered no-excuse or all-mail voting, and 10 more added a COVID-19 excuse for that election only.
Source: U.S. Census Bureau [23]
Observations 2
Mail voting is still above its level before the pandemic
In 2016 and 2018, mail ballots were "approximately one-quarter of voter turnout". In 2024 they were still "larger than the percentage of the electorate that voted by mail in pre-pandemic elections". 1
In 2024, early in-person voting reached its highest share in both the Census survey and the official counts. 1 23
Voted by mail, by age
% of voters in each age group who voted by mail, by November election
Share of people who said they voted who voted in person on Election Day, in person before Election Day, or by mail, in each November election since 2018, with mail voting broken down by age group and by region. From the Census Bureau's Current Population Survey, a household survey; methods are as voters reported them. Read as voted by mail, by age: % of voters in each age group who voted by mail. 1 dated event is numbered on a strip under the graph and listed below it. Use the Table switch to see every value.
- 18 to 24
- 25 to 44
- 45 to 64
- 65 and over
Events marked above
Pandemic changes to mail rules
In November 2020, 38 states and DC offered no-excuse or all-mail voting, and 10 more added a COVID-19 excuse for that election only.
Source: U.S. Census Bureau [23]
Voted by mail, by region
% of voters in each region who voted by mail, by November election
Share of people who said they voted who voted in person on Election Day, in person before Election Day, or by mail, in each November election since 2018, with mail voting broken down by age group and by region. From the Census Bureau's Current Population Survey, a household survey; methods are as voters reported them. Read as voted by mail, by region: % of voters in each region who voted by mail. 1 dated event is numbered on a strip under the graph and listed below it. Use the Table switch to see every value.
- West
- Northeast
- Midwest
- South
Events marked above
Pandemic changes to mail rules
In November 2020, 38 states and DC offered no-excuse or all-mail voting, and 10 more added a COVID-19 excuse for that election only.
Source: U.S. Census Bureau [23]
About this data
Full published range: 2018–2024. Every plotted line runs the whole of it – Census publishes a method-of-voting table (Table 14) for every November election from 2018 to 2024; its earlier detailed tables have no method-of-voting table. The Congressional Research Service charts the same survey back to 2004 from the microdata, but publishes the values only as a chart image, so earlier years are not shown here (see Data still needed). The 2026 survey is not yet published.
All voters, by method
The small "don't know or refused" share is not shown, so the three lines sum to just under 100%.
Share of counted ballots, by method
Share of all counted ballots cast by mail, in person before Election Day and in person on Election Day, as reported by state and local election offices to the Election Assistance Commission after each November election.
% of turnout, by November election
Share of all counted ballots cast by mail, in person before Election Day and in person on Election Day, as reported by state and local election offices to the Election Assistance Commission after each November election. Read as share of counted ballots, by method: % of turnout. Use the Table switch to see every value.
- By mail
- In person before Election Day
- In person on Election Day
Source: U.S. Election Assistance Commission [24]
Observations 1
About this data
Full published range: 2016–2024. Every plotted line runs the whole of it – The EAC's 2020, 2022 and 2024 reports print national shares by method from 2016, using one formula for every year; the 2022 report does not print an Election Day share, so that line has a gap. The 2016 report itself printed different 2016 shares (23.7 percent by mail, 17.2 percent early), from an earlier calculation. The 2026 survey is due in mid-2027.
Share of counted ballots, by method
Values for 2016–2020 are from the 2020 report, 2022 from the 2022 report and 2024 from the 2024 report.
Number of states
Number of states (excluding DC) that offer no-excuse absentee voting or send every voter a ballot, against those that require an excuse, at each November election and January 2020. DC offers no-excuse voting throughout.
States, by election month
Number of states (excluding DC) that offer no-excuse absentee voting or send every voter a ballot, against those that require an excuse, at each November election and January 2020. DC offers no-excuse voting throughout. Read as number of states: States. 5 dated events are numbered on a strip under the graph and listed below it. Use the Table switch to see every value.
- No-excuse or all-mail
- Excuse required
- COVID-19 excuse added for 2020 only
Events marked above
Utah: all counties vote by mail
Hawaii goes all-mail
California, Nevada and Vermont go all-mail
Vermont for general elections only.
DC goes all-mail
Utah votes to end automatic mail ballots from 2029
From 2029 a Utah voter gets a mail ballot only on request; a request lasts eight years.
Source: Utah State Legislature [12]
Source: National Conference of State Legislatures [25]
Observations 2
More states offer mail voting to everyone than in 2016
NCSL expects seven more states to offer no-excuse or all-mail voting in November 2026 than in 2016 (chart). 25 The count peaked in 2020, dropped by 2022 and has crept up since.
States have moved in both directions: several adopted all-mail voting after 2016, while Utah has voted to end automatic mail ballots (events under the chart). 11 12
Utah, a Republican-led state, votes by mail, but is moving to mail on request
Utah has sent every voter a ballot since all its counties adopted it in 2019, and in 2024 more than nine in ten of its votes came by mail. 11 5
A 2025 law changes that: from 2029 "a voter will not receive a ballot by mail unless the voter requests to receive a ballot by mail". A request lasts eight years. 12 NCSL's table does not yet show the change.
About this data
Full published range: 2016-11–2026-11. Every plotted line runs the whole of it – NCSL's table covers November 2016 to November 2026; the 2026 row is NCSL's expected count. The three lines add to 50 at every date. NCSL leaves the COVID-19 column blank outside November 2020; it is shown here as zero.
Favour letting any voter vote by mail
Share of US adults who favour "allowing any voter to vote by mail if they want to", in every Pew survey that asked it. Republicans and Democrats include independents who lean to each party.
% who favour, by survey fieldwork month
Share of US adults who favour "allowing any voter to vote by mail if they want to", in every Pew survey that asked it. Republicans and Democrats include independents who lean to each party. Read as favour letting any voter vote by mail: % who favour. Dashed segments cross 1 definitional break in the source, explained in Method Changes below this graph. Use the Table switch to see every value.
- All adults
- Rep/lean Rep
- Dem/lean Dem
Vertical dashed lines mark measurement changes. See method changes.
Source: Pew Research Center [26]
Observations 1
Republican support for mail voting for all fell after 2020
Republican support for letting any voter vote by mail fell from about half in April 2020 to under a third in 2024 and 2025. 20 21 Democratic support stayed above eight in ten (chart). 20
The first reading came early in the pandemic. Gallup links that year's fall in Republican confidence in elections to President Trump's "public questioning of the validity of mail voting". 22 Neither survey tests whether his statements moved support for mail voting.
Method Changes
2025-08: Some interviews by telephone
Pew: "This survey was conducted primarily online, with some interviews conducted by live telephone." Earlier waves from October 2016 to June 2024 "were conducted fully online". [26]
About this data
Full published range: 2020-04–2025-08. Every plotted line runs the whole of it – Pew asked this wording in April 2020, January 2024 and August 2025. The all-adults figures are Pew's own (its 2024 report gives 57%; the topline's "strongly" plus "somewhat favor" sums to 58).
Mail voting by state, and when the mostly-mail states adopted it
The eight states and DC that mail every voter a ballot, in the order they adopted it.
| Law enacted | First used statewide | How adopted | |
|---|---|---|---|
| Oregon | 1998 | 2000 | Citizen initiative |
| Washington | 2011 | 2012 | HB 5124 |
| Colorado | 2013 | 2014 | HB 1303 |
| Utah | 2012 (counties may choose) | 2019 (all counties) | HB 172; HB 300 makes mail opt-in from 2029 [11] [12] |
| Hawaii | 2019 | 2020 | HB 1248 |
| California | 2021 | 2022 | AB 37 |
| Nevada | 2021 | 2022 | AB 321 |
| Vermont (general elections only) | 2021 | 2022 | SB 15 |
| District of Columbia | 2022 | 2023 | — |
Sources: National Conference of State Legislatures [11]; Utah State Legislature [12]
Observations 2
Oregon's legislature did not start all-mail voting; its voters did
Most mostly-mail states adopted it from 2019 on
Six of the nine first used it statewide from 2019 onward, around and after the pandemic; only Oregon, Washington and Colorado ran statewide mail elections before 2019. 11
Voted by mail, by party, 2024
Share of each party's voters who said they voted by mail in the November 2024 election, from MIT's Survey of the Performance of American Elections.
% who voted by mail
- Democrats37%
- Republicans24%
Source: MIT Election Data + Science Lab [13]
Observations 1
Democrats vote by mail far more than Republicans
About this data
MIT prints the Democratic figure in words ("Thirty-seven percent"). MIT publishes the party series back to 2008 only as a chart, so earlier years are not shown.
Voted by mail, with and without a disability, 2020
Share of voters with and without a disability who voted by mail in November 2020, from the Rutgers University survey released by the Election Assistance Commission.
% who voted by mail
- Voters with a disability53%
- Voters without a disability42%
Source: U.S. Election Assistance Commission [14]
Observations 1
Voters with disabilities rely on mail more, and find it easier
About this data
The EAC gives the disability figure as "more than 53%". No comparable figure for 2022 or 2024 was found in the EAC's text.
Estimated effects of mail-voting rules on turnout and party share
Point estimates from two studies, in percentage points: universal mail ballots in California, Utah and Washington counties, 1996–2018, and no-excuse eligibility at age 65 in Texas in 2020.
Estimated effect, percentage points
- Universal mail ballots: turnout2.1%
- Universal mail ballots: Democratic share of turnout0.1%
- No-excuse eligibility at 65 (Texas 2020): turnout0.02%
Source: Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences (Thompson, Wu, Yoder and Hall) [15]; Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences (Thompson, Wu, Yoder and Hall) [16]; Stanford Democracy and Polarization Lab (working paper) [18]
Observations 3
Sending every voter a ballot raised turnout by about two points
As California, Utah and Washington counties switched to universal mail ballots between 1996 and 2018, turnout rose by about 2 points of the citizen voting-age population (chart). 15 That is a real but small effect, and it comes from years before mail voting split by party.
Mail voting gave neither party an advantage
The same study found universal mail raised the Democratic share of turnout by only 0.1 points with trends included, with an upper bound of "only about 0.3%". 16 Vote-share effects were "modest or null". 17
In Texas and Indiana in 2020, being old enough for no-excuse mail voting "did not substantially increase Democratic turnout relative to Republican turnout". 18
About this data
Universal mail on turnout: 2.1 to 2.2 points of the citizen voting-age population (2.1 shown). Universal mail on the Democratic share of turnout: 0.1 points in the specifications with trends, with an upper 95% confidence bound of about 0.3 (0.7 in the simplest model; California and Utah only). No-excuse eligibility at 65 in Texas: 0.02 points, upper 95% bound 0.26. Confidence ranges for the turnout estimate are in the paper.
Support for letting any voter vote by mail, by the rule in the respondent's state, 2025
Share of US adults who favour allowing any voter to vote by mail, grouped by whether their state mails every voter a ballot, lets any voter ask for one, or requires an excuse. August 2025.
% who favour
- States that mail every voter a ballot73%
- States where any voter may ask for one58%
- States that require an excuse45%
Source: Pew Research Center [20]
Observations 1
Support for mail voting is highest where every voter already gets a ballot
About this data
Pew groups states by NCSL's classification. Pew publishes party figures for the universal-mail states (Democrats 91%, Republicans 46%) and the excuse states (Democrats 71%, Republicans 22%) but not for the no-excuse group, so only all adults are shown.
This report covers who votes by mail and what mail voting changes. How mail ballots are rejected, how fast they are counted, and how often they have been abused are in separate reports.
Subtleties
Three measures give slightly different 2024 mail shares
The 2024 mail share comes out a little differently depending on who is counted:
- Census survey: 29.0% of people who said they voted. 6
- Official counts (EAVS): 30.3% of counted ballots. 1
- Pew's validated voters: 34%. 20
The Census notes that some people who returned a mail ballot in person may have said they voted in person. 10
The effect studies predate the party split in mail voting
About this data
What is measured. Three kinds of data: how people voted (the Census Current Population Survey, a household survey, and the EAC's Election Administration and Voting Survey, which collects counts from election offices); which states offer mail voting (NCSL); and what mail rules do and what people think of them (two studies, MIT and Pew surveys).
Census survey. Table 14 gives the method of voting as a share of people who said they voted. The Census survey over-reports turnout and relies on what voters say about how they voted. The age and region readings are the "By mail" column of each year's table. 6 7
Official counts. The EAVS mail share is counted mail ballots divided by total turnout. Each share is calculated only from states that reported it, so the methods do not add to 100%. 24 The 2016 EAVS report printed lower 2016 figures than the later reports' recalculation. 4
State rules. NCSL's counts put DC aside; DC offered no-excuse voting at every date. 25 A state is counted as all-mail when every voter is sent a ballot; Vermont does so for general elections only. 11
What it is commonly mistaken for. Mail voting is not the same as all-mail voting. Every state lets at least some voters vote by mail, and federal law requires states to let military and overseas voters do so; only eight states and DC send every voter a ballot. 10 11
Ballot Receipt Deadlines, Late Ballots and Counting Speed
Fewer states now count ballots that arrive after Election Day than in 2020, late arrival causes a steady share of rejections, and the slowest counts are mostly in heavy-mail western states. [5][7][10][15][16]
Number of states
Number of states that count mailed ballots received after Election Day if postmarked by then, against the number requiring receipt by Election Day, at each point NCSL tracks. Military and overseas ballots are excluded.
States, by election or survey month
Number of states that count mailed ballots received after Election Day if postmarked by then, against the number requiring receipt by Election Day, at each point NCSL tracks. Military and overseas ballots are excluded. Read as number of states: States. 4 dated events are numbered on a strip under the graph and listed below it. Use the Table switch to see every value.
- Count ballots arriving after Election Day
- Require receipt by Election Day
Events marked above
Pandemic rule changes
NCSL: "Many states enacted policies allowing ballots to be received after Election Day during the pandemic".
North Dakota, Ohio and Utah require receipt by Election Day
Ohio keeps a four-day window for military and overseas ballots.
Watson v. RNC
The Supreme Court holds that federal law does not bar counting ballots that arrive after Election Day.
Kansas deadline blocked
A court injunction keeps Kansas's three-day window.
Source: National Conference of State Legislatures [15]
Observations 2
Grace periods rose in 2020 and are back to their 2016 level
The number of states counting late-arriving ballots peaked in November 2020 and has fallen since (chart). 15 NCSL expects the count of states requiring Election Day receipt in 2026 to be "roughly the same as it was in November 2016". 15
North Dakota, Ohio and Utah moved to Election Day receipt in 2025. Kansas legislated the same change, but a court has blocked it for now (both marked under the chart). 1
Grace periods are not confined to one kind of state
The states still counting postmarked ballots that arrive late include Texas, Alaska, Kansas, Mississippi and West Virginia, as well as California, New York and Illinois. 1 Windows run from one day in Texas to about three weeks in Washington (next chart).
About this data
Full published range: 2016-11–2026-11. Every plotted line runs the whole of it – NCSL's whole series: November 2016, January 2020, November 2020, 2022 and 2024, and the expected position for November 2026. The 50 states only; NCSL counts DC with the Election Day states in 2016 and with the post-Election Day states from January 2020. The November 2026 point is NCSL's expectation as of August 2026; Kansas is counted there because a court has blocked its new Election Day deadline.
How many days after Election Day a postmarked mail ballot may arrive, by state, 2026
Latest day a domestic mail ballot postmarked by Election Day may arrive and still count, in days after Election Day, for the 15 states and DC that allow it; the other 35 states require receipt by Election Day.
Days after Election Day
- Washington20
- Illinois14
- Alaska10
- District of Columbia10
- Maryland10
- California7
- New York7
- Oregon7
- New Jersey6
- Mississippi (business days)5
- West Virginia5
- Nevada4
- Kansas3
- Massachusetts3
- Virginia3
- Texas1
- The other 35 states (receipt by Election Day)0
Source: National Conference of State Legislatures [1]
Observations 1
Watson's "roughly 30 States" counts military and overseas ballots too
The Supreme Court described Mississippi as "one of roughly 30 States" counting late-arriving ballots. 2 NCSL's 15 states are those that do so for ordinary domestic mail ballots.
Its separate count for military and overseas voters is "Thirty states and Washington, D.C.", which accept at least some such ballots after Election Day. 1 Both numbers are right; they count different ballots.
About this data
From NCSL Table 11 (updated 25 September 2026), converted to days. Washington: "the day before certification, which is 21 days after a general election", so 20. New Jersey: "144 hours (six days)". Mississippi's five are business days. West Virginia: before the canvass, which "begins on the fifth day", shown as 5. Texas: "the day after", 1. California, New York and Oregon: "seven days"; Nevada "the fourth day"; Kansas, Massachusetts and Virginia "the third day". Kansas's window is kept by a court injunction. Guam and the Virgin Islands (10 days) and Puerto Rico (until the canvass ends) also count later ballots. Military and overseas deadlines are separate and not shown.
Hours to count 95% of the presidential vote, seven battleground states, 2020 and 2024
Hours after polls closed until 95% of the two-party presidential vote had been reported (MIT Election Lab, from Edison Research data).
Hours
- Arizona 202073
- Arizona 2024147
- Nevada 2020159
- Nevada 202451
- Pennsylvania 202049
- Pennsylvania 20248
- Georgia 202018
- Georgia 20245
- Michigan 202017
- Michigan 20249
- Wisconsin 20208
- Wisconsin 20249
- North Carolina 20203
- North Carolina 20246
Source: MIT Election Data + Science Lab (Samuel Baltz) [10]
Observations 4
Most of the vote is counted within hours
The slowest counts are mostly in heavy-mail western states
MIT names Washington, California, Nevada, Arizona, Utah, Colorado and Alaska as having the most left to count after a day. California reported "about a third of its votes" over the month after Election Day. 10
Texas and Florida, each with well over ten million votes, counted almost all of them within about a day. 10
Mail volume is not the only cause of slow counts
Mississippi, Maine, Maryland, Massachusetts and Michigan were also slow to report in 2024. 10 Among the battleground states, Nevada and Pennsylvania counted far faster in 2024 than in 2020, while Arizona took twice as long (chart). 10
MIT's 2020 study found counts slower where states had "large volumes of mail ballots, prohibited preprocessing mail ballots, and allowed mail ballots to arrive after Election Day". 10
Experts rate the US count well
The Electoral Integrity Project's expert survey of the 2024 election rated "the counting, results and procedural aspects" strong, while overall US scores fell. 13 It measures experts' judgement of the process, not public confidence (see confidence and disputed results).
About this data
MIT's Table 1, which covers only these seven states. MIT says the hours "may be overstated by the duration of the media reporting process, plus up to half an hour". Nationally, a majority of the 2024 vote was counted in about 2 hours.
Share of votes reported four hours after polls closed, by whether states allowed mail ballots to be processed early, 2020
Average state in the 2020 general election (MIT Election Lab analysis, as summarised by Charles Stewart III).
% of votes reported
- No pre-processing before Election Day63%
- Pre-processing allowed78%
Source: Election Updates (Charles Stewart III, MIT) [12]
Observations 2
Early processing speeds the first hours of the count
About this data
Stewart: "At the twenty-four-hour point, the gap between states had essentially disappeared." Pre-processing means checking and opening envelopes before Election Day; no state releases results before polls close.
Late ballots, and what they are measured against
Each row uses a different election and denominator, so the figures are not comparable with one another.
| Late ballots | Measured against | |
|---|---|---|
| Nevada general, 2024: Clark and Washoe counties | About 9,500 + 2,400 received after Election Day, inside the four-day window [9] | Nearly 1.3 million ballots cast in the two counties; 669,445 mail ballots returned statewide [9] [3] |
| Wisconsin spring primary, 2026 | About 5,000 rejected as late: 78% of rejected ballots [8] | Spring 2023: roughly 2,300, or 47% [8] |
| Michigan August primary, 2026 | More than 10,000 rejected as late [8] | Nearly double the 2024 primary [8] |
| Washington primary, 2026 | More than 20,000 late-arriving ballots; 75% of rejected ballots were late [8] | About 16,000 in the 2024 primary [8] |
| United States general, 2024 | 17.8% of rejected mail ballots [16] | 584,463 rejected, 1.2% of returned mail ballots [3] |
Sources: U.S. Election Assistance Commission [3]; The Philadelphia Inquirer (Adam Sella and Nick Corasaniti, New York Times) [8]; The Nevada Independent (Eric Neugeboren) [9]; U.S. Election Assistance Commission [16]
Observations 5
Late ballots against what they are measured against
Each row uses a different election and denominator, so the figures are not comparable with one another.
Nevada's late ballots were few against the votes cast and the margins
Less than 1 percent of ballots cast in Nevada's two largest counties arrived after Election Day, and Senator Rosen's margins there "far" exceeded them. 9
Against mail ballots rather than all ballots the share is larger: the two counties' late ballots alone come to nearly one in fifty of the mail ballots returned statewide. 9 3
Late rejections rose in the 2026 primaries
In Wisconsin, Michigan and Washington, more mail ballots arrived too late in 2026 primaries than in the previous comparable election (table). 8 None of these ballots was counted.
Washington, an all-mail state with a grace period, shows that late rejections happen under postmark rules as well as under Election Day deadlines. 8 1
Postal changes bear on both kinds of deadline
In Nevada the lead changed on ballots that arrived by Election Day
Senator Rosen trailed on election night in 2024 and took the lead the next night, once about 50,000 Clark County mail ballots received on Election Day were counted. 9 The late swing came from the time taken to count, not from ballots arriving after Election Day.
When processing may begin, beside count speed and mail share
Seven battleground states. Processing rules are as of September 2026 and may differ from those in force in 2020.
| Processing may begin | Hours to count 95%, 2020 → 2024 | Turnout by mail, 2024 | Counts ballots arriving late? | |
|---|---|---|---|---|
| Arizona | On receipt | 73 → 147 | 74.7% | No |
| Nevada | Signature check on receipt | 159 → 51 | 44.1% | Yes, four days |
| Michigan | Signature check on receipt; further processing eight days before in places of 5,000 or more | 17 → 9 | 35.4% | No |
| Pennsylvania | 7 a.m. on Election Day | 49 → 8 | 27.3% | No |
| Wisconsin | After polls open on Election Day | 8 → 9 | 16.6% | No |
| North Carolina | Fifth Tuesday before Election Day | 3 → 6 | 5.2% | No |
| Georgia | ID check on receipt; further processing from the third Monday before | 18 → 5 | 5.1% | No |
Sources: National Conference of State Legislatures [1]; U.S. Election Assistance Commission [3]; MIT Election Data + Science Lab (Samuel Baltz) [10]; National Conference of State Legislatures [11]
Observations 2
When processing may begin, beside count speed and mail share
Processing rules are NCSL's as of September 2026 and may differ from those in force in 2020; mail share is from EAVS 2024.
What did the Supreme Court say about ballot deadlines in Watson v. RNC?
Three passages from the majority opinion, which held that federal law does not stop states counting ballots that arrive after Election Day.
policy arguments are properly directed to legislatures, not courts
US Supreme CourtOn the claim that Election Day receipt protects integrity and confidenceSource: Supreme Court of the United States [2] an election-day deadline avoids the appearance of fraud from late-arriving ballots
US Supreme CourtA view it said legislatures may have sharedSource: Supreme Court of the United States [2] The question today is not whether requiring ballots to be received by election day is a good or bad idea
US Supreme CourtOn what the case decidedSource: Supreme Court of the United States [2]
Source: Supreme Court of the United States [2]
Observations 2
The Supreme Court left receipt deadlines to legislatures
In Watson v. RNC, decided by five votes to four, the Court held that federal election-day statutes do not stop states counting ballots that arrive afterward (marked on the first chart). 2
On the arguments that Election Day receipt protects integrity and confidence, it said such "policy arguments are properly directed to legislatures, not courts". 2
The Court recognised a reason a legislature might choose Election Day receipt
The opinion said legislatures may have set Election Day deadlines because "an election-day deadline avoids the appearance of fraud from late-arriving ballots". 2 It did not decide whether that view is right: "The question today is not whether requiring ballots to be received by election day is a good or bad idea". 2
About this data
What this measures. State law on when a mail ballot must arrive (NCSL), why returned mail ballots were rejected (EAVS), and how fast votes were reported (MIT, from Edison Research data used by news media).
What it does not measure. No national source counts ballots that arrived late and were counted inside a grace period; EAVS records only those rejected. Unofficial reporting speed is not the official canvass, which takes weeks everywhere.
How it compares. Deadlines and processing rules are shown for every state NCSL lists. Count speed by hour is published only for seven battleground states; MIT describes the rest in words.
The Nevada share. "Nearly one in fifty" divides the two counties' late ballots (about 9,500 + 2,400) by all 669,445 mail ballots returned in Nevada in 2024. Because other counties' late ballots are left out, the true statewide share is at least this large. The Pahrump Valley Times reports that ballots received by the two counties after Election Day were about 2% of the overall mail ballots processed. 14
Common mistakes. NCSL's 15 states and Watson's "roughly 30" are often treated as conflicting; they count different ballots. Late-rejection shares are shares of rejected ballots, not of all ballots.
Data still needed
- The text of the SAVE America Act as passed by the House on 22 July 2026, and any mail-ballot provisions in itAn advocacy outlet says the July bill "would end universal mail voting"; the Congressional Research Service, writing two weeks earlier, described a mail-ballot limit only as a proposed amendment. Whether the House-passed bill restricts mail voting decides how near a national limit has come.
- An appellate or Supreme Court ruling on the merits of presidential power over mail-ballot rulesThe Supreme Court's 2026 rulings on the March 2026 order were on standing, timing and stays. The First Circuit appeals will decide whether the President can direct the Postal Service to set ballot-mail rules for later elections.
- A comparison across states of measured outcomes (turnout, rejected ballots, detected fraud, counting time, confidence) before and after each change in mail-voting rulesThe record shows that states choose different rules and change them, but no source read links a state's choice to its results, so the claim that state choice shows which rules work rests on the value of local choice rather than on evidence.
Sources
Federal and State Power Over Mail Voting Rules, 1986–2026
- U.S. Constitution, Article I, Section 4, Clause 1 (the Elections Clause)
Legal Information Institute, Cornell Law School, 1788 · supports
“The times, places and manner of holding elections for Senators and Representatives, shall be prescribed in each state by the legislature thereof; but the Congress may at any time by law make or alter such regulations, except as to the places of choosing Senators.”
The times, places and manner of holding elections for Senators and Representatives, shall be prescribed in each state by the legislature thereof; but the Congress may at any time by law make or alter such regulations, except as to the places of choosing Senators.
- U.S. Constitution, Article I, Section 7, Clause 2 (presentment)
Legal Information Institute, Cornell Law School, 1788 · supports
“Every bill which shall have passed the House of Representatives and the Senate, shall, before it become a law, be presented to the President of the United States; if he approve he shall sign it, but if not he shall return it, with his objections to that House in which it shall have originated”
Every bill which shall have passed the House of Representatives and the Senate, shall, before it become a law, be presented to the President of the United States; if he approve he shall sign it, but if not he shall return it, with his objections to that House in which it shall have originated
- Arizona v. Inter Tribal Council of Arizona, Inc., 570 U.S. 1 (2013), opinion of the Court
Supreme Court of the United States (via Cornell LII), 2013-06-17 · contests
“The power of Congress over the “Times, Places and Manner” of congressional elections “is paramount, and may be exercised at any time, and to any extent which it deems expedient; and so far as it is exercised, and no farther, the regulations effected supersede those of the State which are inconsistent therewith.””
The power of Congress over the “Times, Places and Manner” of congressional elections “is paramount, and may be exercised at any time, and to any extent which it deems expedient; and so far as it is exercised, and no farther, the regulations effected supersede those of the State which are inconsistent therewith.”
- Arizona v. Inter Tribal Council of Arizona, Inc., 570 U.S. 1 (2013), opinion of the Court
Supreme Court of the United States (via Cornell LII), 2013-06-17 · supports
“Arizona is correct that the Elections Clause empowers Congress to regulate how federal elections are held, but not who may vote in them. The Constitution prescribes a straightforward rule for the composition of the federal electorate. … Since the power to establish voting requirements is of little value without the power to enforce those requirements, Arizona is correct that it would raise serious constitutional doubts if a federal statute precluded a State from obtaining the information necessary to enforce its voter qualifications.”
Arizona is correct that the Elections Clause empowers Congress to regulate how federal elections are held, but not who may vote in them. The Constitution prescribes a straightforward rule for the composition of the federal electorate. … Since the power to establish voting requirements is of little value without the power to enforce those requirements, Arizona is correct that it would raise serious constitutional doubts if a federal statute precluded a State from obtaining the information necessary to enforce its voter qualifications.
- Moore v. Harper, 600 U.S. 1 (2023), opinion of the Court
Supreme Court of the United States (via Cornell LII), 2023-06-27 · complicates
“We are asked to decide whether the Elections Clause carves out an exception to this basic principle. We hold that it does not. The Elections Clause does not insulate state legislatures from the ordinary exercise of state judicial review.”
We are asked to decide whether the Elections Clause carves out an exception to this basic principle. We hold that it does not. The Elections Clause does not insulate state legislatures from the ordinary exercise of state judicial review.
- Statutes Enforced By The Voting Section
U.S. Department of Justice, Civil Rights Division, 2024-08-15 · contests
“The Uniformed and Overseas Citizens Absentee Voting Act, also known as UOCAVA, was enacted by Congress in 1986. UOCAVA requires that states and territories allow members of the uniformed services serving away from home, their family members, and U.S. citizens who are residing outside the country to register and vote absentee in federal elections. UOCAVA has been amended on several occasions, with the most recent major amendments in the Military and Overseas Voter Empowerment (MOVE) Act of 2009.”
The Uniformed and Overseas Citizens Absentee Voting Act, also known as UOCAVA, was enacted by Congress in 1986. UOCAVA requires that states and territories allow members of the uniformed services serving away from home, their family members, and U.S. citizens who are residing outside the country to register and vote absentee in federal elections. UOCAVA has been amended on several occasions, with the most recent major amendments in the Military and Overseas Voter Empowerment (MOVE) Act of 2009.
- 52 U.S.C. §20302, State responsibilities (UOCAVA, as amended by the MOVE Act)
Legal Information Institute, Cornell Law School, 2009 · contests
“Each State shall— (1) permit absent uniformed services voters and overseas voters to use absentee registration procedures and to vote by absentee ballot in general, special, primary, and runoff elections for Federal office; ... (8) transmit a validly requested absentee ballot to an absent uniformed services voter or overseas voter— (A) except as provided in subsection (g), in the case in which the request is received at least 45 days before an election for Federal office, not later than 45 days before the election ... 2009—Subsec. (a)(6). Pub. L. 111–84, § 577(a)(1), added par. (6). ... Subsec. (a)(8). Pub. L. 111–84, § 579(a)(1), added par. (8).”
Each State shall— (1) permit absent uniformed services voters and overseas voters to use absentee registration procedures and to vote by absentee ballot in general, special, primary, and runoff elections for Federal office; ... (8) transmit a validly requested absentee ballot to an absent uniformed services voter or overseas voter— (A) except as provided in subsection (g), in the case in which the request is received at least 45 days before an election for Federal office, not later than 45 days before the election ... 2009—Subsec. (a)(6). Pub. L. 111–84, § 577(a)(1), added par. (6). ... Subsec. (a)(8). Pub. L. 111–84, § 579(a)(1), added par. (8).
- Statutes Enforced By The Voting Section
U.S. Department of Justice, Civil Rights Division, 2024-08-15 · supports
“The National Voter Registration Act, also known as the NVRA or the Motor Voter Act was enacted by Congress in 1993. The NVRA requires states to make voter registration opportunities for federal elections available through the mail and when people apply for or receive driver licenses, public assistance, disability services, and other government services. The NVRA also provides rules regarding maintenance of voter registration lists for federal elections.”
The National Voter Registration Act, also known as the NVRA or the Motor Voter Act was enacted by Congress in 1993. The NVRA requires states to make voter registration opportunities for federal elections available through the mail and when people apply for or receive driver licenses, public assistance, disability services, and other government services. The NVRA also provides rules regarding maintenance of voter registration lists for federal elections.
- Statutes Enforced By The Voting Section
U.S. Department of Justice, Civil Rights Division, 2024-08-15 · supports
“The Help America Vote Act, also known as HAVA, was enacted by Congress in 2002. HAVA establishes minimum standards for states to follow in several key aspects of administration of federal elections, including voting systems, provisional ballots, voter information posters on election days, first time voters who register to vote by mail and statewide voter registration databases.”
The Help America Vote Act, also known as HAVA, was enacted by Congress in 2002. HAVA establishes minimum standards for states to follow in several key aspects of administration of federal elections, including voting systems, provisional ballots, voter information posters on election days, first time voters who register to vote by mail and statewide voter registration databases.
- The Freedom to Vote Act (S. 2747): Overview of Major Provisions (IN11781)
Congressional Research Service, 2021-10-21 · supports
“On September 14, 2021, Senator Klobuchar introduced S. 2747, the Freedom to Vote Act. On October 20, 2021, the Senate failed to invoke cloture on the motion to proceed to the bill. … require states to offer preregistration for 16- and 17-year-olds, online registration, and same-day registration; … require states to offer early voting and no-excuse absentee voting; … require jurisdictions with voter identification requirements to accept specified information or documentation to satisfy ID requirements;”
On September 14, 2021, Senator Klobuchar introduced S. 2747, the Freedom to Vote Act. On October 20, 2021, the Senate failed to invoke cloture on the motion to proceed to the bill. … require states to offer preregistration for 16- and 17-year-olds, online registration, and same-day registration; … require states to offer early voting and no-excuse absentee voting; … require jurisdictions with voter identification requirements to accept specified information or documentation to satisfy ID requirements;
- Wednesday, January 19, 2022
United States Senate Periodical Press Gallery, 2022-01-19 · supports
“Not agreed to, 49-51: Motion to invoke cloture on the motion to concur in the House amendment to the Senate amendment to H.R. 5746 (Legislative vehicle for the Freedom to Vote: John R. Lewis Act). Required 60-affirmative votes.”
Not agreed to, 49-51: Motion to invoke cloture on the motion to concur in the House amendment to the Senate amendment to H.R. 5746 (Legislative vehicle for the Freedom to Vote: John R. Lewis Act). Required 60-affirmative votes.
- House passes GOP's SAVE America Act
Just The News, 2026-02-11 · supports
“The House of Representatives on Wednesday night passed the new Republican-led Safeguard American Voter Eligibility (SAVE) America Act, which requires individuals to present proof of citizenship to register to vote and requires Americans to show ID when voting. The House passed the legislation, which combined two bills, in a 218-213 vote.”
The House of Representatives on Wednesday night passed the new Republican-led Safeguard American Voter Eligibility (SAVE) America Act, which requires individuals to present proof of citizenship to register to vote and requires Americans to show ID when voting. The House passed the legislation, which combined two bills, in a 218-213 vote.
- U.S. House Passes the SAVE America Act and Will Combine It With a Defense Appropriations Bill to Make it Harder to Vote Down in the Senate
American Democracy Minute, 2026-07-23 · supports
“July 22nd the House passed the bill, which would end universal mail voting in eight states and DC, mandate voter ID narrow its options, and mandate documentary proof of citizenship at registration. MIRVing inserts language which, in this case, packages the SAVE America Act with the ordinarily bipartisan National Defense Authorization Act to make it harder to vote down in the Senate.”
July 22nd the House passed the bill, which would end universal mail voting in eight states and DC, mandate voter ID narrow its options, and mandate documentary proof of citizenship at registration. MIRVing inserts language which, in this case, packages the SAVE America Act with the ordinarily bipartisan National Defense Authorization Act to make it harder to vote down in the Senate.
- Roll Call Vote 119th Congress - 2nd Session, Vote Number 231
United States Senate, 2026-08-08 · supports
“Vote Number: 231 Vote Date: August 8, 2026, 04:36 AM Required For Majority: 3/5 Vote Result: Cloture on the Motion to Proceed Rejected Measure Number: S. 5271 Measure Title: A bill to amend the Help America Vote Act of 2002 to require voters to provide photo identification. Vote Counts: YEAs 52 NAYs 46 Not Voting 2”
Vote Number: 231 Vote Date: August 8, 2026, 04:36 AM Required For Majority: 3/5 Vote Result: Cloture on the Motion to Proceed Rejected Measure Number: S. 5271 Measure Title: A bill to amend the Help America Vote Act of 2002 to require voters to provide photo identification. Vote Counts: YEAs 52 NAYs 46 Not Voting 2
- Trump pumps brakes on Senate budget plan, delaying GOP SAVE America push
Fox News, 2026-08-08 · supports
“That process is how Republicans hope to pass the SAVE America Act without Democrats getting the chance to block it with the filibuster. Republicans were ready to vote on the $150 billion budget blueprint drafted by Sen. Ron Johnson, R-Wis., until Trump intervened over concerns that it would fail.”
That process is how Republicans hope to pass the SAVE America Act without Democrats getting the chance to block it with the filibuster. Republicans were ready to vote on the $150 billion budget blueprint drafted by Sen. Ron Johnson, R-Wis., until Trump intervened over concerns that it would fail.
- Early Voting and Mail Voting: Overview and Issues for Congress (IF11477)
Congressional Research Service, 2026-07-10 · supports
“President Donald Trump issued executive orders on March 25, 2025, and March 31, 2026, that include provisions related to mail voting. Among other topics, E.O. 14248 addresses deadlines for returning mail ballots and E.O. 14399 addresses the design and transmission of mail balloting materials. ... Some Members have introduced legislation in the 119th Congress to codify or nullify the executive orders. Some have also offered proposals to require or prohibit use of alternatives to in-person voting on Election Day. For example, the Voter Empowerment Act, the Universal Right to Vote by Mail Act, and the Vote at Home Act would require states to offer early and no-excuse mail voting, no-excuse mail voting, and all-mail elections, respectively, for federal races. The Make Elections Great Again (MEGA) Act, the Mail Ballot Integrity Act, a proposed amendment to the Secure America Act, and a proposed amendment to the House-passed Safeguard American Voter Eligibility (SAVE America) Act would prohibit states from sending voters ballots for federal elections except on request, and the latter three measures would limit mail voting in federal elections to voters in specified categories.”
President Donald Trump issued executive orders on March 25, 2025, and March 31, 2026, that include provisions related to mail voting. Among other topics, E.O. 14248 addresses deadlines for returning mail ballots and E.O. 14399 addresses the design and transmission of mail balloting materials. ... Some Members have introduced legislation in the 119th Congress to codify or nullify the executive orders. Some have also offered proposals to require or prohibit use of alternatives to in-person voting on Election Day. For example, the Voter Empowerment Act, the Universal Right to Vote by Mail Act, and the Vote at Home Act would require states to offer early and no-excuse mail voting, no-excuse mail voting, and all-mail elections, respectively, for federal races. The Make Elections Great Again (MEGA) Act, the Mail Ballot Integrity Act, a proposed amendment to the Secure America Act, and a proposed amendment to the House-passed Safeguard American Voter Eligibility (SAVE America) Act would prohibit states from sending voters ballots for federal elections except on request, and the latter three measures would limit mail voting in federal elections to voters in specified categories.
- Executive Order 14399, Ensuring Citizenship Verification and Integrity in Federal Elections, Sec. 3, 91 FR 17125
Federal Register, 2026-04-03 · supports
“United States Postal Service Rulemaking on Mail-In and Absentee Ballots. ... the Postmaster General is hereby directed to initiate a proposed rulemaking pursuant to 39 U.S.C. 401 and other applicable authority within 60 days of the date of this order. The notice of proposed rulemaking shall include, at minimum, the following: (i) Proposed provisions specifying that all outbound ballot mail must be mailed in an envelope that: (A) is marked as Official Election Mail ... (B) is automation-compatible and bears a unique Intelligent Mail barcode ... (iii) Proposed provisions specifying that the USPS shall not transmit mail-in or absentee ballots from any individual unless those individuals have been enrolled on a State-specific list described in subsection (b)(iv) of this section with the USPS pursuant to this subsection.”
United States Postal Service Rulemaking on Mail-In and Absentee Ballots. ... the Postmaster General is hereby directed to initiate a proposed rulemaking pursuant to 39 U.S.C. 401 and other applicable authority within 60 days of the date of this order. The notice of proposed rulemaking shall include, at minimum, the following: (i) Proposed provisions specifying that all outbound ballot mail must be mailed in an envelope that: (A) is marked as Official Election Mail ... (B) is automation-compatible and bears a unique Intelligent Mail barcode ... (iii) Proposed provisions specifying that the USPS shall not transmit mail-in or absentee ballots from any individual unless those individuals have been enrolled on a State-specific list described in subsection (b)(iv) of this section with the USPS pursuant to this subsection.
- Trump v. California, No. 26A124 (per curiam, on application for stay)
Supreme Court of the United States, 2026-08-24 · contests
“The Order is an internal directive from the President to his subordinates mandating that certain agencies pursue certain policies. It neither requires nor forbids anything of anyone outside the Executive Branch. … see also post, at 2–3 (SOTOMAYOR, J., dissenting); post, at 14–15 (JACKSON, J., dissenting).”
The Order is an internal directive from the President to his subordinates mandating that certain agencies pursue certain policies. It neither requires nor forbids anything of anyone outside the Executive Branch. … see also post, at 2–3 (SOTOMAYOR, J., dissenting); post, at 14–15 (JACKSON, J., dissenting).
- Trump v. California, No. 26A124 (per curiam, on application for stay)
Supreme Court of the United States, 2026-08-24 · supports
“The Court’s disposition of this application does not mean that any measure taken by the Government to implement the Order will necessarily be lawful. On that score, time will tell. But the Order itself does not harm the States, so the District Court lacked jurisdiction to bar the Government from trying to implement it.”
The Court’s disposition of this application does not mean that any measure taken by the Government to implement the Order will necessarily be lawful. On that score, time will tell. But the Order itself does not harm the States, so the District Court lacked jurisdiction to bar the Government from trying to implement it.
- Trump v. California, No. 26A124, Sotomayor, J., with whom Kagan, J., joins, dissenting
Supreme Court of the United States, 2026-08-24 · supports
“Today’s decision does not address whether the President’s attempts to interfere with States’ administration of the November 2026 elections are lawful. Nor does it suggest that the Executive Branch has any constitutional or statutory authority to implement the President’s directives. Instead, today’s decision merely postpones adjudication of those challenges.”
Today’s decision does not address whether the President’s attempts to interfere with States’ administration of the November 2026 elections are lawful. Nor does it suggest that the Executive Branch has any constitutional or statutory authority to implement the President’s directives. Instead, today’s decision merely postpones adjudication of those challenges.
- United States Postal Service v. California, No. 26A305 (order on application for stay; Kavanaugh, J., concurring)
Supreme Court of the United States, 2026-09-14 · supports
“The application for stay presented to JUSTICE JACKSON and by her referred to the Court is denied. The Government is unlikely to succeed on the merits of its challenge to the District Court’s preliminary injunction. And the equitable factors applicable for obtaining emergency relief from this Court do not favor a stay. JUSTICE KAVANAUGH, concurring. In my view, based on the briefing the Court has received at this interim stage, there is at least a fair prospect that the final rule falls within the Postal Service’s statutory authority. See 39 U. S. C. §401(2). But applying the rule in the 2026 elections would be arbitrary and capricious in violation of the Administrative Procedure Act because state and local election officials do not have sufficient time to reasonably implement the rule before the elections.”
The application for stay presented to JUSTICE JACKSON and by her referred to the Court is denied. The Government is unlikely to succeed on the merits of its challenge to the District Court’s preliminary injunction. And the equitable factors applicable for obtaining emergency relief from this Court do not favor a stay. JUSTICE KAVANAUGH, concurring. In my view, based on the briefing the Court has received at this interim stage, there is at least a fair prospect that the final rule falls within the Postal Service’s statutory authority. See 39 U. S. C. §401(2). But applying the rule in the 2026 elections would be arbitrary and capricious in violation of the Administrative Procedure Act because state and local election officials do not have sufficient time to reasonably implement the rule before the elections.
- United States Postal Service v. California, No. 26A305, Alito, J., with whom Thomas, J., joins, dissenting
Supreme Court of the United States, 2026-09-14 · contests
“JUSTICE ALITO, with whom JUSTICE THOMAS joins, dissenting from the denial of application for stay. ... The rule requires federal ballot mail to be sent in envelopes with three special features: an election-mail logo, the ability to be scanned using high-speed processing equipment, and a specialized barcode unique to each voter. ... As for the plaintiff States, their claims are unlikely to succeed. They claim the rule violates the Elections Clause. U. S. Const., Art. I, §4, cl. 1. This claim, however, collapses into an inquiry about whether the Postal Service has statutory authority to promulgate the rule. Even assuming the rule here is a regulation of elections, Congress may create such rules under the Elections Clause. And, by statute, it may authorize the Postal Service to issue such rules.”
JUSTICE ALITO, with whom JUSTICE THOMAS joins, dissenting from the denial of application for stay. ... The rule requires federal ballot mail to be sent in envelopes with three special features: an election-mail logo, the ability to be scanned using high-speed processing equipment, and a specialized barcode unique to each voter. ... As for the plaintiff States, their claims are unlikely to succeed. They claim the rule violates the Elections Clause. U. S. Const., Art. I, §4, cl. 1. This claim, however, collapses into an inquiry about whether the Postal Service has statutory authority to promulgate the rule. Even assuming the rule here is a regulation of elections, Congress may create such rules under the Elections Clause. And, by statute, it may authorize the Postal Service to issue such rules.
- League of Women Voters of Massachusetts v. Trump (March 2026 mail voting executive order): case page
Brennan Center for Justice (co-counsel for the plaintiffs), 2026-09-17 · supports
“On August 11, the district court granted the League Plaintiffs’ renewed motion for a nation-wide preliminary injunction, thereby halting the implementation of Section 3 in all fifty states. ... On August 21, the USPS announced, just 74 days before the November midterms, publication of the Final Rule would take place on August 26 ... On September 4, the district court granted the preliminary injunction and dissolved the TRO, meaning the Final Rule remained blocked. ... On September 10, the First Circuit denied defendants’ motions to stay. On September 14, the Supreme Court denied defendants’ application for a stay. This ruling means that the Final Rule will not take effect for the November 2026 midterm elections.”
On August 11, the district court granted the League Plaintiffs’ renewed motion for a nation-wide preliminary injunction, thereby halting the implementation of Section 3 in all fifty states. ... On August 21, the USPS announced, just 74 days before the November midterms, publication of the Final Rule would take place on August 26 ... On September 4, the district court granted the preliminary injunction and dissolved the TRO, meaning the Final Rule remained blocked. ... On September 10, the First Circuit denied defendants’ motions to stay. On September 14, the Supreme Court denied defendants’ application for a stay. This ruling means that the Final Rule will not take effect for the November 2026 midterm elections.
- Watson v. Republican National Committee, 609 U.S. 672 (2026), syllabus
Supreme Court of the United States, 2026-06-29 · supports
“Mississippi is one of roughly 30 States that count at least some absentee ballots mailed by election day but received afterward. ... Held: The federal election-day statutes do not prevent Mississippi from counting absentee ballots postmarked by election day but received up to five days thereafter; nothing in the federal election-day statutes requires ballots to be received by election day. ... Barrett, J., delivered the opinion of the Court, in which Roberts, C. J., and Sotomayor, Kagan, and Jackson, JJ., joined. Alito, J., filed a dissenting opinion, in which Thomas and Gorsuch, JJ., joined, and in which Kavanaugh, J., joined as to all but Parts II–C–2 and III”
Mississippi is one of roughly 30 States that count at least some absentee ballots mailed by election day but received afterward. ... Held: The federal election-day statutes do not prevent Mississippi from counting absentee ballots postmarked by election day but received up to five days thereafter; nothing in the federal election-day statutes requires ballots to be received by election day. ... Barrett, J., delivered the opinion of the Court, in which Roberts, C. J., and Sotomayor, Kagan, and Jackson, JJ., joined. Alito, J., filed a dissenting opinion, in which Thomas and Gorsuch, JJ., joined, and in which Kavanaugh, J., joined as to all but Parts II–C–2 and III
- Watson v. Republican National Committee, 609 U.S. 672 (2026), opinion of the Court
Supreme Court of the United States, 2026-06-29 · supports
“Finally, this is not a case about the Constitution. We do not consider the scope of Congress's authority to regulate federal elections. ... Election fraud and its appearance are serious issues. Like other such issues, however, they must be addressed through the democratic process. The election-day statutes are proof of concept: When voting on different days in different States sparked allegations of fraud, Congress set a nationally uniform deadline for voting. If varied deadlines for ballot receipt similarly call for a national solution, the American people must choose it through their elected representatives.”
Finally, this is not a case about the Constitution. We do not consider the scope of Congress's authority to regulate federal elections. ... Election fraud and its appearance are serious issues. Like other such issues, however, they must be addressed through the democratic process. The election-day statutes are proof of concept: When voting on different days in different States sparked allegations of fraud, Congress set a nationally uniform deadline for voting. If varied deadlines for ballot receipt similarly call for a national solution, the American people must choose it through their elected representatives.
- Watson v. Republican National Committee, 609 U.S. 672 (2026), opinion of the Court
Supreme Court of the United States, 2026-06-29 · supports
“And UOCAVA confirms that while Congress has set the date by which absentee ballots must be cast, States have the power to set the date by which they must be received.”
And UOCAVA confirms that while Congress has set the date by which absentee ballots must be cast, States have the power to set the date by which they must be received.
- Watson v. Republican National Committee, 609 U.S. 672 (2026), syllabus
Supreme Court of the United States, 2026-06-29 · supports
“State legislatures may have used an election-day deadline for any number of reasons unrelated to federal requirements. For example, they may have shared plaintiffs' view that an election-day deadline avoids the appearance of fraud from late-arriving ballots. ... Finally, plaintiffs' policy arguments about election integrity and voter confidence are properly directed to legislatures, not courts”
State legislatures may have used an election-day deadline for any number of reasons unrelated to federal requirements. For example, they may have shared plaintiffs' view that an election-day deadline avoids the appearance of fraud from late-arriving ballots. ... Finally, plaintiffs' policy arguments about election integrity and voter confidence are properly directed to legislatures, not courts
- California v. Trump (D. Mass., No. 1:25-cv-10810): case summary
Civil Rights Litigation Clearinghouse, University of Michigan Law School, 2026-10-23 · supports
“However, as to the remaining states, the court concluded that the challenged EO sections exceeded the President's constitutional authority, violated the separation of powers, and conflicted with federal statutes such as the NVRA, the UOCAVA, and the HAVA.”
However, as to the remaining states, the court concluded that the challenged EO sections exceeded the President's constitutional authority, violated the separation of powers, and conflicted with federal statutes such as the NVRA, the UOCAVA, and the HAVA.
- California v. Trump (D. Mass., No. 1:25-cv-10810): case summary
Civil Rights Litigation Clearinghouse, University of Michigan Law School, 2026-10-23 · supports
“On July 13, 2026, District Judge Casper entered a judgment and order of permanent injunction. The Court permanently enjoined federal defendants, including the EAC and the Attorney General, from enforcing the invalidated provisions that required documentary proof of citizenship, alterations to federal post card forms, grant conditioning, and Election Day ballot receipt deadlines. On September 9, 2026, the defendants appealed this judgment to the United States Court of Appeals for the First Circuit (Case No. 26-2038).”
On July 13, 2026, District Judge Casper entered a judgment and order of permanent injunction. The Court permanently enjoined federal defendants, including the EAC and the Attorney General, from enforcing the invalidated provisions that required documentary proof of citizenship, alterations to federal post card forms, grant conditioning, and Election Day ballot receipt deadlines. On September 9, 2026, the defendants appealed this judgment to the United States Court of Appeals for the First Circuit (Case No. 26-2038).
- Table 11: Receipt and Postmark Deadlines for Absentee/Mail Ballots (entries for North Dakota, Ohio, Utah and Kansas)
National Conference of State Legislatures, 2026-09-25 · supports
“Thirty-five states require absentee/mail ballots returned by mail to be received on or before Election Day. Fifteen states, plus Guam, Puerto Rico, the Virgin Islands and Washington, D.C., will accept and count a mailed ballot if it is received after Election Day but postmarked on or before (sometimes only before) Election Day. ... (2025) changed the receipt deadline for absentee ballots to be received before the close of polls on Election Day. ... (2025) changed the receipt deadline for most absentee ballots to the close of polls on Election Day. Previously, ballots could be received four days after the election as long as they were postmarked by Election Day. The bill maintains a carve-out for military and overseas voters’ ballots, which will still be accepted if received within the four-day post-election period. ... (2025) required ballots to be received by the election officer by 8 p.m. on Election Day. ... In July 2026, a district court judge in Kansas issued a preliminary injunction on the law requiring absentee ballots to be received by the close of polls on Election Day. … Under the injunction, ballots can be counted if they are postmarked by Election Day and received within three days of an election.”
Thirty-five states require absentee/mail ballots returned by mail to be received on or before Election Day. Fifteen states, plus Guam, Puerto Rico, the Virgin Islands and Washington, D.C., will accept and count a mailed ballot if it is received after Election Day but postmarked on or before (sometimes only before) Election Day. ... (2025) changed the receipt deadline for absentee ballots to be received before the close of polls on Election Day. ... (2025) changed the receipt deadline for most absentee ballots to the close of polls on Election Day. Previously, ballots could be received four days after the election as long as they were postmarked by Election Day. The bill maintains a carve-out for military and overseas voters’ ballots, which will still be accepted if received within the four-day post-election period. ... (2025) required ballots to be received by the election officer by 8 p.m. on Election Day. ... In July 2026, a district court judge in Kansas issued a preliminary injunction on the law requiring absentee ballots to be received by the close of polls on Election Day. … Under the injunction, ballots can be counted if they are postmarked by Election Day and received within three days of an election.
- Table 18: States With Mostly Mail Elections
National Conference of State Legislatures, 2026-08-07 · supports
“Eight states and Washington, D.C., allow all elections to be conducted entirely by mail: California, Colorado, Hawaii, Nevada, Oregon, Utah, Vermont and Washington state. ... Oregon ... 1998 | 2000 | Citizen initiative”
Eight states and Washington, D.C., allow all elections to be conducted entirely by mail: California, Colorado, Hawaii, Nevada, Oregon, Utah, Vermont and Washington state. ... Oregon ... 1998 | 2000 | Citizen initiative
- H.B. 300 Amendments to Election Law (Enrolled Copy), 2025 General Session
Utah State Legislature, 2025 · supports
“subject to certain exceptions, provides that, beginning in 2029, a voter will not receive a ballot by mail unless the voter requests to receive a ballot by mail”
subject to certain exceptions, provides that, beginning in 2029, a voter will not receive a ballot by mail unless the voter requests to receive a ballot by mail
- Evolution of Absentee/Mail Voting Laws 2016–2026 (no-excuse table: no-excuse or all-mail | excuse required | COVID-19 excuse added; receipt-deadline table: Election Day receipt | post-Election Day receipt)
National Conference of State Legislatures, 2026-08-26 · supports
“November 2016 30 states and D.C. 20 states ... January 2020 32 states and D.C. 18 states ... November 2020 38 states and D.C. 2 states 10 states ... November 2022 35 states and D.C. 15 states ... November 2024 36 states and D.C. 14 states ... November 2026 (expected) 37 states and D.C. 13 states ... November 2016 37 states and D.C. 13 states … January 2020 35 states 15 states and D.C. … November 2020 29 states 21 states and D.C. … November 2022 31 states 19 states and D.C. … November 2024 32 states 18 states and D.C. … November 2026 (expected) 35 states 15 states and D.C. ... As a result, the count of states requiring Election Day receipt for the November 2026 election is expected to be roughly the same as it was in November 2016, despite a dip in that count around the peak of the pandemic.”
November 2016 30 states and D.C. 20 states ... January 2020 32 states and D.C. 18 states ... November 2020 38 states and D.C. 2 states 10 states ... November 2022 35 states and D.C. 15 states ... November 2024 36 states and D.C. 14 states ... November 2026 (expected) 37 states and D.C. 13 states ... November 2016 37 states and D.C. 13 states … January 2020 35 states 15 states and D.C. … November 2020 29 states 21 states and D.C. … November 2022 31 states 19 states and D.C. … November 2024 32 states 18 states and D.C. … November 2026 (expected) 35 states 15 states and D.C. ... As a result, the count of states requiring Election Day receipt for the November 2026 election is expected to be roughly the same as it was in November 2016, despite a dip in that count around the peak of the pandemic.
Mail Voting in the US: Who Uses It and Its Effects, 2016–2026
- Election Administration and Voting Survey 2024 Comprehensive Report
U.S. Election Assistance Commission, 2025-06-30 · supports
“The majority of voters in the 2024 general election cast their ballots in person, with 35.2% voting in person before Election Day and 37.4% voting in person on Election Day. ... Mail voting comprised 30.3% of the turnout for the 2024 election, which is down from the high water mark for mail voting seen in 2020 (43%) but still larger than the percentage of the electorate that voted by mail in pre-pandemic elections. ... the level of mail voting in 2024 was still elevated compared to pre-pandemic elections; for both 2016 and 2018, mail voting comprised approximately one-quarter of voter turnout.”
The majority of voters in the 2024 general election cast their ballots in person, with 35.2% voting in person before Election Day and 37.4% voting in person on Election Day. ... Mail voting comprised 30.3% of the turnout for the 2024 election, which is down from the high water mark for mail voting seen in 2020 (43%) but still larger than the percentage of the electorate that voted by mail in pre-pandemic elections. ... the level of mail voting in 2024 was still elevated compared to pre-pandemic elections; for both 2016 and 2018, mail voting comprised approximately one-quarter of voter turnout.
- Election Administration and Voting Survey 2020 Comprehensive Report
U.S. Election Assistance Commission, 2021-08 · supports
“In the 2016 EAVS, 54.5% of voters cast their ballots in person on Election Day, and in the 2018 EAVS, 58.2% of voters did so. In 2020, only 30.5% of voters cast their ballots in person on Election Day. ... The percentage of voters who used a mailed ballot to vote surged, from 24.5% in 2016 and 25.6% in 2018 to 43.1% in 2020. ... In 2016, 25.3% of voters cast their ballots early in person, and 22% did so in 2018, compared to 30.6% for the 2020 general election. ... Jurisdiction-level analysis shows that the largest increases in mail voting rates occurred in jurisdictions in states that newly instituted all-mail elections in 2020 and in jurisdictions in states that removed requirements to provide an excuse to request a mailed ballot.”
In the 2016 EAVS, 54.5% of voters cast their ballots in person on Election Day, and in the 2018 EAVS, 58.2% of voters did so. In 2020, only 30.5% of voters cast their ballots in person on Election Day. ... The percentage of voters who used a mailed ballot to vote surged, from 24.5% in 2016 and 25.6% in 2018 to 43.1% in 2020. ... In 2016, 25.3% of voters cast their ballots early in person, and 22% did so in 2018, compared to 30.6% for the 2020 general election. ... Jurisdiction-level analysis shows that the largest increases in mail voting rates occurred in jurisdictions in states that newly instituted all-mail elections in 2020 and in jurisdictions in states that removed requirements to provide an excuse to request a mailed ballot.
- Election Administration and Voting Survey 2022 Comprehensive Report
U.S. Election Assistance Commission, 2023-06-29 · supports
“The use of mail voting decreased for the 2022 general election, at 31.9% of voters, but remains higher than the 25.6% of voters who voted by mail in the 2018 general election. Although use of in-person early voting increased in the 2020 general election to 30.5%, it decreased to 22.2% in the 2022 general election”
The use of mail voting decreased for the 2022 general election, at 31.9% of voters, but remains higher than the 25.6% of voters who voted by mail in the 2018 general election. Although use of in-person early voting increased in the 2020 general election to 30.5%, it decreased to 22.2% in the 2022 general election
- The Election Administration and Voting Survey: 2016 Comprehensive Report
U.S. Election Assistance Commission, 2017-06-29 · complicates
“In 2016, 41.3 percent of all ballots were cast before Election Day. Of the total turnout, 17.2 percent of ballots were cast using in-person early voting and 23.7 percent were cast using by-mail absentee voting.”
In 2016, 41.3 percent of all ballots were cast before Election Day. Of the total turnout, 17.2 percent of ballots were cast using in-person early voting and 23.7 percent were cast using by-mail absentee voting.
- Election Administration and Voting Survey 2024 Comprehensive Report, Overview Table 1
U.S. Election Assistance Commission, 2025-06-30 · supports
“Overview Table 1: Mail Voting in the 2024 General Election ... % Turnout by Mail ... Alabama 5.5% ... Alaska [1] 14.3% ... American Samoa [2] 1.9% ... Arizona [3] 74.7% ... Arkansas 2.1% ... California 80.8% ... Colorado [4] 91.3% ... Connecticut 6.5% ... Delaware 6.5% ... District of Columbia 51.1% ... Florida [5] 26.8% ... Georgia [6] 5.1% ... Guam [7] 0.3% ... Hawaii 92.5% ... Idaho [8] 19.6% ... Illinois [9] 17.8% ... Indiana [10] 53.7% ... Iowa -- ... Kansas 11.0% ... Kentucky 5.6% ... Louisiana [11] 5.9% ... Maine [12] 25.5% ... Maryland 24.6% ... Massachusetts [13] 33.4% ... Michigan 35.4% ... Minnesota 13.7% ... Mississippi [14] -- ... Missouri 5.7% ... Montana [15] -- ... Nebraska [16] 31.8% ... Nevada 44.1% ... New Hampshire 11.2% ... New Jersey [17] 19.2% ... New Mexico 12.0% ... New York 10.0% ... North Carolina [18] 5.2% ... North Dakota 24.0% ... Northern Mariana Islands 7.3% ... Ohio 18.1% ... Oklahoma 6.3% ... Oregon [19] 99.3% ... Pennsylvania [20] 27.3% ... Puerto Rico [21] 10.3% ... Rhode Island 10.0% ... South Carolina 3.8% ... South Dakota 36.6% ... Tennessee 2.8% ... Texas 3.3% ... U.S. Virgin Islands 3.8% ... Utah 91.5% ... Vermont [22] 64.7% ... Virginia 10.5% ... Washington [23] 98.5% ... West Virginia 2.9% ... Wisconsin [24] 16.6% ... Wyoming 14.1% ... U.S. Total 30.3% ... % Turnout by Mail uses (F1d+F1g)/F1a x 100.”
Overview Table 1: Mail Voting in the 2024 General Election ... % Turnout by Mail ... Alabama 5.5% ... Alaska [1] 14.3% ... American Samoa [2] 1.9% ... Arizona [3] 74.7% ... Arkansas 2.1% ... California 80.8% ... Colorado [4] 91.3% ... Connecticut 6.5% ... Delaware 6.5% ... District of Columbia 51.1% ... Florida [5] 26.8% ... Georgia [6] 5.1% ... Guam [7] 0.3% ... Hawaii 92.5% ... Idaho [8] 19.6% ... Illinois [9] 17.8% ... Indiana [10] 53.7% ... Iowa -- ... Kansas 11.0% ... Kentucky 5.6% ... Louisiana [11] 5.9% ... Maine [12] 25.5% ... Maryland 24.6% ... Massachusetts [13] 33.4% ... Michigan 35.4% ... Minnesota 13.7% ... Mississippi [14] -- ... Missouri 5.7% ... Montana [15] -- ... Nebraska [16] 31.8% ... Nevada 44.1% ... New Hampshire 11.2% ... New Jersey [17] 19.2% ... New Mexico 12.0% ... New York 10.0% ... North Carolina [18] 5.2% ... North Dakota 24.0% ... Northern Mariana Islands 7.3% ... Ohio 18.1% ... Oklahoma 6.3% ... Oregon [19] 99.3% ... Pennsylvania [20] 27.3% ... Puerto Rico [21] 10.3% ... Rhode Island 10.0% ... South Carolina 3.8% ... South Dakota 36.6% ... Tennessee 2.8% ... Texas 3.3% ... U.S. Virgin Islands 3.8% ... Utah 91.5% ... Vermont [22] 64.7% ... Virginia 10.5% ... Washington [23] 98.5% ... West Virginia 2.9% ... Wisconsin [24] 16.6% ... Wyoming 14.1% ... U.S. Total 30.3% ... % Turnout by Mail uses (F1d+F1g)/F1a x 100.
- 2024 Presidential Election Voting and Registration Tables Now Available (CB25-TPS.29)
U.S. Census Bureau, 2025-04-30 · supports
“Voting methods also varied, with 39.6% of people voting in person on Election Day, 30.7% voting in person before Election Day, and 29.0% voting by mail. ... The Census Bureau has collected voting and registration data since 1964 and has fielded the Voting and Registration Supplement to the CPS every two years.”
Voting methods also varied, with 39.6% of people voting in person on Election Day, 30.7% voting in person before Election Day, and 29.0% voting by mail. ... The Census Bureau has collected voting and registration data since 1964 and has fielded the Voting and Registration Supplement to the CPS every two years.
- Table 14. Method of Voting, By Selected Characteristics: November 2022 (CPS Voting and Registration Supplement)
U.S. Census Bureau, 2023-04 · supports
“Table 14. Method of Voting, By Selected Characteristics: November 2022 (Numbers in thousands) ... In-person on Election Day | In-person Before Election Day | By mail | Don't know or Refused ... Total 121916 49.5 18 31.8 0.7 ... Age 18 to 24 years 7372 54.7 14.6 29.1 1.5 ... 25 to 44 years 33798 53.6 15.3 30.3 0.8 ... 45 to 64 years 43661 52.7 18.8 27.8 0.8 ... 65 years and over 37086 41 20.3 38.3 0.4 ... Region Northeast 21812 72.1 7.2 20 0.7 ... Midwest 27183 66.1 12.9 20.6 0.4 ... South 43538 50.7 34.9 13.5 0.9 ... West 29383 15.7 5.8 77.9 0.7”
Table 14. Method of Voting, By Selected Characteristics: November 2022 (Numbers in thousands) ... In-person on Election Day | In-person Before Election Day | By mail | Don't know or Refused ... Total 121916 49.5 18 31.8 0.7 ... Age 18 to 24 years 7372 54.7 14.6 29.1 1.5 ... 25 to 44 years 33798 53.6 15.3 30.3 0.8 ... 45 to 64 years 43661 52.7 18.8 27.8 0.8 ... 65 years and over 37086 41 20.3 38.3 0.4 ... Region Northeast 21812 72.1 7.2 20 0.7 ... Midwest 27183 66.1 12.9 20.6 0.4 ... South 43538 50.7 34.9 13.5 0.9 ... West 29383 15.7 5.8 77.9 0.7
- Table 14. Method of Voting, By Selected Characteristics: November 2020 (CPS Voting and Registration Supplement)
U.S. Census Bureau, 2021-04 · supports
“Table 14. Method of Voting, By Selected Characteristics: November 2020 (In thousands) ... In-person on Election Day | In-person Before Election Day | By mail | Don't know or Refused ... TOTAL 154628 30.4 26 43 0.7 ... Age 18 to 24 years 13752 35.1 24.1 39.9 0.9 ... 25 to 44 years 47512 34.2 25.7 39.5 0.7 ... 45 to 64 years 53646 31.8 28.6 38.9 0.6 ... 65 years and over 39718 22.2 23.6 53.6 0.6 ... Region Northeast 27353 45 12 42.6 0.5 ... Midwest 34210 42 19.9 37.6 0.6 ... South 57064 29.2 46.4 23.6 0.8 ... West 36001 10.1 10.2 79.1 0.7”
Table 14. Method of Voting, By Selected Characteristics: November 2020 (In thousands) ... In-person on Election Day | In-person Before Election Day | By mail | Don't know or Refused ... TOTAL 154628 30.4 26 43 0.7 ... Age 18 to 24 years 13752 35.1 24.1 39.9 0.9 ... 25 to 44 years 47512 34.2 25.7 39.5 0.7 ... 45 to 64 years 53646 31.8 28.6 38.9 0.6 ... 65 years and over 39718 22.2 23.6 53.6 0.6 ... Region Northeast 27353 45 12 42.6 0.5 ... Midwest 34210 42 19.9 37.6 0.6 ... South 57064 29.2 46.4 23.6 0.8 ... West 36001 10.1 10.2 79.1 0.7
- Table 14. Method of Voting, By Selected Characteristics: November 2018 (CPS Voting and Registration Supplement)
U.S. Census Bureau, 2019-04 · supports
“Table 14. Method of Voting, By Selected Characteristics: November 2018 (In thousands) ... In-person on Election Day | In-person Before Election Day | By mail | Don't know or Refused ... TOTAL 122281 59.6 16.6 23.1 0.7 ... Age 18 to 24 years 8726 60.9 15.1 22.5 1.4 ... 25 to 44 years 34587 64.5 14.2 20.5 0.7 ... 45 to 64 years 45829 61.7 17.6 20.2 0.5 ... 65 years and over 33139 51.2 18.2 30 0.6 ... Region Northeast 21378 90.3 3.1 6.2 0.4 ... Midwest 27696 73.5 11.4 14.6 0.4 ... South 44723 56 33.3 9.7 0.9 ... West 28483 28.5 5.6 65.2 0.7”
Table 14. Method of Voting, By Selected Characteristics: November 2018 (In thousands) ... In-person on Election Day | In-person Before Election Day | By mail | Don't know or Refused ... TOTAL 122281 59.6 16.6 23.1 0.7 ... Age 18 to 24 years 8726 60.9 15.1 22.5 1.4 ... 25 to 44 years 34587 64.5 14.2 20.5 0.7 ... 45 to 64 years 45829 61.7 17.6 20.2 0.5 ... 65 years and over 33139 51.2 18.2 30 0.6 ... Region Northeast 21378 90.3 3.1 6.2 0.4 ... Midwest 27696 73.5 11.4 14.6 0.4 ... South 44723 56 33.3 9.7 0.9 ... West 28483 28.5 5.6 65.2 0.7
- Early Voting and Mail Voting: Overview and Issues for Congress (IF11477)
Congressional Research Service, 2026-07-10 · supports
“According to the National Conference of State Legislatures (NCSL), as of June 2026, all states and the District of Columbia (DC) allowed at least some voters to receive their ballots by mail and 37 states and DC offered some form of no-excuse mail voting. ... Federal law requires all states to allow certain military and overseas voters to use mail voting in federal elections. ... Figure 1. Reported Methods of Voting, 2004-2024 ... Source: CRS, using data from the Voting and Registration Supplement to the U.S. Census Bureau’s Current Population Survey. Notes: Respondents were asked whether they voted in person or by mail and, if the former, whether on or before Election Day. Some respondents who received their ballots by mail and returned them in person may have reported voting in person. ... State laws authorizing some soldiers to vote away from home were enacted in the early 1800s, for example, but no-excuse mail voting was not introduced until the late 1970s. ... For example, Oregon began using all-mail elections for all races in 2000 but approved a test of the process for local elections in 1981 and used it for select elections through the 1990s.”
According to the National Conference of State Legislatures (NCSL), as of June 2026, all states and the District of Columbia (DC) allowed at least some voters to receive their ballots by mail and 37 states and DC offered some form of no-excuse mail voting. ... Federal law requires all states to allow certain military and overseas voters to use mail voting in federal elections. ... Figure 1. Reported Methods of Voting, 2004-2024 ... Source: CRS, using data from the Voting and Registration Supplement to the U.S. Census Bureau’s Current Population Survey. Notes: Respondents were asked whether they voted in person or by mail and, if the former, whether on or before Election Day. Some respondents who received their ballots by mail and returned them in person may have reported voting in person. ... State laws authorizing some soldiers to vote away from home were enacted in the early 1800s, for example, but no-excuse mail voting was not introduced until the late 1970s. ... For example, Oregon began using all-mail elections for all races in 2000 but approved a test of the process for local elections in 1981 and used it for select elections through the 1990s.
- Table 18: States With Mostly Mail Elections (with Table 18a, year enacted and year implemented)
National Conference of State Legislatures, 2026-08-07 · supports
“Eight states and Washington, D.C., allow all elections to be conducted entirely by mail: California, Colorado, Hawaii, Nevada, Oregon, Utah, Vermont and Washington state. ... California ... 2021 | 2022 | AB 37 ... Colorado ... 2013 | 2014 | HB 1303 ... District of Columbia ... 2022 | 2023 ... Hawaii ... 2019 | 2020 | HB 1248 ... Nevada ... 2021 | 2022 | AB 321 ... Oregon ... 1998 | 2000 | Citizen initiative ... Utah ... 2012 (Counties permitted to choose) | 2019 (The first year all counties opted for mostly mail elections) | HB 172 ... Vermont ... (General elections only.) | 2021 | 2022 | SB 15 ... Washington ... 2011 | 2012 | HB 5124”
Eight states and Washington, D.C., allow all elections to be conducted entirely by mail: California, Colorado, Hawaii, Nevada, Oregon, Utah, Vermont and Washington state. ... California ... 2021 | 2022 | AB 37 ... Colorado ... 2013 | 2014 | HB 1303 ... District of Columbia ... 2022 | 2023 ... Hawaii ... 2019 | 2020 | HB 1248 ... Nevada ... 2021 | 2022 | AB 321 ... Oregon ... 1998 | 2000 | Citizen initiative ... Utah ... 2012 (Counties permitted to choose) | 2019 (The first year all counties opted for mostly mail elections) | HB 172 ... Vermont ... (General elections only.) | 2021 | 2022 | SB 15 ... Washington ... 2011 | 2012 | HB 5124
- H.B. 300 Amendments to Election Law (Enrolled Copy), 2025 General Session
Utah State Legislature, 2025 · complicates
“for voting by mail: ... until 2029, permits a voter's identity to be verified using signature comparison, if the voter doesn't enter the digits described in the preceding paragraph; ... subject to certain exceptions, provides that, beginning in 2029, a voter will not receive a ballot by mail unless the voter requests to receive a ballot by mail; provides that a request to receive a ballot by mail remains in effect for eight years unless the voter takes certain action that results in termination of the request”
for voting by mail: ... until 2029, permits a voter's identity to be verified using signature comparison, if the voter doesn't enter the digits described in the preceding paragraph; ... subject to certain exceptions, provides that, beginning in 2029, a voter will not receive a ballot by mail unless the voter requests to receive a ballot by mail; provides that a request to receive a ballot by mail remains in effect for eight years unless the voter takes certain action that results in termination of the request
- How We Voted in 2024 (Survey of the Performance of American Elections)
MIT Election Data + Science Lab, 2025-07 · supports
“Thirty-seven percent of Democrats reported voting by mail, compared to 24% of Republicans. ... In 2022, and then again in 2024, the gap closed somewhat, although this was primarily due to Democrats pulling back in the use of voting by mail rather than Republicans increasing their usage.”
Thirty-seven percent of Democrats reported voting by mail, compared to 24% of Republicans. ... In 2022, and then again in 2024, the gap closed somewhat, although this was primarily due to Democrats pulling back in the use of voting by mail rather than Republicans increasing their usage.
- New Data: 17.7 Million Americans With Disabilities Voted in 2020, a Significant Increase Over 2016
U.S. Election Assistance Commission, 2021-07-07 · supports
“More than 53% of people with disabilities voted by mail, compared to 42% of people without disabilities. Just 26% of people with disabilities and 31% of people without disabilities voted at a polling place on Election Day. ... 5% of people with disabilities experienced difficulties voting by mail, compared to 18% of those who voted at a polling place.”
More than 53% of people with disabilities voted by mail, compared to 42% of people without disabilities. Just 26% of people with disabilities and 31% of people without disabilities voted at a polling place on Election Day. ... 5% of people with disabilities experienced difficulties voting by mail, compared to 18% of those who voted at a polling place.
- Universal vote-by-mail has no impact on partisan turnout or vote share (PNAS 117(25):14052–14056)
Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences (Thompson, Wu, Yoder and Hall), 2020-06-09 · supports
“Looking across the columns, we see a stable estimate showing that VBM causes around a 2% increase (estimates range from 2.1 to 2.2%) in the share of the citizen voting-age population that turns out to vote.”
Looking across the columns, we see a stable estimate showing that VBM causes around a 2% increase (estimates range from 2.1 to 2.2%) in the share of the citizen voting-age population that turns out to vote.
- Universal vote-by-mail has no impact on partisan turnout or vote share (PNAS 117(25):14052–14056)
Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences (Thompson, Wu, Yoder and Hall), 2020-06-09 · supports
“In this specification, we estimate that the Democratic turnout share increases by 0.7% as a result of VBM. ... The inclusion of these trends attenuates the estimates dramatically, to only 0.1%, while also shrinking the standard errors. In the latter two specifications, which are our most precise specifications, even the upper bound of the 95% CI is only about 0.3%, a very small effect.”
In this specification, we estimate that the Democratic turnout share increases by 0.7% as a result of VBM. ... The inclusion of these trends attenuates the estimates dramatically, to only 0.1%, while also shrinking the standard errors. In the latter two specifications, which are our most precise specifications, even the upper bound of the 95% CI is only about 0.3%, a very small effect.
- Universal vote-by-mail has no impact on partisan turnout or vote share (PNAS 117(25):14052–14056)
Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences (Thompson, Wu, Yoder and Hall), 2020-06-09 · supports
“While the standard errors on these estimates are larger than the standard errors on the turnout share estimates, they continue to suggest modest or null effects, and they are nowhere near the magnitude necessary to represent a major, permanent electoral shift toward the Democratic party.”
While the standard errors on these estimates are larger than the standard errors on the turnout share estimates, they continue to suggest modest or null effects, and they are nowhere near the magnitude necessary to represent a major, permanent electoral shift toward the Democratic party.
- How Did Absentee Voting Affect the 2020 U.S. Election? (Yoder, Handan-Nader, Myers, Nowacki, Thompson, Wu, Yorgason and Hall)
Stanford Democracy and Polarization Lab (working paper), 2021-06-25 · supports
“Focusing on natural experiments in Texas and Indiana, we find that 65-year-olds turned out at nearly the same rate as 64-year-olds, despite the fact that only 65-year-olds could vote absentee without an excuse. Being just old enough to vote no-excuse absentee did not substantially increase Democratic turnout relative to Republican turnout. ... In the first column, we see that the estimated increase in turnout for 65-year-olds, who are eligible to vote absentee without an excuse in Texas, is 0.02 percentage points—i.e., 2 basis points. The upper bound of the 95% confidence interval (with robust standard errors) for this effect is 0.26 percentage points.”
Focusing on natural experiments in Texas and Indiana, we find that 65-year-olds turned out at nearly the same rate as 64-year-olds, despite the fact that only 65-year-olds could vote absentee without an excuse. Being just old enough to vote no-excuse absentee did not substantially increase Democratic turnout relative to Republican turnout. ... In the first column, we see that the estimated increase in turnout for 65-year-olds, who are eligible to vote absentee without an excuse in Texas, is 0.02 percentage points—i.e., 2 basis points. The upper bound of the 95% confidence interval (with robust standard errors) for this effect is 0.26 percentage points.
- How Did Absentee Voting Affect the 2020 U.S. Election? (Yoder, Handan-Nader, Myers, Nowacki, Thompson, Wu, Yorgason and Hall)
Stanford Democracy and Polarization Lab (working paper), 2021-06-25 · complicates
“While rates of absentee voting increased by approximately 9.5 percentage points in Texas and 5.3 percentage points in Indiana, rates of early in person voting decreased by roughly 8.8 percentage points in Texas and 3.4 percentage points in Indiana”
While rates of absentee voting increased by approximately 9.5 percentage points in Texas and 5.3 percentage points in Indiana, rates of early in person voting decreased by roughly 8.8 percentage points in Texas and 3.4 percentage points in Indiana
- Majority of Americans Continue to Back Expanded Early Voting, Voting by Mail, Voter ID
Pew Research Center, 2025-08-22 · supports
“In April 2020, during the early months of the COVID-19 pandemic, 70% of Americans favored allowing any voter who wanted to cast a ballot via mail to do so. This included nearly half of Republicans (49%) and nearly nine-in-ten Democrats (87%). ... Now, 58% of Americans support allowing voters to cast ballots by mail, including 32% of Republicans and 83% of Democrats. ... According to Pew Research Center’s study of validated voters, voters in the 2024 presidential election were roughly equally likely to have voted in person on Election Day (34%), early in person (32%) or by mail (34%). ... In states with universal mail-in voting – like California, Colorado and Nevada, where ballots are mailed to all voters before the election – 73% favor allowing any voter to vote by mail, including 91% of Democrats and 46% of Republicans. ... In states where voters can request an absentee ballot for any reason, but ballots aren’t automatically sent to them – like Florida, New York and Pennsylvania – 58% favor allowing any voter to cast a ballot by mail. ... In these states, 45% favor allowing anyone to vote by mail, including 22% of Republicans and 71% of Democrats.”
In April 2020, during the early months of the COVID-19 pandemic, 70% of Americans favored allowing any voter who wanted to cast a ballot via mail to do so. This included nearly half of Republicans (49%) and nearly nine-in-ten Democrats (87%). ... Now, 58% of Americans support allowing voters to cast ballots by mail, including 32% of Republicans and 83% of Democrats. ... According to Pew Research Center’s study of validated voters, voters in the 2024 presidential election were roughly equally likely to have voted in person on Election Day (34%), early in person (32%) or by mail (34%). ... In states with universal mail-in voting – like California, Colorado and Nevada, where ballots are mailed to all voters before the election – 73% favor allowing any voter to vote by mail, including 91% of Democrats and 46% of Republicans. ... In states where voters can request an absentee ballot for any reason, but ballots aren’t automatically sent to them – like Florida, New York and Pennsylvania – 58% favor allowing any voter to cast a ballot by mail. ... In these states, 45% favor allowing anyone to vote by mail, including 22% of Republicans and 71% of Democrats.
- Bipartisan Support for Early In-Person Voting, Voter ID, Election Day National Holiday
Pew Research Center, 2024-02-07 · supports
“The Pew Research Center survey, conducted Jan. 16-21 among 5,140 adults, also finds smaller majorities supporting allowing anyone to vote by mail if they want to (57%) ... Today, just 28% of Republicans say any voter should be allowed to vote by mail if they want to. Four years ago, 49% of Republicans said this. An overwhelming share of Democrats (84%) continue to say voting by mail should be available to all voters.”
The Pew Research Center survey, conducted Jan. 16-21 among 5,140 adults, also finds smaller majorities supporting allowing anyone to vote by mail if they want to (57%) ... Today, just 28% of Republicans say any voter should be allowed to vote by mail if they want to. Four years ago, 49% of Republicans said this. An overwhelming share of Democrats (84%) continue to say voting by mail should be available to all voters.
- Confidence in Election Integrity Hides Deep Partisan Divide
Gallup, 2022-11-04 · supports
“More than half of Americans have consistently expressed confidence in the accuracy of elections throughout Gallup's trend since 2004, but confidence was highest leading up to the 2004 presidential and 2006 midterm elections. ... In most election years since 2004, Gallup has found that Americans who self-identify with the political party of the incumbent president have expressed greater confidence in election accuracy -- with two exceptions, 2008 and 2020. In October 2008, during the global economic crisis, Republicans' and Democrats' confidence in the accuracy of that year's presidential election each fell to 57% ... In 2020, amid then-President Donald Trump's public questioning of the validity of mail voting in the upcoming election, Republicans' confidence in voting integrity dropped to a new low of 44%, while Democrats' confidence remained high, slightly higher (76%) than in the previous election year. The current 45 percentage points that separate Republicans' (40%) and Democrats' (85%) confidence represents the largest gap Gallup has recorded on this measure since 2004.”
More than half of Americans have consistently expressed confidence in the accuracy of elections throughout Gallup's trend since 2004, but confidence was highest leading up to the 2004 presidential and 2006 midterm elections. ... In most election years since 2004, Gallup has found that Americans who self-identify with the political party of the incumbent president have expressed greater confidence in election accuracy -- with two exceptions, 2008 and 2020. In October 2008, during the global economic crisis, Republicans' and Democrats' confidence in the accuracy of that year's presidential election each fell to 57% ... In 2020, amid then-President Donald Trump's public questioning of the validity of mail voting in the upcoming election, Republicans' confidence in voting integrity dropped to a new low of 44%, while Democrats' confidence remained high, slightly higher (76%) than in the previous election year. The current 45 percentage points that separate Republicans' (40%) and Democrats' (85%) confidence represents the largest gap Gallup has recorded on this measure since 2004.
- Table 14. Method of Voting, By Selected Characteristics: November 2024 (CPS Voting and Registration Supplement)
U.S. Census Bureau, 2025-04-30 · supports
“Table 14. Method of Voting, By Selected Characteristics: November 2024 (Numbers in thousands, Population 18 and Over) ... In-person on Election Day | In-person Before Election Day | By mail | Don't know or Refused ... Total 154308 39.6 30.7 29 0.7 ... Age 18 to 24 years 13150 43.9 28.2 26.3 1.5 ... 25 to 44 years 46488 45.2 27.6 26.4 0.8 ... 45 to 64 years 51354 41.3 32.8 25.4 0.5 ... 65 years and over 43317 30.2 32.4 36.8 0.6 ... Region Northeast 27119 58.8 19.3 21.3 0.5 ... Midwest 34554 52.5 28.8 18 0.7 ... South 57059 37.3 50.5 11.4 0.8 ... West 35575 16.1 9.6 73.5 0.8”
Table 14. Method of Voting, By Selected Characteristics: November 2024 (Numbers in thousands, Population 18 and Over) ... In-person on Election Day | In-person Before Election Day | By mail | Don't know or Refused ... Total 154308 39.6 30.7 29 0.7 ... Age 18 to 24 years 13150 43.9 28.2 26.3 1.5 ... 25 to 44 years 46488 45.2 27.6 26.4 0.8 ... 45 to 64 years 51354 41.3 32.8 25.4 0.5 ... 65 years and over 43317 30.2 32.4 36.8 0.6 ... Region Northeast 27119 58.8 19.3 21.3 0.5 ... Midwest 34554 52.5 28.8 18 0.7 ... South 57059 37.3 50.5 11.4 0.8 ... West 35575 16.1 9.6 73.5 0.8
- Election Administration and Voting Survey 2020 Comprehensive Report, Figure 3
U.S. Election Assistance Commission, 2021-08 · supports
“Source: Election Day turnout was calculated as F1b/F1a x 100 for all years. Mail turnout was calculated as (F1d+F1g)/F1a x 100 for all years. In-person early turnout was calculated as F1f/F1a x 100 for all years. ... Casewise deletion was used at the state level (percentages for each mode of voting were calculated independently, and only states that reported data for a given mode were included in the analysis), and because of this, percentages do not sum to 100%.”
Source: Election Day turnout was calculated as F1b/F1a x 100 for all years. Mail turnout was calculated as (F1d+F1g)/F1a x 100 for all years. In-person early turnout was calculated as F1f/F1a x 100 for all years. ... Casewise deletion was used at the state level (percentages for each mode of voting were calculated independently, and only states that reported data for a given mode were included in the analysis), and because of this, percentages do not sum to 100%.
- Evolution of Absentee/Mail Voting Laws 2016–2026, Table 1 (columns: no-excuse absentee or all-mail elections | excuse required | COVID-19 excuse added for 2020 election)
National Conference of State Legislatures, 2026-08-26 · supports
“November 2016 30 states and D.C. 20 states ... January 2020 32 states and D.C. 18 states ... November 2020 38 states and D.C. 2 states 10 states ... November 2022 35 states and D.C. 15 states ... November 2024 36 states and D.C. 14 states ... November 2026 (expected) 37 states and D.C. 13 states”
November 2016 30 states and D.C. 20 states ... January 2020 32 states and D.C. 18 states ... November 2020 38 states and D.C. 2 states 10 states ... November 2022 35 states and D.C. 15 states ... November 2024 36 states and D.C. 14 states ... November 2026 (expected) 37 states and D.C. 13 states
- American Trends Panel Wave 176, August 2025: Final Topline
Pew Research Center, 2025-08-22 · supports
“Note: This survey was conducted primarily online, with some interviews conducted by live telephone. ... American Trends Panel surveys conducted between October 2016 and June 2024 were conducted fully online ... ML Allowing any voter to vote by mail if they want to Aug 4-10, 2025 34 24 18 24 1 Jan 16-21, 2024 35 23 15 26 1 Apr 7-12, 2020 44 26 13 16 1”
Note: This survey was conducted primarily online, with some interviews conducted by live telephone. ... American Trends Panel surveys conducted between October 2016 and June 2024 were conducted fully online ... ML Allowing any voter to vote by mail if they want to Aug 4-10, 2025 34 24 18 24 1 Jan 16-21, 2024 35 23 15 26 1 Apr 7-12, 2020 44 26 13 16 1
Ballot Receipt Deadlines, Late Ballots and Counting Speed
- Table 11: Receipt and Postmark Deadlines for Absentee/Mail Ballots
National Conference of State Legislatures, 2026-09-25 · supports
“Thirty-five states require absentee/mail ballots returned by mail to be received on or before Election Day. Fifteen states, plus Guam, Puerto Rico, the Virgin Islands and Washington, D.C., will accept and count a mailed ballot if it is received after Election Day but postmarked on or before (sometimes only before) Election Day. ... In July 2026, a district court judge in Kansas issued a preliminary injunction on the law requiring absentee ballots to be received by the close of polls on Election Day. ... Under the injunction, ballots can be counted if they are postmarked by Election Day and received within three days of an election. ... North Dakota HB 1165 (2025) changed the receipt deadline for absentee ballots to be received before the close of polls on Election Day. ... Ohio SB 293 (2025) changed the receipt deadline for most absentee ballots to the close of polls on Election Day. ... The bill maintains a carve-out for military and overseas voters’ ballots, which will still be accepted if received within the four-day post-election period. Utah HB 300 (2025) required ballots to be received by the election officer by 8 p.m. on Election Day. ... Alaska ... Must be received within 10 days if postmarked on or before Election Day. ... California ... Must be received no later than seven days after Election Day. ... District of Columbia ... Must be received within ten days of the election if postmarked on or before Election Day. ... Illinois ... Must be received within 14 days of the election if postmarked on or before Election Day. ... Kansas ... Must be received by the third day after an election if postmarked by Election Day. ... Maryland ... Must be received within 10 days after the election by 10 a.m. if postmarked on or before Election Day. Massachusetts ... Must be received by 5 p.m. on the third day after the election if postmarked on or before Election Day. ... Mississippi ... Must be received within five business days of the election if postmarked on or before Election Day. ... Nevada ... Must be received by 5 p.m. on the fourth day following the election if postmarked by Election Day. ... New Jersey ... Must be received within 144 hours (six days) of the close of the polls if postmarked on or before Election Day. ... New York ... Must be received within seven days of the election if postmarked by Election Day. ... Oregon ... Must be received within seven days of the election if postmarked on or before Election Day. ... Texas ... Must be received by 5 p.m. on the day after the election if postmarked on or before Election Day. ... Virginia ... Must be received before noon on the third day after the election if postmarked by Election Day. ... Washington ... Must be received no later than the day before certification, which is 21 days after a general election and 14 days after a primary if postmarked on or before Election Day. West Virginia ... Must be received before the canvass (which begins on the fifth day after the election) if postmarked on or before Election Day. ... Ballot Receipt Deadlines for Military and Overseas Voters ... Twenty states require ballots from military and overseas voters to be received by the close of polls on Election Day. Thirty states and Washington, D.C. accept at least some military and overseas ballots received after Election Day.”
Thirty-five states require absentee/mail ballots returned by mail to be received on or before Election Day. Fifteen states, plus Guam, Puerto Rico, the Virgin Islands and Washington, D.C., will accept and count a mailed ballot if it is received after Election Day but postmarked on or before (sometimes only before) Election Day. ... In July 2026, a district court judge in Kansas issued a preliminary injunction on the law requiring absentee ballots to be received by the close of polls on Election Day. ... Under the injunction, ballots can be counted if they are postmarked by Election Day and received within three days of an election. ... North Dakota HB 1165 (2025) changed the receipt deadline for absentee ballots to be received before the close of polls on Election Day. ... Ohio SB 293 (2025) changed the receipt deadline for most absentee ballots to the close of polls on Election Day. ... The bill maintains a carve-out for military and overseas voters’ ballots, which will still be accepted if received within the four-day post-election period. Utah HB 300 (2025) required ballots to be received by the election officer by 8 p.m. on Election Day. ... Alaska ... Must be received within 10 days if postmarked on or before Election Day. ... California ... Must be received no later than seven days after Election Day. ... District of Columbia ... Must be received within ten days of the election if postmarked on or before Election Day. ... Illinois ... Must be received within 14 days of the election if postmarked on or before Election Day. ... Kansas ... Must be received by the third day after an election if postmarked by Election Day. ... Maryland ... Must be received within 10 days after the election by 10 a.m. if postmarked on or before Election Day. Massachusetts ... Must be received by 5 p.m. on the third day after the election if postmarked on or before Election Day. ... Mississippi ... Must be received within five business days of the election if postmarked on or before Election Day. ... Nevada ... Must be received by 5 p.m. on the fourth day following the election if postmarked by Election Day. ... New Jersey ... Must be received within 144 hours (six days) of the close of the polls if postmarked on or before Election Day. ... New York ... Must be received within seven days of the election if postmarked by Election Day. ... Oregon ... Must be received within seven days of the election if postmarked on or before Election Day. ... Texas ... Must be received by 5 p.m. on the day after the election if postmarked on or before Election Day. ... Virginia ... Must be received before noon on the third day after the election if postmarked by Election Day. ... Washington ... Must be received no later than the day before certification, which is 21 days after a general election and 14 days after a primary if postmarked on or before Election Day. West Virginia ... Must be received before the canvass (which begins on the fifth day after the election) if postmarked on or before Election Day. ... Ballot Receipt Deadlines for Military and Overseas Voters ... Twenty states require ballots from military and overseas voters to be received by the close of polls on Election Day. Thirty states and Washington, D.C. accept at least some military and overseas ballots received after Election Day.
- Watson v. Republican National Committee, 609 U.S. 672 (2026), slip opinion
Supreme Court of the United States, 2026-06-29 · supports
“Mississippi is one of roughly 30 States that count at least some absentee ballots mailed by election day but received afterward. ... State legislatures may have used an election-day deadline for any number of reasons unrelated to federal requirements. For example, they may have shared plaintiffs' view that an election-day deadline avoids the appearance of fraud from late-arriving ballots. ... Finally, plaintiffs assert that requiring ballots to be received by election day protects election integrity and increases voter confidence in election results. ... As we have said time and again, however, policy arguments are properly directed to legislatures, not courts. ... The question today is not whether requiring ballots to be received by election day is a good or bad idea; the question is whether the idea has made its way into the United States Code.”
Mississippi is one of roughly 30 States that count at least some absentee ballots mailed by election day but received afterward. ... State legislatures may have used an election-day deadline for any number of reasons unrelated to federal requirements. For example, they may have shared plaintiffs' view that an election-day deadline avoids the appearance of fraud from late-arriving ballots. ... Finally, plaintiffs assert that requiring ballots to be received by election day protects election integrity and increases voter confidence in election results. ... As we have said time and again, however, policy arguments are properly directed to legislatures, not courts. ... The question today is not whether requiring ballots to be received by election day is a good or bad idea; the question is whether the idea has made its way into the United States Code.
- Election Administration and Voting Survey 2024 Comprehensive Report (pp. 14–15 and Overview Table 1)
U.S. Election Assistance Commission, 2025-06-30 · supports
“Of the mail ballots that were returned by voters, 47,629,437 were reported as being counted and 584,463 were reported as being rejected, for a count rate of 98.8% of the mail ballots that were returned and a rejection rate of 1.2% of the mail ballots that were returned. ... Overview Table 1: Mail Voting in the 2024 General Election ... % Turnout by Mail ... Arizona [3] 74.7% 3,582,082 2,859,348 79.8% 2,816,885 98.5% ... Georgia [6] 5.1% 327,241 273,512 83.6% 268,751 98.3% ... Michigan 35.4% 2,213,167 2,081,265 94.0% 2,017,704 96.9% ... Nevada 44.1% 2,069,339 669,445 32.4% 656,140 98.0% ... North Carolina 5.2% 451,176 307,185 68.1% 298,269 97.1% ... Pennsylvania [20] 27.3% 2,204,273 1,952,372 88.6% 1,933,102 99.0% ... Wisconsin [24] 16.6% 614,367 575,257 93.6% 572,434 99.5% ... Returned ballot envelope did not have required postmark 0.9%”
Of the mail ballots that were returned by voters, 47,629,437 were reported as being counted and 584,463 were reported as being rejected, for a count rate of 98.8% of the mail ballots that were returned and a rejection rate of 1.2% of the mail ballots that were returned. ... Overview Table 1: Mail Voting in the 2024 General Election ... % Turnout by Mail ... Arizona [3] 74.7% 3,582,082 2,859,348 79.8% 2,816,885 98.5% ... Georgia [6] 5.1% 327,241 273,512 83.6% 268,751 98.3% ... Michigan 35.4% 2,213,167 2,081,265 94.0% 2,017,704 96.9% ... Nevada 44.1% 2,069,339 669,445 32.4% 656,140 98.0% ... North Carolina 5.2% 451,176 307,185 68.1% 298,269 97.1% ... Pennsylvania [20] 27.3% 2,204,273 1,952,372 88.6% 1,933,102 99.0% ... Wisconsin [24] 16.6% 614,367 575,257 93.6% 572,434 99.5% ... Returned ballot envelope did not have required postmark 0.9%
- Election Administration and Voting Survey 2022 Comprehensive Report (p. 13 and Table 1)
U.S. Election Assistance Commission, 2023-06-29 · supports
“Of the mail ballots that were returned by voters, 35,718,700 were reported as being counted and 549,824 were reported as being rejected, for a count rate of 97.4% of the mail ballots that were returned and a rejection rate of 1.5% of the mail ballots that were returned. ... Other reason not listed 32.7% ... Ballot had a non-matching or incomplete signature 26.9% ... not received on time/missed the deadline 23.1%”
Of the mail ballots that were returned by voters, 35,718,700 were reported as being counted and 549,824 were reported as being rejected, for a count rate of 97.4% of the mail ballots that were returned and a rejection rate of 1.5% of the mail ballots that were returned. ... Other reason not listed 32.7% ... Ballot had a non-matching or incomplete signature 26.9% ... not received on time/missed the deadline 23.1%
- Election Administration and Voting Survey 2020 Comprehensive Report (Table 2)
U.S. Election Assistance Commission, 2021-08 · supports
“Other common reasons for rejection included that the voter had already voted in person (13.5%), the ballot was received after the state’s deadline for submitting a mailed ballot (12.1%), and there was no voter signature on the mailed ballot or the mailed ballot envelope (12.1%). ... Table 2. The Most Common Reason for Rejecting Mailed Ballots Was for a Non-Matching Signature ... Ballot not received on time/missed deadline 12.1%”
Other common reasons for rejection included that the voter had already voted in person (13.5%), the ballot was received after the state’s deadline for submitting a mailed ballot (12.1%), and there was no voter signature on the mailed ballot or the mailed ballot envelope (12.1%). ... Table 2. The Most Common Reason for Rejecting Mailed Ballots Was for a Non-Matching Signature ... Ballot not received on time/missed deadline 12.1%
- The Election Administration and Voting Survey: 2018 Comprehensive Report (Table 1)
U.S. Election Assistance Commission, 2019-06 · supports
“"Other" reason given 34.9% ... Ballot not received on time/missed deadline 26.9% ... Non-matching signature 15.8%”
"Other" reason given 34.9% ... Ballot not received on time/missed deadline 26.9% ... Non-matching signature 15.8%
- The Election Administration and Voting Survey: 2016 Comprehensive Report (Table 1)
U.S. Election Assistance Commission, 2017-06 · supports
“Rejected (total) 1.0% ... Non-matching signature 27.5% ... Ballot not received on time/missed deadline 23.1% ... No voter signature 20.0%”
Rejected (total) 1.0% ... Non-matching signature 27.5% ... Ballot not received on time/missed deadline 23.1% ... No voter signature 20.0%
- More mail ballots are arriving late this cycle, and they’re getting tossed (New York Times, reprinted)
The Philadelphia Inquirer (Adam Sella and Nick Corasaniti, New York Times), 2026-08-31 · complicates
“The rate at which mail votes have been rejected for arriving late has ticked up in primaries this year and general elections last year in roughly a dozen states ... In Wisconsin ... lateness accounted for about 5,000 rejected mail ballots in the spring primary this year, or 78% of all tossed ballots. During the last spring election, in 2023, the figure was roughly 2,300, or 47% of all tossed votes. ... In Michigan’s primary earlier this month, more than 10,000 mail ballots were rejected for arriving after the state’s deadline of 8 p.m. on Election Day. That is nearly double the number of ballots rejected in 2024. In Washington, the number of late-arriving mail ballots increased from about 16,000 to more than 20,000 in the same period. ... The Postal Service further slowed down mail in 2024 when it implemented a centralized system that postmarks mail when it reaches regional centers, not when it first enters the mail stream. The delay has particularly affected mail voting, especially in states that rely on postmarks to determine if a ballot is valid. ... In a statement, the Postal Service countered claims that the agency has become unreliable by noting that more than 95% of mail ballots have arrived on time in recent elections. ... In Washington’s primary earlier this year, 75% of rejected mail ballots were tossed because they arrived too late.”
The rate at which mail votes have been rejected for arriving late has ticked up in primaries this year and general elections last year in roughly a dozen states ... In Wisconsin ... lateness accounted for about 5,000 rejected mail ballots in the spring primary this year, or 78% of all tossed ballots. During the last spring election, in 2023, the figure was roughly 2,300, or 47% of all tossed votes. ... In Michigan’s primary earlier this month, more than 10,000 mail ballots were rejected for arriving after the state’s deadline of 8 p.m. on Election Day. That is nearly double the number of ballots rejected in 2024. In Washington, the number of late-arriving mail ballots increased from about 16,000 to more than 20,000 in the same period. ... The Postal Service further slowed down mail in 2024 when it implemented a centralized system that postmarks mail when it reaches regional centers, not when it first enters the mail stream. The delay has particularly affected mail voting, especially in states that rely on postmarks to determine if a ballot is valid. ... In a statement, the Postal Service countered claims that the agency has become unreliable by noting that more than 95% of mail ballots have arrived on time in recent elections. ... In Washington’s primary earlier this year, 75% of rejected mail ballots were tossed because they arrived too late.
- Was a large percentage of votes received after Election Day in Nevada in 2024?
The Nevada Independent (Eric Neugeboren), 2025-01-31 · supports
“Less than 1 percent of the ballots cast in Nevada's two largest counties in the 2024 general election were received after Election Day. About 9,500 Clark County mail ballots and 2,400 ballots in Washoe County were received post-Election Day out of the nearly 1.3 million ballots cast in both areas. Nevada law allows any mail ballot to be received up to four days after Election Day, as long as it is postmarked by Election Day. ... Sen. Jacky Rosen (D-NV) was losing to Republican Sam Brown on election night, but took the lead the following night once the roughly 50,000 Clark County mail ballots received on Election Day were counted. Rosen ultimately won Clark and Washoe counties by margins far exceeding the number of ballots received post-Election Day.”
Less than 1 percent of the ballots cast in Nevada's two largest counties in the 2024 general election were received after Election Day. About 9,500 Clark County mail ballots and 2,400 ballots in Washoe County were received post-Election Day out of the nearly 1.3 million ballots cast in both areas. Nevada law allows any mail ballot to be received up to four days after Election Day, as long as it is postmarked by Election Day. ... Sen. Jacky Rosen (D-NV) was losing to Republican Sam Brown on election night, but took the lead the following night once the roughly 50,000 Clark County mail ballots received on Election Day were counted. Rosen ultimately won Clark and Washoe counties by margins far exceeding the number of ballots received post-Election Day.
- How long did it take to count the vote in 2024?
MIT Election Data + Science Lab (Samuel Baltz), 2024-12-06 · supports
“A MEDSL report found that “states were slower to report overall vote counts if they had large volumes of mail ballots, prohibited preprocessing mail ballots, and allowed mail ballots to arrive after Election Day.” ... States in the west and southwest — especially Washington, California, Nevada, Arizona, Utah, Colorado, and Alaska (not visualized) — stand out as having a larger proportion of votes left to count by the end of 24 hours. Mississippi, Maine, Maryland, Massachusetts and Michigan were also slower to report ... most large jumps due to California incrementally reporting about a third of its votes over the course of the month after Election Day. ... Texas and Florida stand out as states that successfully counted an enormous number of votes (both well over ten million) within about a day ... every state had counted and reported more than 75% of votes cast for either presidential candidate within about 5 days. ... Nationally, it took only about 2 hours to count a majority of the vote, and only about 3 hours to count 75% of it. ... State Hours in 2020 Hours in 2024 Factor increase 2024/2020 Arizona 73 147 2.01 Georgia 18 5 0.28 Michigan 17 9 0.53 Nevada 159 51 0.32 North Carolina 3 6 2.00 Pennsylvania 49 8 0.16 Wisconsin 8 9 1.13 Table 1: The number of hours to count 95% of the two-party presidential vote in seven battleground states from 2020 and 2024. The numbers may be overstated by the duration of the media reporting process, plus up to half an hour”
A MEDSL report found that “states were slower to report overall vote counts if they had large volumes of mail ballots, prohibited preprocessing mail ballots, and allowed mail ballots to arrive after Election Day.” ... States in the west and southwest — especially Washington, California, Nevada, Arizona, Utah, Colorado, and Alaska (not visualized) — stand out as having a larger proportion of votes left to count by the end of 24 hours. Mississippi, Maine, Maryland, Massachusetts and Michigan were also slower to report ... most large jumps due to California incrementally reporting about a third of its votes over the course of the month after Election Day. ... Texas and Florida stand out as states that successfully counted an enormous number of votes (both well over ten million) within about a day ... every state had counted and reported more than 75% of votes cast for either presidential candidate within about 5 days. ... Nationally, it took only about 2 hours to count a majority of the vote, and only about 3 hours to count 75% of it. ... State Hours in 2020 Hours in 2024 Factor increase 2024/2020 Arizona 73 147 2.01 Georgia 18 5 0.28 Michigan 17 9 0.53 Nevada 159 51 0.32 North Carolina 3 6 2.00 Pennsylvania 49 8 0.16 Wisconsin 8 9 1.13 Table 1: The number of hours to count 95% of the two-party presidential vote in seven battleground states from 2020 and 2024. The numbers may be overstated by the duration of the media reporting process, plus up to half an hour
- Table 16: When Absentee/Mail Ballot Processing and Counting Can Begin
National Conference of State Legislatures, 2026-09-15 · supports
“Forty-four states, Washington, D.C., Puerto Rico and the Virgin Islands permit election officials to begin processing absentee/mail ballots prior to the election ... Six states permit election officials to begin processing absentee/mail ballots on Election Day, but prior to the closing of the polls: Alabama, Mississippi, New Hampshire, Pennsylvania, West Virginia and Wisconsin. ... None of these states allow the results of scanned ballots to be viewed or released before the close of polls on Election Day. ... Arizona ... Upon receipt. ... Georgia ... Verification of driver's license or state identification number conducted upon receipt, and further processing can begin at 8 a.m. on the third Monday before Election Day. ... Michigan ... Signature verification conducted upon receipt. Jurisdictions with at least 5,000 people may begin further processing eight days before Election Day ... Nevada ... Signature verification conducted upon receipt. ... North Carolina ... At county board of elections meetings, beginning the fifth Tuesday before Election Day. ... Pennsylvania ... 7 a.m. on Election Day. ... Wisconsin ... After the polls open on Election Day.”
Forty-four states, Washington, D.C., Puerto Rico and the Virgin Islands permit election officials to begin processing absentee/mail ballots prior to the election ... Six states permit election officials to begin processing absentee/mail ballots on Election Day, but prior to the closing of the polls: Alabama, Mississippi, New Hampshire, Pennsylvania, West Virginia and Wisconsin. ... None of these states allow the results of scanned ballots to be viewed or released before the close of polls on Election Day. ... Arizona ... Upon receipt. ... Georgia ... Verification of driver's license or state identification number conducted upon receipt, and further processing can begin at 8 a.m. on the third Monday before Election Day. ... Michigan ... Signature verification conducted upon receipt. Jurisdictions with at least 5,000 people may begin further processing eight days before Election Day ... Nevada ... Signature verification conducted upon receipt. ... North Carolina ... At county board of elections meetings, beginning the fifth Tuesday before Election Day. ... Pennsylvania ... 7 a.m. on Election Day. ... Wisconsin ... After the polls open on Election Day.
- Looking back to 2020 for a Guide to How Fast the Votes Will Be Reported in 2024
Election Updates (Charles Stewart III, MIT), 2024-10-30 · complicates
“In the statistical analysis performed in the MEDSL report, the failure to pre-process did slow down the count, on average, but by a small amount. Within four hours of the polls closing, the average state with no pre-processing had reported 63% of its votes, compared to 78% that didn’t restrict pre-processing. At the twenty-four-hour point, the gap between states had essentially disappeared. In a later academic paper written by me and two MEDSL colleagues, we also found that states with more mail ballots reported at a slower pace. However, the effect of mail-ballot load also declined over time. ... In 2020, seventeen states prohibited processing of mail ballots before Election Day. In 2024, that number declined to seven.”
In the statistical analysis performed in the MEDSL report, the failure to pre-process did slow down the count, on average, but by a small amount. Within four hours of the polls closing, the average state with no pre-processing had reported 63% of its votes, compared to 78% that didn’t restrict pre-processing. At the twenty-four-hour point, the gap between states had essentially disappeared. In a later academic paper written by me and two MEDSL colleagues, we also found that states with more mail ballots reported at a slower pace. However, the effect of mail-ballot load also declined over time. ... In 2020, seventeen states prohibited processing of mail ballots before Election Day. In 2024, that number declined to seven.
- Electoral Integrity Global Report 2025 (PEI 11.0)
Electoral Integrity Project, 2025-07 · supports
“There were noticeable declines in electoral integrity scores in the United States during the 2024 Presidential election, after some improvements in the 2022 midterms. ... The Perceptions of Electoral Integrity dataset suggests that the counting, results and procedural aspects of the election were strong (see Figure 19), a notable rebound in light of the challenges that occurred surrounding Trump’s failure to accept the results of the 2020 election. The main areas of weakness were electoral boundaries, media and finance.”
There were noticeable declines in electoral integrity scores in the United States during the 2024 Presidential election, after some improvements in the 2022 midterms. ... The Perceptions of Electoral Integrity dataset suggests that the counting, results and procedural aspects of the election were strong (see Figure 19), a notable rebound in light of the challenges that occurred surrounding Trump’s failure to accept the results of the 2020 election. The main areas of weakness were electoral boundaries, media and finance.
- Nevada prepares for Supreme Court ruling on mail ballots
Pahrump Valley Times, 2026-04-22 · supports
“Ballots received by Clark and Washoe counties after that day represented about 2 percent of the overall mail ballots processed.”
Ballots received by Clark and Washoe counties after that day represented about 2 percent of the overall mail ballots processed.
- Evolution of Absentee/Mail Voting Laws, 2016–2026 (Table 5)
National Conference of State Legislatures, 2026-08-26 · supports
“Many states enacted policies allowing ballots to be received after Election Day during the pandemic, but since then, states have slowly moved in the opposite direction of requiring Election Day receipt for most absentee/mail ballots. As a result, the count of states requiring Election Day receipt for the November 2026 election is expected to be roughly the same as it was in November 2016, despite a dip in that count around the peak of the pandemic. ... Date/Election Election Day receipt Post-Election Day receipt November 2016 37 states and D.C. 13 states January 2020 35 states 15 states and D.C. November 2020 29 states 21 states and D.C. November 2022 31 states 19 states and D.C. November 2024 32 states 18 states and D.C. November 2026 (expected) 35 states 15 states and D.C.”
Many states enacted policies allowing ballots to be received after Election Day during the pandemic, but since then, states have slowly moved in the opposite direction of requiring Election Day receipt for most absentee/mail ballots. As a result, the count of states requiring Election Day receipt for the November 2026 election is expected to be roughly the same as it was in November 2016, despite a dip in that count around the peak of the pandemic. ... Date/Election Election Day receipt Post-Election Day receipt November 2016 37 states and D.C. 13 states January 2020 35 states 15 states and D.C. November 2020 29 states 21 states and D.C. November 2022 31 states 19 states and D.C. November 2024 32 states 18 states and D.C. November 2026 (expected) 35 states 15 states and D.C.
- Election Administration and Voting Survey 2024 Comprehensive Report (Table 1)
U.S. Election Assistance Commission, 2025-06-30 · supports
“Table 1. Most Common Reason For Mail Ballot Rejection Was a Non-Matching Or Incomplete Signature ... Ballot envelope had a non-matching or incomplete signature 40.7% ... Other reason not listed 18.1% ... Ballot was not received on time/missed the deadline 17.8% ... Voter already cast another ballot that was accepted 11.1% ... Ballot envelope did not have a voter signature 10% ... Casewise deletion was used at the state level in calculating national percentages, and because of this, percentages do not total 100%.”
Table 1. Most Common Reason For Mail Ballot Rejection Was a Non-Matching Or Incomplete Signature ... Ballot envelope had a non-matching or incomplete signature 40.7% ... Other reason not listed 18.1% ... Ballot was not received on time/missed the deadline 17.8% ... Voter already cast another ballot that was accepted 11.1% ... Ballot envelope did not have a voter signature 10% ... Casewise deletion was used at the state level in calculating national percentages, and because of this, percentages do not total 100%.